Suchergebnisse

This comprehensive analysis of the way in which governments and firms have responded to globalisation examines closely the options available to both, and the historical contexts of the strategic decisions made.

To address why some great powers cooperate while others become rivals, neorealist & liberal explanations of great power interactions are compared. Three historical great power coalitions that prevailed against a potential hegemon are analyzed: Austria, GB, Prussia, & Russia after the Napoleonic wars; GB, Japan, & the US after WWI; & GB, the USSR, & the US after WWII. Provided are synchronic comparisons across several cases & diachronic comparisons that pursue covariations within a single case. Criteria for distinguishing between security partnerships & rivalries are developed, & hypotheses derived from key realist & liberal perspectives are provided, focusing on a variant of structural neorealism (eg, Kenneth Waltz, 1979) & a pluralist variant of the liberal school (eg, Andre Moravcsik, 1992). It is contended that domestic structures (ie, power & interest distributions) have a much greater impact on the emergence of new rivalries than does the distribution of power among states. Balance of the power among states impacted security relations significantly only when (1) the remaining war-making potential was largely focused on a few victorious powers & (2) these powers had contentious political systems. This weakens the credibility of realism, while supporting liberal international relations theory. Implications for the academic debates & US foreign policy are discussed in conclusion. J. Zendejas

The most widely used theoretical framework in international relations is realism. Realism takes many forms, and there have been hundreds of writings on the topic. In the United States, the two most popular exemplars of realism are Morgenthau (Morgenthau & Thompson, 1985; original 1948) and Waltz (1979). There is no systematic attempt to incorporate civil wars into the realist framework. In this paper, we use a computer simulation to explore the impact of a state's civil war experience on its interstate war experience. The results suggest that a state's civil war experience can have an impact on its interstate war experience.

The end of the "cold war" brought about the emergence of geopolitics which has not been to such an extent burdened with the former international geopolitical views. One of the most significant shifts has been the recognition that geopolitical events cannot be limited to national states and their borders. Of course, states are still central for the world's geopolitical map, but no longer as the sole factors in the global geopolitical system. On the one hand and under the influence of globalization, new conditions have arisen, influenced by geopolitical factors; on the other, new entities are emerging whose influence is very similar to that of the central factors - contemporary states. These similarities are primarily reflected in the claims of sovereign control over a certain territory, the organization of government on it, the shaping of a particular national identity by the majority population, and so on. It is these new territorial and political units that contribute to the deconstruction of the geopolitical order; the disintegration of the Soviet Union is the best illustration. (SOI : PM: S. 88)

The increase in both quantity and quality has made international organizations an undeniable component of the modern international system. Although the individual interests of states create important problems in the realization of the common interests on which the organizations are based, mainstream approaches that see organizations as only the tools of states ignore the important roles they play in the international system. In this context, the study, based on the assumption that international organizations have a fundamental role in the development of the normative dimension of the international system, aims to develop a more comprehensive approach to international organizations from the perspective of social constructivism. The study suggests that international organizations have a role that enables and limits the relations between international actors with their norm-producing and socialization mechanisms. This asserted hypothesis will be
explained with examples of the norm-producing and socialization activities of the United Nations (UN) in combating civil war and global terrorism.

This collection provides international perspectives on the evolution of Russia's foreign relations and analyses official Russian responses to major regional and international developments, including NATO and EU enlargement and the post-September 11 international ""war on terrorism""

The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is an important milestone in reducing the illicit trade of arms but was highly unlikely to be negotiated and passed. Major powers and states exporting and importing arms were not keen on universally binding regulations, leading to political stalemate in the initial negotiation arena, the Conference on Disarmament. This article investigates under which conditions regime complexity had a positive influence on the ATT negotiation dynamics and result. We distinguish between two types of regime complexity, each providing states with a distinct window of opportunity during international negotiations: horizontal regime complexity can allow states to overcome negotiation gridlock by changing the institutional conditions for passing an agreement. Vertical regime complexity can allow regional organizations to turn into agents of change by bringing in experiences gained on the regional level to the international negotiation table. Our empirical analysis of the ATT negotiations revealed critical scope conditions under which both forms of regime complexity function properly, allowing the negotiations to overcome negotiation gridlock and resulting in the passing of the accord beyond a lowest common denominator. The article contributes to the rich and vibrant scholarship in regime complexity and global governance complexes by making a novel analytical distinction between horizontal and vertical regime complexity and by identifying the opportunity structures under which regime complexity can have positive effects on the negotiation and outcome of international treaties.

1. Power and Issue Framing in the context of Climate Negotiations -- 2. The Normative Imperatives and Power of the States in the contemporary World: A Holistic Theoretical Proposition -- 3. The concept of Framing and its utility for climate negotiations -- 4. The Analytical Frameworks of the case studies -- 5. Framing waves of the issues related to Mitigation.

Aus polnischer Sicht

Chapter 1. Introduction to Digital Diplomacy in the OSCE Region -- Chapter 2. Digital Diplomacy in Azerbaijan: Lessons Learned and Future Opportunities -- Chapter 3. Balkan Style Digital Diplomacy -- Chapter 4. Digitalisation in Central Asia: Progress and Potential -- Chapter 5. German Digital Diplomacy -- Chapter 6. A New Frontier in Diplomacy: Digital Diplomacy Implementations in Kazakhstan -- Chapter 7. Digital Diplomacy in Spain: A Steep Learning Curve -- Chapter 8. Türkiye's Digital Diplomacy Initiative: Challenges and Opportunities -- Chapter 9. UK Digital Diplomacy -- Chapter 10. The Impact of Twitter on Digital Diplomacy in the Context of International Media -- Chapter 11. The Impact of Digital Diplomacy on Security: the Case of the Russia-ukraine War -- Chapter 12. Bringing Diplomacy to the Digital Age -- Chapter 13. Essential Attributes Guiding the Danish Practice of Digital Diplomacy on Global Affairs -- Chapter 14. Diplomacy and Challenges in the Digital Age: the Italian Case Study.-Chapter 15. Data-informed Diplomacy: Adapting to the Digital Age in International Relations and Implementation in the OSCE Region.