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Статья посвящена управлению качеством окружающей среды в контексте решения проблем в процессе обращения с твердыми бытовыми отходами (ТБО), которые являются результатом существования человека, и накопление которых принимают сегодня масштабы катастрофы. Выявлены основные ограничения, определяющие процесс обращения с ТБО, которые могут быть использованы для его совершенствования. На основании проведенных исследований сделан вывод о том, что основными ограничениями, определяющими процесс обращения с ТБО, являются территориальные, экологические, технологические, социальные, экономические, политические, временные, юридические. Несмотря на определенные позитивные сдвиги, как в законодательной сфере, так и сфере управления, существующая система обращения с ТБО является несовершенной и не соответствует предъявляемым к ней требованиям в плане защиты окружающей среды и населения от вредного воздействия. Недостаточное финансирование, нестабильность рынка вторичных ресурсов и политической ситуации в Украине, сложность привлечения частных инвестиций, безынициативность некоторых органов местного самоуправления власти и населения препятствуют внедрению современной системы обращения с ТБО. Выявленные ограничения могут быть использованы при совершенствовании системы обращения ТБО. Дальнейшие исследования будут направлены на детализацию определенных ограничений. ; The article is devoted to management of quality of environment in the context of solution of problems in the process of management of solid household waste (SHW), which are the result of human activity and accumulation of which takes the catastrophic scale today. The article shows main restrictions that determine the process of SHW management, which could be used for its improvement. Based on the conducted studies the article holds that the main restrictions that determine the process of SHW management are territorial, ecological, technological, social, economic, political, time and legal. In spite of certain positive moves both in the legislation sphere and in the sphere of management, the existing system of SHW management is not perfect and does not meet requirements of protection of environment and population from hazardous impact. Insufficient financing, instability of the market of secondary resources and political situation in Ukraine, difficulty in attraction of private investments, lack of initiative of some bodies of local self-government and population hamper introduction of a modern system of SHW management. The detected restrictions could be used when improving the SHW management system. Further studies would be directed at a more detailed elaboration of certain restrictions.

As has been noted in research on think tanks it is difficult to describe what a think tank is, and to pinpoint what it is in think tank activities that generates powerful relationships towards other actors. This is even more the case when talking of transnational think tanks. In this report we give a theoretical account of how relationships organized by transnational think tanks may be analyzed. In the report we are drawing on empirical findings from the World Economic Forum (WEF), seen as a transnational think tank addressing a non-national audience. We are suggesting that think-tank experts are engaged in the brokerage of ideas and knowledge, implying anintermediary activity, wherein ideas are translated, shaped and formatted. Operating at the interfaces of various actors, think-tank experts formulate and negotiate ideas with and among actors, encouraging them to adopt and use those ideas. The main argument in the report is that this brokerage can be seen to generate 'partially organized fields'. The think tank organizes other actors not by constructing a complete organization, but by establishing and maintaining a decided network, drawing upon such organizational elements as membership, monitoring and sanctions. This allows think tanks to maintain a degree of flexibility, whilst gaining control of valuable resources. In the case of the WEF the report show that the combination of a small core of completeorganization with a larger environment of only partial organizing essentially allows the WEF to be bigger than they actually are. The decided networks, i.e. the partnerships, the working groups, and the communities, significantly extends the reach of the WEF, allowing it to reach across organizational boundaries. We suggest that this form of organizing is the prime way for transnational think tanks toorganize outside themselves, thereby exerting political influence. The potential influence it may exert resides in its influence over the shaping of agendas in other organizations, the formulation of pressing political issues, and by mobilizing actors in their decided networks to carry the issues further, on other organizational platforms and with other organizational mandates. ; Improving the State of the World: World Economic Forum and the Politics of Economy

В работе осуществлен анализ проблемы понимания принципа доверия гражданина к государству и праву в Польше в период трансформации государственного строя. Автор выдвигает следующий тезис: в сущности, парламент – как представительский орган – реализует законотворческую деятельность, согласно поставленным им политическим целям, но в своей работе он несвободен. Не всякий результат законодательной активности парламента имеет признаки закона. Для того чтобы признать акт парламента законом, он должен соответствовать принципу доверия индивидуума к государству и праву. Адресаты правовых норм должны реализовать свою деятельность, осознавая то, что они не подвергаются риску правовых последствий, которые невозможно было предусмотреть в момент принятия решений и осуществления действий. Они должны располагать необходимым временем для приведения дел в соответствие к измененным правовым регулированиям и рационального принятия решения относительно дальнейших действий. Вместе с тем – на чем акцентирует внимание польский Конституционный трибунал – адресаты правовых норм должны осознавать то, что изменение фактического состояния (напр. демографический или экономический кризис) принуждает парламент принимать предупредительные политические решения, в том числе путем ограничения существующих прав гражданина, что в последствии означает относительность принципа доверия личности к государству и праву. ; The issue related to the understanding of an individual's trust in the state and in law in Poland in the period of the political transition was analyzed. A thesis is proposed that that although in essence, the parliament – as a representative organ – establishes the law independently, in accordance with the political goals, it is not completely free in its activity. Not each effect of the parliament's legislative work has the features of a law. The act of the parliament, to become a law, must respect, for example, the principle of an individual's trust in the state and in law. Addressees of legal norms are expected to settle their matters trusting that they are not exposed to the legal effects that they could not foresee at the moment of undertaking their decisions and actions. They must have the proper time to adjust themselves to the changed legal regulations and to make rational decisions concerning the further proceedings. At the same time, however – which is stressed by the Polish Constitutional Tribunal – addressees of legal norms must be aware that the change of the actual situation (e.g. demographic or economic crisis) forces the Parliament to take remedial decisions, including those that limit an individual's rights possessed so far, which – in consequence – means relativization of the very principle an individual's trust in the state and in law

Первая половина XX в. эпоха широкомасштабных антикапиталистических (социалистических и коммунистических) движений. Их основной движущей силой был промышленный рабочий класс, а одним из влиятельных идейных обоснований марксизм. Эти движения имели разное эмпирическое воплощение, определяемое конкретными социальными условиями в той или иной стране. В одних странах они проявились в виде острого политического конфликта (политической революции), в других в виде экономических и политических реформ. Совокупность этих движений можно назвать мировой социальной революцией постольку, поскольку в их результате произошли изменения фундаментальных социальных институтов и явлений: собственности, государственного устройства, социальной психологии и социальных отношений. Однако все эти изменения по отношению к рынку и частной собственности имели характер незавершенного отрицания, иначе говоря, эта социальная антикапиталистическая революция имела незавершенный характер. Последовательно ее незавершенность прямо или косвенно проявилась в советском обществе и в «кейнсианской» модели экономики на Западе. В данной статье рассматриваются причины этой незавершенности. По мнению автора, они коренятся в самой социальной природе промышленного рабочего класса и других социальных слоев, живущих собственным трудом. В свою очередь, их социальная ограниченность имеет своими предпосылками разделение труда, свойственное индустриальному производству и отчужденный характер трудовой деятельности. ; The first half of the twentieth century was the time of wide-ranged anti-capitalist (socialist or communist) movements. Industrial working class was their main driving force, and Marxism was one of influential ideological source. These movements had different empirical implementation, which were determined by specific social conditions of the particular country. Sometimes, these movements appeared in the form of acute political conflict (political revolution); in other times in the form of economic and politic reforms. The totality of those movements could be defined as the worldwide social revolution, which resulted in change of fundamental social institutions and phenomenon: property, states, social psychology, and social relations. However, with regard to market and private property, the change was unfinished; in other words, anti-capitalist revolution unfinished by its nature. The unfinished nature directly or indirectly revealed itself in the Soviet society, and in Keynesian economics of the Western countries. The author considers the causes of this incompleteness. According to the author's opinion, they are rooted in the social nature of industrial working class. In its turn, the preconditions of its limited social opportunities are the industrial division of labor, and the alienated character of labor activity.

The subject of mercenaries and military and security companies is one of the topics that have seen much attention on the international level, such as what occurred in the mercenary groups and these companies a clear evolution. As the observer of the international scene , finds that there is a growing evident in the role of power and non-official, including security companies, military, international, and especially in areas involving military conflicts and political instability, where he has played a prominent role and the president in a lot of international disputes in openly and under the legal cover internal issue for the protection of its activities and gives it legal immunity and international legitimize feature away from the control of UN supervision , including the Security Council as the primary 0rgan responsible for supporting international peace and security. And the spread of the security and military international companies led to political and legal differences, and the international community was split between supporters and opponents of the activities and existence of these companies, since the opponents sees that the members of these international companies and their activities are acts of mercenaries, and the activities constitute a clear violation of many of the principles of international law in Article (2) of the Charter of the United Nations, which necessitating the intervention of the international community to prevent the activities of these companies, the fact that members of these companies are involved in military conflicts according to personal interests and material regardless of ethical considerations, and therefore these companies are the only form of new and evolving a mercenary. While the supporters sees that the activity of these companies are not considered as mercenaries in the legal sense contained in the first Additional Protocol and other international conventions . As These companies operate under self legal system that makes it committed to the international legal rules, including international humanitarian law, as the existence of these companies comes as a respond to international variables as a result of the large number of international and internal conflict, Which force the need to study this phenomenon and its legality under the rules ofinternational law.

The paper describes and analyzes the performance of the Regional Planning Council of Higher Education (CPRES for its acronym in Spanish) since the enactment of Law 24.521/95 until 2011. Part of a socio-political and institutional perspective of public policy, integrates two approaches, and applies this view to examining the Buenos Aires region in the Province of Buenos Aires.The Buenos Aires region represents, together with the metropolitan area, one of the areas with the highest population and economic activity in Argentina. Furthermore, it gathers over a third of the colleges that make up the country's total supply.Documentary sources and interviews to key informants from academic, technical and political fields who took part on the Reform Program of Higher Education in 1995 were analyzed.It was concluded that the Regional Planning Council of Higher Education is established as an structure of an intermediate level of authority with legal and institutional powers to plan, coordinate, and regulate the processes of development and implementation of public policies in the backdrop of a complex and high systemic institutional differentiation. However, it still fails to become effective implementation authorities. ; El objetivo de este estudio es describir y analizar el funcionamiento del Consejo de Planificación Regional de Educación Superior (CPRES) a partir de su creación con la Ley 24.521/95 (LES) hasta el 2011. Parte de una perspectiva sociopolítica e institucional de las políticas públicas, integra dos enfoques y aplica esta mirada al examen de la región bonaerense en la Provincia de Buenos Aires.La región bonaerense representa uno de los territorios con mayor población y actividad económica de la Argentina. Además, concentra más de un tercio de las instituciones de educación superior que integran la oferta total del país.Se analizaron fuentes documentales y entrevistas a informantes clave del ámbito académico, técnico y político que participaron del Programa de Reforma de la Educación Superior iniciado en 1995.Se concluyó que el CPRES se instituye como una estructura de autoridad de nivel intermedio con atribuciones jurídico-institucionales para planificar, coordinar y regular los procesos de elaboración e implementación de políticas públicas en el marco de un contexto sistémico complejo y de alta diferenciación institucional. Sin embargo, aún no logran constituirse en efectivas autoridades de implementación.

La industria de la construcción en Venezuela durante la décadade los años treinta está relacionada estrechamente con las condiciones políticas, económicas y sociales de la época,en un contexto histórico en el cual se conjugan tradición ymodernidad. Estos factores han influido notablemente en laproducción arquitectónica y de infraestructura realizada enel país, siendo esto más evidente en las obras ubicadas en lasprincipales ciudades, por causa de las decisiones políticas r elativasal sistema de distribución de la renta petrolera, puesto que parte de la misma fue orientada hacia las inversiones en el sector construcción, incidiendo en la ocupación territorial y en el desarrollo de las urbes.La participación de la empresa privada y el papel predominantedel Estado en la fabricación de infraestructura y de edificaciones, así como en la creación de un marco jurídico legal, determinan los rasgos r elevantes de la actividad constructiva, mientras que la disponibilidad económica y las relaciones con el exterior del paíshan abierto los caminos para la transformación de la tecnologíay la aceptación de nuevos materiales que se integran a la industria nacional. Este artículo está basado en una parte del trabajo de grado denominado «Los inicios de la a rquitectura moderna en Venezuela», conducido por el profesor Manuel López Villa, y presentado en la I Maestría en Historia de la Arquitectura de la FAU, UCV en 1995. Esta tesis recibió financiamiento del CDCH, UCV.AbstractThe characteristics of the building industry in Venezuela during the thirties are related to the political, economic and social conditions of the time in a historical context which conjugates tradition and modernity. These factors influence the architectural production andinfrastructure built in the country, being outstanding the geographical location of the buildings within the main cities, this is linked to the political character of the distribution system for the oilincome, which surpluses are directed towards investments in the building sector, affecting territory and urban development. Privateenterprises participation and the predominant rol of the Statein building, as well as the creation of a legal framework, determinate the distinctive features of the building activity, whileeconomic availability and foreing bonds open up the pathways for technologic transformation and the approval of new materials integrated to the national building industry.Descriptores:Industria de la construcción; Materiales de construcción;Tecnología constructiva; Construcción en VenezuelaDescriptors:Construction industry; Construction materials;Constructive technology; Construction in Venezuela.

Starting from the study of the definition and concept of law this work intends to investigate the construction of the '"other" through the use of a stereotyped idea of the rule of law, defined as the principle of legality. Orientalism is the definition of studies and researches upon non-European cultures. The modern Western society is, according to "our" vision, due to the process of secularization of institutions, made now able to offer to their citizens the legal and social model of coexistence based on democratic principles of tolerance and non-discrimination, recognition and protection of civil, political and religious values. It thus becomes difficult to understand an "other" legal and social system such as that of Islam for which the link between religion and politics is inseparable, since Islam is at the same time a religion, a model of legal and political plans, a proposal of civil society. The research is essentially structured in three sections. Firstly, starting from the study of E. Said (Orientalism) that documents and submits to criticism the use of the East that the West has done in reconstructing its legal, cultural and ideological aims. The purpose is the investigation of the construction of the '"other" through the use of thenstereotyped idea of Understanding the law as the principle of legality.The second part of the work takes the form of a legal system "other" away from the Western legal tradition, which is the Islamic law. Regarding the second part of this study, the aim is to analyse the connection between human rights (as explained in "system" of international protection) and the Koran, the light of the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights of 1981, the Declaration Cairo's human Rights in Islam, the Arab Charter of Human Right of 1994. The third section takes the form of a research activity designed to adress the issue of protection of women's rights in the institutional practice of a Muslim country, Morocco, in light of the recent reform of the Moudawana, the Moroccan Family Code. In light of this new code the rights of women will be analyzed both in there specific "regional" Islam and in the global context or in terms of application of the principles enshrined in international conventions.

Представлена модель идеологии как динамической системы. Особое внимание уделяется динамике идеологического поля: анализу его текущих состояний и характеру функционирования в некоторый момент времени. Рассматриваются изменения в идеологическом поле, составляющие идеологический процесс. ; Research of phenomenon of ideology in the modern scientific literature is interfaced, primarily, to questions of influence of ideological factors on political and social processes. Such dependence becomes clear and obvious in light of tha role played by ideologies in modern societies. Ideology be issued during era of Modernity and defined itself as effective and practically unique mechanism of constructing political reality. With its advent people have been offered the systematized methods of orientation in politics and purposeful activity. All this period ideology were characterized by doctrinal and aspiration to utility. At the same time, researches were carried out some aspects of ideological processes when changes were considered as consecutive in time static conditions of ideological system. However, in modern terms it is not so effective and potential. The modern ideological system no longer has the rigidity of the form and often a fact (and necessity) of its existence is called by researchers into question (as, for example, in the concept deideologization). Complication and at the same time erosion of social reality has introduced the corrective amendments in existence sociocultural phenomena. Today we speak about transformation of ideological forms which come in the stead of dogmatic projects. The focus of this article model of ideology as a dynamic system. Ideological forms are considered as continuously transformed systems. The focus is on the process itself, a continuous stream of changes. The dynamic system is understood by author as sequence of conditions of the spatial structure possessing qualities and characteristics of system. Considered as dynamic system, ideology has the qualities and characteristics of the system as a stream of changing conditions In dynamic model the ideology is considered as the environment of ideological attitudes and interactions. The author proposes to use the category of «ideological field», which most accurately reflects the procedural of this phenomenon. Analyzing dynamics of an ideological field, the author comes to conclusion, that levels and measurements of ideological field in aggregate form all context of changes in it. While actually changes in ideological field (as the sequence of events and conditions in time) lead to different conditions of ideological field and define ideological process.

This paper analyzes changes in community governance in the contextof negotiations with a mining company. We focus on three issues:the role played by the community government on the regulation ofcommunity resources and territory, the diverse and complex intereststhat emerge in the presence of mining activity; and, the communityas a political institution confronting external pressures over its land.We develop a study case focusing on the negotiation process betweenthe Michiquillay peasant community and Anglo American MiningCompany in Cajamarca, Peru. This information was obtained doingfieldwork in the community in 2009. In our analysis we observe thatchanges on community resources regulation, its uses and valorization,as well as changes on the balance of power between economicand political actors, have created a greater level of complexity in thecommunity, creating new levels of community decision and spaces fordisputing resources' control. At the same time, new inter communalconflicts emerge and fragmentation of community lands increases.In this context the community as an institution plays a central rolein the negotiation process over access productive resource and thedistribution of financial capital. ; Este artículo analiza los cambios en el gobierno comunal en contextosde negociación minera. Nos centramos en tres temas: el roldel gobierno comunal en la regulación de los recursos comunalesy del territorio; la diversidad de intereses que surgen ante la presenciaminera, y la comunidad como institución política frente a lapresión externa sobre la tierra. Para ello, partimos de un estudiode caso: el proceso de negociación entre la comunidad campesinade Michiquillay y la empresa Anglo American, en Cajamarca, querealizamos a partir de un trabajo de campo en la comunidad. Delanálisis se desprende que las transformaciones en la regulación delos recursos comunales, sus usos y su valoración, así como el cambioen el peso de los actores económicos y políticos, han complejizadolas relaciones al interior de la comunidad y han creado nuevosniveles de toma de decisión y espacios de disputa por el controlde recursos. Al mismo tiempo que surgen nuevos conflictos intracomunalesy aumenta la fragmentación territorial, la comunidadcomo institución está jugando un rol central en la negociación yasumiendo nuevas funciones: ahora, el gobierno comunal no regulasolo el acceso a recursos productivos, sino también la distribucióndel capital financiero.

Типологические процессы в системе печати Восточной Сибири рассмотрены в связи с изменениями расстановки политических сил после свержения советской власти к осени 1918 г. в ходе деятельности Временного Сибирского правительства и после военного переворота А.В. Колчака. Системы печати, формировавшиеся при самодержавном правлении, Временном Сибирском правительстве, в первый период советской власти в Восточной Сибири, и модель Верховного правителя России А.В. Колчака не различались в главном они не основывались на демократических принципах. ; Typological processes in the press system of Eastern Siberia are considered in connection with the changes of political forces arrangement after the overthrow of Bolsheviks by autumn of 1918, during the activity of the Provisional Siberian Government and A.V. Kolchak's military dictatorship. One of the first decisions of the Time Siberian Government became a decision On Inadmissibility of Soviet Organisations. Soviet editions and other editions out of favour with the new regime were closed. The newspapers and the magazines closed by Bolsheviks were renewed; there appeared new editions. Within the four months of work of the Provisional Siberian Government, Eastern Siberia formed a system of the press appropriate to the new government needs. Naturally, this system of the press did not include editions of the extreme political parties Bolsheviks, monarchists and Black Hundreds. On the eve of November 18, 1918, pressed by the monarchist officers and the western allies, the military minister of the Directory A.V. Kolchak made a military coup and was declared the Supreme Governor of Russia. The press felt the rigid hand of dictatorship. Printed editions were not closed, as the Provisional Siberian Government had already suppressed the opposition press. On December 12, 1918 the preliminary censorship of the press was introduced. Its subsequent cancellation did not create the necessary conditions for the independent printed press there still were practices of newspapers confiscation, their closings, the suits, and other administrative sanctions under the discretion of the military authorities. Thus, the press systems during the Monarchical power, during the Provisional Siberian Government regime, during the first period of the Soviet power in Eastern Siberia, and the model of the Supreme Governor of Russia A.V. Kolchak did not differ in one main thing they all were not based on democratic principles.

Представлены материалы к юбилейным датам в жизни проректора, проф. В.Д. Мамонтова и проф. В.Ф. Томилина. The eighth release of the magazine is opened with the heading "Problem of the day" which acquaints with the basic tendencies of development of regional civil society and institutional bases of justice in our area during the last year. Economic articles attract attention first of all with a selection of materials about recurrence of economic development. A number of publications cover the research of problems of regional economy, innovative infrastructure of the region, regional policy of development of the tourist business. Articles uniting focus of the analysis of labor market and the market of educational services are also interesting. The heading "Philosophy, sociology and culturology" has united variety of publications of theoretical-methodological character about culture, its culturological-philosophical conceptualization, change on a boundary of centuries. Articles on ontology and state management genesis are also presented. The philological heading is substantially directed on disclosing of the problems of modern linguistics, semantics, syntactic, communication science. The literary criticism is presented by the analysis of creative heritage of G.U. Longfello, T. Pinchon, V. Kign-Dedlov, Russian modernism. The heading "Pedagogics and psychology" reveals methodical problems of the modern higher school. Results of pedagogical and psychological experiments and sociological researches acquaint with development and adaptation of modern students, their life activity, health. A number of articles are devoted to disclosing of results of research of senior pupils' life, and also to the methodics of the game in pre-school pedagogics. The heading "History and political science" traditionally pays attention to the development of political and social life of the Russian province of the XIX. The XX century is presented by the researches of the system of social science education, protection of the law and order, Russian abroad. Historical aspects are also present in the heading "Right". So, a number of articles have united problems of history of investigation, institute of the Justice of the Peace, the jury. Problems of criminal law: qualifications of crimes, optimization of the criminal liability, responsibility of legal bodies, the law-formation process are also considered. Materials dedicated to the jubilee dates in lives of pro-rector, prof. V.D. Mamontov and prof. V.F. Tomilin are presented. 432

Agamben's paradoxical treatments of potentiality seem to leave little room for any robust theory of the subject, political or otherwise. His Aristotelian conception of potentiality entails, in the highest instance, "that potentiality constitutively is the potentiality not to (do or be)," which suggests that even if potential is realized, it is realized only by its lack of activity. Agamben's Aristotelianism is a thread that runs throughout his work, and by looking back to The Man Without Content, particularly his discussion of Marx, it is clear that the framework of potentiality means that it is impossible for him to see in Marx anything other than an odd combination of a "metaphysics of will", and man simply as a kind of natural, living being. This in turn shapes his later discussion in Homo Sacer of the entry of zoe into the polis, which founds Agamben's entire claim vis-a-vis bare life. His wager, namely that the question "In what way does the living being have language?" corresponds exactly to the question "In what way does bare life dwell in the polis?", equates the living being with its political, linguistic, and natural potentialities so completely that there seems to be no room for any kind of historically anomalous or collectively unprecedented subject, one that would break with history or disrupt everyday order. Agamben's work could easily be criticized from the standpoint of a Marxism that would stress the constructed nature of human potential and the necessity to think through forms of organization from within shifts in the nature of work. However, in order to stay closer to Agamben's Aristotelianism, it is far more productive to compare him to a thinker for whom questions of linguistic capacity and politics are also central, and also stem from a certain complex relation to naturalism, namely Paolo Virno. This paper will thus, via a careful reading of Agamben's Aristotelian conception of praxis and potentiality alongside Virno's work on the relation between language and labor, demonstrate the constitutive reasons why Agamben cannot consider any kind of substantial notion of the subject, and why Virno's more nuanced conception of capacity, which draws upon both rationalist and naturalist theories of the subject might constitute a more relevant alternative. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; With the end of mining activity and the sale of miners' dwellings, the question of subsidence, hitherto an industrial hazard, became an environmental risk. The damage caused by mining, an issue previously addressed privately by the owners, became the responsibility of government services when mining concessions were handed over to the State. The handover was particularly delicate in the iron-ore basin of Lorraine, where the closeness of the ore to the surface made this area more liable to subsidence than others. Local reactions to the phenomenon were all the more heated as the territory was already in the throes of an economic crisis. The solutions sought by State services to safeguard against risk were primarily technical and sector-specific. However, it was not just houses that were 'moved' by the subsidence. It likewise provoked a reaction from local stakeholders who, with a political, economic and social heritage rooted in mining and the steel industry, had been bruised and battered by deindustrialisation. In the end, it was, in fact, due to a specific, territorial context, involving the mobilisation of social forces still deeply influenced by recent history, that the management and treatment of these risks took on a political dimension. ; Avec la fin de l'extraction et la vente des cités minières, les affaissements miniers, de risques liés au travail se sont transformés en risques environnementaux. Les dégâts miniers étaient traités jusque-là en interne par les exploitants, et ils sont donc devenus une affaire des services de l'Etat lors de la remise des concessions minières. Ce transfert a été particulièrement vif dans le bassin ferrifère lorrain, aux couches peu profondes et donc plus propice que d'autres aux phénomènes d'affaissement. Les réactions locales à ces effondrements ont été d'autant plus virulentes qu'elles touchaient un territoire en crise. Les services de l'Etat ont avant tout cherché à apporter des réponses techniques et sectorielles pour prévenir les risques. Or les affaissements ont fait bouger bien plus que les maisons. Ils ont mis en mouvement des acteurs locaux issus d'une histoire politique, économique et sociale née des mines et de la sidérurgie et meurtries par la désindustrialisation. Au final, c'est précisément parce qu'il y avait un contexte territorial spécifique, avec la mobilisation de forces sociales encore chargées d'une histoire toute proche, qu'une dimension politique s'est imposée dans la gestion et le traitement de ces risques.

International audience ; With the end of mining activity and the sale of miners' dwellings, the question of subsidence, hitherto an industrial hazard, became an environmental risk. The damage caused by mining, an issue previously addressed privately by the owners, became the responsibility of government services when mining concessions were handed over to the State. The handover was particularly delicate in the iron-ore basin of Lorraine, where the closeness of the ore to the surface made this area more liable to subsidence than others. Local reactions to the phenomenon were all the more heated as the territory was already in the throes of an economic crisis. The solutions sought by State services to safeguard against risk were primarily technical and sector-specific. However, it was not just houses that were 'moved' by the subsidence. It likewise provoked a reaction from local stakeholders who, with a political, economic and social heritage rooted in mining and the steel industry, had been bruised and battered by deindustrialisation. In the end, it was, in fact, due to a specific, territorial context, involving the mobilisation of social forces still deeply influenced by recent history, that the management and treatment of these risks took on a political dimension. ; Avec la fin de l'extraction et la vente des cités minières, les affaissements miniers, de risques liés au travail se sont transformés en risques environnementaux. Les dégâts miniers étaient traités jusque-là en interne par les exploitants, et ils sont donc devenus une affaire des services de l'Etat lors de la remise des concessions minières. Ce transfert a été particulièrement vif dans le bassin ferrifère lorrain, aux couches peu profondes et donc plus propice que d'autres aux phénomènes d'affaissement. Les réactions locales à ces effondrements ont été d'autant plus virulentes qu'elles touchaient un territoire en crise. Les services de l'Etat ont avant tout cherché à apporter des réponses techniques et sectorielles pour prévenir les risques. Or les affaissements ont fait bouger bien plus que les maisons. Ils ont mis en mouvement des acteurs locaux issus d'une histoire politique, économique et sociale née des mines et de la sidérurgie et meurtries par la désindustrialisation. Au final, c'est précisément parce qu'il y avait un contexte territorial spécifique, avec la mobilisation de forces sociales encore chargées d'une histoire toute proche, qu'une dimension politique s'est imposée dans la gestion et le traitement de ces risques.