Suchergebnisse

Transnational companies are the key drivers of foreign direct investments & major actors in international trade. They are involved in more than two-third of international trade & determine its direction, composition & volume. The relationship between transnational companies & international trade is complex & interwoven, raising the following question: are transnational companies substitutes or complements of international trade? The author explores this relationship. She studies the role of these companies in international trade as a whole & in foreign trade of domestic & host countries. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Since rules - legal, ethical or otherwise - cannot determine their own application, they require persons of flesh and blood to interpret and apply them in concrete cases. Presidents and prime ministers, judges, prosecutors, mediators, leaders of international organizations, and even religious leaders and public intellectuals make decisions on how best to understand rules and how best to apply them. It stands to reason that their character traits influence the sort of decisions they take. This book provides the first systematic framework for discussing global governance in terms of the virtues, and illustrates it with a number of detailed examples of concrete decision-making in specific situations. Virtue in Global Governance combines insights from law, ethics, and global governance studies in developing a unique approach to global governance and international law.

The United Kingdom (UK) Prime Minister Theresa May's official request, on March 29th, to leave the European Union (EU) will change the way European countries organise their defence policies. Europeans have always managed their defence via various channels: nationally, in the EU, through NATO and in smaller formats. Brexit will change the way these formats function and how they interact. The effect on the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) will be limited. NATO might benefit from a greater UK commitment, as can smaller formats. The result will be greater fragmentation in European defence, which risks weakening the Europeans' political and military capacity to act. (author's abstract)

This book addresses whether and how multilateral economic regimes can successfully transition from international institutions-cooperation among states-to global governance-cooperation among states and nonstate actors.The unprecedented era of peace and prosperity since World War II has been underpinned by multilateral economic regimes, yet in recent years the rise of nonstate actors has intensified international conflicts regarding fundamental questions of how to govern. This book asks whether and how multilateral regimes will be able to adapt. Based on an analysis of multilate.

Zwar ist Kiew weiter von Astana entfernt als von Berlin, dennoch sehen Bürger wie auswärtige Beobachter Kasachstan von den Ereignissen in der Ukraine besonders betroffen. Grund ist der gemeinsame übermächtige Nachbar Russland, mit dem beide Staaten eine lange gemeinsame Geschichte und Grenze sowie eine große russische Minderheit verbindet. Bislang gibt es keine wirklich beunruhigenden Anzeichen. Innerhalb des Landes treten die Unterschiede zwischen Russen und Kasachen verbal stärker zutage, separatistische Tendenzen sind aber nicht zu beobachten. International versucht Präsident Nasarbajew seine bewährte Politik der guten Beziehungen nicht nur zu Russland, sondern auch der Ukraine, dem Westen und China fortzuführen. Zwar hörte die Autorin bei ihren Gesprächspartnern in Kasachstan viele Bedenken, wenn nicht Ängste, vor zukünftigen Entwicklungen, doch sieht sie durchaus Chancen, dass Kasachstan zu einem Stabilitätsanker der Region werden kann.

Die Europäische Union und ihre Mitgliedsstaaten haben ziemlich lange gebraucht, um ihre Ziele und Interessen in Bezug auf Russland zu formulieren. Die EU war zu sehr mit eigenen Problemen beschäftigt, vor allem mit ihrer Erweiterung nach Osten. An Russland war Brüssel nur insofern interessiert, soweit es um Sicherheitsfragen und um einen möglichen Widerstand gegen die Osterweiterung ging. Dabei schnitt Russland in den Augen der EU im Vergleich mit der sozialistischen Sowjetunion bis heute besser ab: eine direkte militärische Bedrohung geht von ihm nicht aus. Für den Westen vermengte sich das "russische Risiko" mit den globalen Herausforderungen, die Russland ebenso betreffen wie den Westen. Bei den Planungen für Russland steht nach wie vor an erster Stelle der Wunsch, auf die russische Transformation in einer Weise gestaltend einzuwirken, dass ein vertragsfähiger Partner im Wirtschaftsbereich (vor allem in der Energiewirtschaft), aber auch bei Fragen der Ökologie, der nuklearen Sicherheit und des Kampfes gegen das internationale Verbrechen entsteht.

Mit »Lex Sportiva« hat sich international ein Begriff etabliert, der eine Eigenart des Sportrechts aufgreift: Weltweit stellen sich ähnliche Probleme, die ein erhebliches Bedürfnis nach einheitlichen Regelungen und nach einer harmonisierten Entscheidungspraxis begründen. Insofern kommt insbesondere dem Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) in Lausanne eine zentrale Rolle zu. Der Tagungsband umfasst die im Juni 2011 in Erlangen gehaltenen Vorträge namhafter Experten aus neun Ländern. In den Referaten werden Entwicklung und aktueller Stand der weltweiten Diskussion dokumentiert sowie Perspektiven für die Zukunft des Sportrechts aufgezeigt. Alle Beiträge sind in englischer Sprache und überwiegend auch in ihrer deutschen Originalfassung abgedruckt. Mit »Lex Sportiva« hat sich international ein Begriff etabliert, der die Eigenart des Sportrechts aufgreift, dass sich weltweit ähnliche Probleme stellen und ein erhebliches Bedürfnis nach einheitlichen Regelungen und einer harmonisierten Entscheidungspraxis besteht. Insofern kommt dem Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) in Lausanne eine zentrale Rolle zu. Der Tagungsband umfasst die im Juni 2011 in Erlangen gehaltenen Vorträge. Alle Beiträge sind in englischer Sprache und überwiegend auch in ihrer deutschen Originalfassung abgedruckt.

Introduction -- FIRST PART -- INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE CASE LAW REGARDING THE LAWFULNESS OF MULTIPLE SANCTIONING SYSTEMS UNDER THE NE BIS IN IDEM -- Case Law of the Supreme Court of the United States -- Case Law of the Supreme Court of Canada -- Case Law of the European Court of Human Rights -- Case Law of the Court of Justice of the European Union -- SECOND PART -- CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CASE LAW OF THE ECtHR AND THE CJEU REGARDING THE LAWFULNESS OF MULTIPLE SANCTIONING SYSTEMS UNDER THE NE BIS IN IDEM -- Lawfulness of Multiple Sanctioning Systems under the Ne Bis in Idem: Four Different Approaches to Resolve the Same Problem -- THIRD PART -- RECONCEPTUALIZING THE PROHIBITION OF MULTIPLE PUNISHMENTS AND THE PROHIBITION OF MULTIPLE PROSECUTIONS -- Understanding Multiple Sanctioning Systems: Models of Organisation -- Overcoming the Dead End of the Thesis of the Criminal Nature -- Reconceptualizing the Ne Bis in Idem -- FOURTH PART -- LOOKING BEYOND THE NE BIS IN IDEM: RECALLING THE PROHIBITION OF DISPROPORTIONATE SANCTIONS AND THE RIGHT TO BE TRIED WITHIN A REASONABLE TIME -- Looking Beyond the Ne Bis in Idem -- Final Remarks.

In this work I test the proposition that normative standards of behavior can influence state actions in security-related conflicts. Specifically, I examine the construction of norms in the settlements of security-related disputes and the effects these settlements have on subsequent militarized interactions. I argue that dispute settlements alter subsequent crisis bargaining in two important ways. First, they act as normative referents that alter the interpretation of subsequent crisis bargaining behavior both by identifying a solution to the dispute which alleviates fears of demands for future concessions and by defining a set of acts which both sides consider illegitimate. Second, in combination with the response to their violation, dispute settlements inflict reputational costs on states that violate them. I test these arguments against a realist theory of crisis bargaining through an analysis of 122 reinitiated international crises between 1929 and 1979. I find strong support for the hypothesis that states can and do construct normative standards that guide their behavior in international crises, whereas realist theory receives only mixed support. (American Political Science Review / FUB)

"The European Union considers it is influential in shaping global politics and has secured a reserved seat at every significant international table. However, this self-asserted confidence raises a number of questions. What is the nature of the EU's roles in the world? How is the EU seen in third countries and to what extent is it influential in setting global agendas? Has the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis made others outside Europe question the EU's capacity to deliver on its aspirations and promises? This cutting edge collection addresses these questions by drawing on a number of substantive research projects concerning EU external perceptions. It presents theoretically grounded empirical analyses from which evidence-based public diplomacy recommendations can be drawn and focuses on the evolution of the EU's external image before and after the Lisbon Treaty, as well as before and after the outbreak of the Eurozone crisis. Exploring how it is viewed externally and the impact of events such as the Eurozone debt crisis, this book offers a true reflection of the EU as an international actor"--

"China's historic accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in November 2001 not only represents an important milestone in the country's transition to a market economy and integration into the global economy, but is also among the most important events in the history of the WTO and the multilateral trading system. China and Global Trade Governance: China's First Decade in the World Trade Organization provides us with some fresh empirical data to assess the country's behaviour in the liberal international economic regime. Such an assessment is both timely and necessary as it can help us better understand China's role in the evolving structure of global economic governance, in addition to shedding light on the broader debate about the implications of the rise of China for the international system. Through a thorough examination of Chinas WTO compliance record and its experience in multilateral trade negotiations, this book seeks to better understand the sources of constraints on China's behaviour in the multilateral trade institution as well as the country's influence on the efficacy of the World Trade Organization. In doing so, this project speaks directly to the following questions raised by China's unprecedented ascent in the international system: Is China a rule maker, rule follower, or rule breaker in international regimes? Is Beijing a responsible stakeholder capable of making positive contributions to global trade governance in the long-term? "--