Suchergebnisse

The hegemony of private motorized transport is nowadays one of the difficult problems in the field of urban transport. In the objective of urban sustainable development, sustainable transport and mobility by reducing consequences from motorized transport system (congestion, pollution, road safety, landscape degradation, the externality of non-motorized modes, social inequality, etc.) which is an essential and urgent demand in many cities in the world, including Vietnam. Hanoi is a large city in Vietnam where bikes (2 wheelers) are currently up to 80% of the daily movements of people, and public transport by bus provides only a small part of the movement of people. The people of Hanoi are living in an environment of very serious congestion and air pollution. Policies of the Vietnamese authorities to restrict private motorized modes and to encourage modal shift towards public transport and non-motorized modes (walking, cycling) have no outcome. To answer the question "why the modal shift towards the TC and non-motorized modes are not well set up" and "why the urban transport policies are stranded," as part of my thesis, I conducted surveys of household transport to the residents in Hanoi and deep interviews with experts and Vietnamese authorities hoping to have the answer in two terms: social and political. In terms of society, my investigations contribute to a better understanding of the determinants of mode choice in daily mobility of different social classes in Hanoi, to explain the reasons, barriers to a modal shift to NMT and TC for different types of travel, to know the underlying reasons of modal shift observed in some respondents. In terms of policy, I note that if the conditions of the policy are implemented or not for a modal shifts from bikes towards public transport. In the end, the objective of the thesis is also creating an analysis model of urban mobility, modal choice and modal shift, specifically for the case of Hanoi, which will form a good reference for the definition of sustainable urban transport policies. ; L'hégémonie des modes de transport motorisés individuels est aujourd'hui un des problèmes ardus dans le domaine du transport urbain. Avec l'objectif du développement durable des villes, le développement durable du transport et de la mobilité, en limitant les nuisances du système de transport motorisé (la congestion, la pollution, l'insécurité routière, la dégradation du paysage, l'externalité des modes non-motorisés, l'inégalité sociale, etc.) est aussi une demande essentielle et urgente dans beaucoup de villes du Monde, dont le Vietnam. Hanoi est une grande agglomération vietnamienne où les motos (2 roues à moteur) jouent actuellement jusqu'à 80% des déplacements quotidiens des habitants, et le transport en commun par bus assure une petite partie seulement des déplacements des gens. Les habitants de Hanoi vivent dans un milieu de congestion et de pollution de l'air très grave. Les politiques des autorités vietnamiennes visant à restreindre les modes motorisés privés et encourager les reports modaux vers les transports en commun et les modes non-motorisés (la marche, le vélo) n'ont pas les résultats escomptés. Pour répondre à la question « pour quelle raison les reports modaux vers les TC et les modes non-motorisés ne sont pas largement mis en place » et « pour quelle raison les politiques de transport urbain ont échoué », dans le cadre de ma thèse, j'ai réalisé des enquêtes ménage de transport auprès des habitants à Hanoi et des entretiens profonds auprès des experts et des autorités vietnamiennes en souhaitant avoir la réponse sous deux l'angle : l'angle socio-mobile et l'angle politique. Sous l'angle socio-mobile, mes enquêtes contribuent à une meilleure connaissance des déterminants du choix modal dans la mobilité quotidienne de différentes catégories de population à Hanoi, d'expliquer les raisons, les obstacles à un report modal vers les TNM et les TC pour différents types de déplacements, de connaître les raisons profondes du report modal observé chez certains enquêtés. Sous l'angle politique, j'observe si les conditions des politiques sont remplies ou non pour une mise en place des reports modaux chez les habitants. Enfin, l'objectif de la thèse est aussi de créer un modèle d'analyse sur la mobilité urbaine, le choix modal et le report modal spécifiquement pour le cas de Hanoi, qui formera une bonne référence pour la définition des politiques de transport urbain durable.

Peter Dale is the principal author of Dangerous Families, which was first published in 1986. In it, he described an assessment and therapeutic approach to working with child abuse developed by the Rochdale Special Unit of the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) in Britain. In 1986, Peter became the Manager of the NSPCC Child Protection Team in East Sussex. He is also a Visiting Research Fellow in Social Policy and Social Work at Sussex University. He is currently completing a PhD study at the University of Brighton entitled: Clients' and therapists' perceptions of the psychotherapeutic process: A study of adults abused as children.This interview was conducted whilst I worked as part of the East Sussex NSPCC Team for three months in 1993. This experience was made possible with the support of a Creswick Foundation Fellowship in Family Relations and Child Development and the Department of Social Work, Monash University.In the interview, Peter discusses the changes in his thinking and practice since the publication of Dangerous Families.

Despite his innate caution and usually sound political instincts, British Prime Minister David Cameron is gambling with his country's future. In January, in a long-anticipated speech, he called for a wide-ranging renegotiation of the terms of the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union and promised to put the result up for a straight in-or-out popular referendum by the end of 2017 (assuming his party wins the next election, due in 2015). A British exit from the EU is now more likely than ever -- and it would be disastrous not only for the United Kingdom but also for the rest of Europe and the United States. If London does ultimately cut the rope, it will not be the result of rational political or economic calculations. British Euroskepticism boils down to a visceral dislike of Brussels -- the host of a number of European institutions and the EU's de facto capital -- on the part of an ill-informed conservative minority that clings to an antiquated notion of national sovereignty. By caving in to the demands of the right wing of his party, Cameron appears to be falling into the same trap that his predecessors fell into. Both Margaret Thatcher and John Major, the previous two Conservative prime ministers, were eventually thrown out of office as their party tore itself apart over the issue of European integration during the late 1980s and mid-1990s. Even Cameron himself, back in 2006, less than a year after he took over the Conservative Party, wisely counseled his colleagues to "stop banging on about Europe" if they ever wanted to win elections again. And yet, seven years later, Cameron faces a simmering rebellion on an issue that most Britons still do not care much about but that has once again turned toxic in his party. Adapted from the source document.

In summer 2011, a conservative lobby group released an inaccurate statement decrying the National Institutes for Health for allegedly funding four research studies the group deemed "bizarre." Two of these studies explicitly involved sexuality research. This paper responds to the allegations around one of the studies and describes the subsequent media firestorm generated as a result of the lobby group's report. This paper concludes by illustrating some of the dangers these types of allegations pose for science and researchers, and offers advice for how to navigate negative media attention.