Suchergebnisse

This study will attempt to demonstrate the status of zawiyyas, and in particular that of the 'Alawiyya in contemporary Algeria, and their role during the rise of nationalism and the liberation struggle. In our discussion of the persecution and rehabilitation of the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood (and others) in Algeria during the contemporary period we will deal with the links between the 'Alawiyya and: (1) The colonial administration: the Brotherhood was closely watched by the police and intelligence agencies. The strategy of the Brotherhood was to remain neutral insofar as possible, but it did not hesitate to defend the preservation of Arab-Muslim identity. (2) The reform movement, with the appearance in 1926 of the journal ach-Chihab and the Association of Muslim Algerian Ulemas (AOMA) founded the 5th of May 1931 with at its head President Ibn Badis, who contributed to the rise of Algerian nationalist sentiment. (3)Algerian nationalist groups, with which the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood maintained close relations, notably during the period of the Party of the Algerian People (PPA) founded in 1937 by Messali Hadj. The events of 8 May 1945 in Sétif triggered the preparation of the Algerian Revolution during which the Sheikh Mehdi Bentounes played an important role. (4) Successive Algerian governments: the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood decided to come out against the nationalization of « habous » holdings. The Boumedienne government carried out a vast campaign of persecution against Sheikh Mehdi Bentounes and had him arrested in 1970. From that time the Brotherhood became active in Europe with Sheikh Khaled Bentounes, who fostered the creation of numerous cultural and youth-oriented projects which enjoyed official recognition. These waves of persecution little by little marginalized a religious current -Sufism (tasawuf)- which had been present in Algeria from the beginning of the millennium, and which was part of an essential immaterial cultural heritage in Algeria. It took the arrival and the development of religious fundamentalism, resulting in the civil war known as the « Dark Years », for the Algerian government to promote the rehabilitation of the religious Brotherhoods in Algeria. ; Cette étude tente de démontrer la place des zâwiyas et plus particulièrement celle de la 'Alawiyya dans l'Algérie contemporaine et leur rôle pendant la montée du nationalisme et la lutte de libération. Parler de la persécution et de la réhabilitation de la confrérie 'Alawiyya (et d'autres) en Algérie durant la période contemporaine, nous amène à traiter des rapports de celle-ci avec : (1) L'administration coloniale : la confrérie était étroitement surveillée par les services de la police des renseignements généraux. La stratégie de la confrérie consistait à rester neutre autant que possible mais elle n'hésitait pas à défendre la préservation de l'identité arabo-musulmane. (2) Le mouvement du réformisme : avec la parution en 1926 de la revue ach-Chihab et l'Association des Oulémas Musulmans Algériens (AOMA) fondée le 5 mai 1931 avec à sa tête le Président Ibn Badis qui contribua à la montée du sentiment nationaliste algérien. (3) Les milieux nationalistes algériens : avec lesquels la confrérie 'Alawiyya entretenait des relations étroites notamment sous la période du Parti du Peuple Algérien (PPA). Les événements du 8 mai 1945 à Sétif précipitèrent la préparation de la Révolution algérienne pendant laquelle le cheikh Mehdi Bentounes joua un rôle actif. (4) Les gouvernements algériens successifs : La confrérie 'Alawiyya entendait lutter contre la nationalisation des biens habous. Le gouvernement Boumediene mena une vaste campagne de persécution contre le cheikh Mehdi Bentounes et procéda à son arrestation en 1970. La confrérie agissait dorénavant sur le terrain Européen avec le cheikh Khaled Bentounes qui procéda à la création de nombreux projets culturels et de jeunesse et à la reconnaissance de nombreux projets par les instances officielles nationales et internationales. Les persécutions finirent progressivement par marginaliser un courant religieux- soufisme qui était présent en Algérie depuis le début du millénaire. Il eut fallu l'avènement de la montée du fondamentalisme religieux qui aboutit à la guerre civile dite « les années noires » pour que le Gouvernement algérien procède à la réhabilitation des confréries religieuses en Algérie.

У статті досліджено особливості вивчення теорії і практики зарубіжної реформаторської педагогіки у вітчизняній та українській педагогічній думці кінця XIX – початку XXI століть. На підставі виокремлених провідних тенденцій вивчення явища й обґрунтованих критеріїв простежено методологічну та змістову ґенези вивчення теорії реформаторської педагогіки й особливості використання її новаційного досвіду, запропоновано авторську періодизацію вивчення теорії і практики зарубіжної реформаторської педагогіки у вітчизняній та українській педагогічній науці вказаного періоду. ; The purpose of the article is to offer the author's periodization of the phenomenon on the basis of clarification of the leading trends in the study of the experience of reformatory pedagogics in the national pedagogical thought of the late XIX – early XXI centuries. Research methods: general scientific (analysis, synthesis, analogy, comparison, generalization) and specific scientific: structural-genetic, with the help of which the process of development of the reformatory ideas in the Ukrainian pedagogical thought is characterized and a periodization of their learning is developed; historical and comparative, which gave the opportunity to reveal the peculiarities of learning and using the ideas of reformatory pedagogics in the context of the development of Ukrainian pedagogical thought of the late XIX – early XXI centuries. The result of research has become the author's periodization of the study and use of experience of the reformatory pedagogics in the national pedagogical thought of the late XIX – early XXI centuries. Criteria of periodization were chosen: 1) research directions of the content of the reformatory pedagogics, caused by the importance of examining the relevant ideas and concepts in each period, taking into account socio-political, socio-economic and cultural needs of society; 2) common methodological approaches and research methods of the reformatory pedagogics and their manifestation in the independent researches and works of scientists who had worked within the native scientific-pedagogical area; 3) the use of reformatory ideas and innovations in the processes of modernization of the national educational sphere; 4) the level of socio-political development of Ukrainians, in particular the availability of public education that had directly influenced the directions and measures of support of scientific researches of the Ukrainian pedagogical science. The author proposed periodization of the study and use of reformatory pedagogics by Ukrainian pedagogical thought in the period of 80-ies of the XIX and the beginning of the XXI century which provides for the allocation of five periods: 1st period – the 80-ies of the XIX century – 1917 – familiarization with the ideas of reformatory pedagogics, understanding of its progressiveness, development of analytical research methods and the use of achievements in the domestic non-public education; 2nd period – 1917–1919 – expansion of the semantic field of researches, development of the concept of national education on the theoretical foundations of the world reformatory pedagogics (nationalization, democratization, pedocentrism, labour school); 3rd period – 20-ies – early 30-ies of the XX century – active study of the ideas of reformatory pedagogics of the Ukrainian educational leaders and the use of its achievements in educational policy, formation of a new theory of education, vocational teacher training of Ukrainian teachers; 4th period – the second half of the 30-ies – 80-ies of the twentieth century – termination of objective study of foreign ideas of reformatory pedagogics, its official condemnation by the authorities as a bourgeois; 5th period – early 90-ies of XX century – the beginning of XXI century – is characterized by the restoration of scientific interest in reformatory pedagogics as the conceptual basis of innovative development of the school in the context of democratic changes in Ukrainian society and the integration of domestic education into the European space. The practical significance of the study – proposed approaches to the analysis of the phenomenon of reformatory pedagogics will be useful for those interested in the nature of foreign innovations of the late XIX – early XX centuries, their study of Russian and Ukrainian science, use of foreign innovations in Ukraine. The criteria and the periods suggested in the article may be one of the examples for analysis and synthesis of the study of interesting, multidimensional phenomenon, which had been studied over long periods of historical time.

In the stirring conclusion to his opinion in McCutcheon v. FEC, Chief Justice Roberts pointed to the close connection between campaign contributions and what he called the "political responsiveness at the heart of the democratic process." Invoking Edmund Burke, the Chief Justice eloquently declaimed that "[c]onstituents have the right to support candidates who share their views and concerns. Representatives . can be expected to be cognizant of and responsive to those concerns. Such responsiveness is key to the concept of self-governance." The Chief Justice's emphasis on the representative-constituent relationship jarring, however, as McCutcheon addressed the effort of an individual to contribute to candidates in multiple states and congressional districts in which he was not a constituent. Shaun McCutcheon had made substantial contributions to out-of-state Senate candidates in two states and House candidates in thirteen different districts. He wanted to make additional large contributions in two more Senate races and in House contests in seven states – contributions barred by the federal aggregate contribution limit he then challenged. His victory promises to facilitate out-of-district and out-of-state donations. In practice, a donor could not reach the aggregate cap on candidate donations without giving to candidates outside the donor's own constituency. By striking down the aggregate limits, McCutcheon directly promotes contributions by non-constituents. The Chief Justice is surely right that campaign contributions are a way to make officeholders "responsive." But as Shaun McCutcheon's donations and intended donations demonstrate, constituents and contributors are not the same people. Making elected representatives more responsive to contributors will not make them more responsive to their constituents. This article explores some aspects of the constituent-contributor relationship. It finds that non-constituents provide the bulk of itemized individual contributions in contemporary congressional races and play a large part in financing many state and local elections, too. In effect, contributors, including outsiders, have become another constituency for our elected representatives. This creates important tensions for the American system of territorially-based representation based on residents voting in state, local and district elections, as contributors and constituents can have very different interests and concerns. To be sure, with the growing nationalization and partisanship of elections, outsiders may have a strong subjective interest in a state or local race in a distant jurisdiction even if, objectively, they are not governed by the results. But outsider financing inevitably complicates the responsiveness of elected representatives to the electoral constituents they are supposed to represent. A few jurisdictions have tried to reduce the role of outside money in state and local elections. State limits on outsider contributions have been generally, albeit not uniformly, struck down and are almost certainly unconstitutional. However, state and local public financing systems that make candidate eligibility for public funds contingent on raising small donations from constituents are a constitutional means of ameliorating the impact of outside money. The Chief Justice's peroration is striking in going beyond the free speech argument – the McCutcheon's right to use money to speak to candidates – which has been central to the current Supreme Court's critique of campaign finance restrictions and makes the case for relaxing contribution limits in terms of the responsiveness of elected officials to donors. The argument that contributions affect the responsiveness of elected officials is more commonly a position taken by critics of the role of large campaign contributions in our system not supporters. Not only does the Chief Justice's contention that striking down the aggregate limits will promote accountability to a representative's constituency fail to persuade, it actually underscores exactly what many people find troubling about our campaign finance system. To the extent large donations make representatives more attentive to their donors, they undermine the very responsiveness to the electoral constituency which the Chief Justice celebrates as "key to the concept of self-governance." The Chief Justice tried to add self-government to free speech in making the case against campaign finance regulation, but an examination of the constituency-contribution relationship to which his rhetoric calls attention actually demonstrates the tension between the Court's program of campaign finance deregulation and democratic self-government.

En este ensayo se emplean cinco estudios clásicos, que se considera siguen siendo válidos y atractivos en varios aspectos, con el objetivo de determinar cuál de los dos países, México o los Estados Unidos, cedió más en términos de los cambios que la Revolución Mexicana y los gobiernos que surgieron de su intención intentaron establecer en México. Se explica cómo las diferencias y similitudes en la ideología entre los gobiernos de ambos países a través del tiempo jugaron un papel importante en el resultado final de la Revolución, y cómo los factores externos, como las dos guerras mundiales y las relaciones que México mantuvo con otros países, principalmente Alemania, también fueron importantes para este resultado. El autor concluye que desde el punto de vista económico, se puede ver que a pesar de que los EUA pudieron manipular la política mexicana relacionada con el petróleo, y el programa de reforma agraria en México en sus primeros años era limitado, estas condiciones cambiaron durante el mandato de Cárdenas (1934-1940). En este sentido, el programa de reforma agraria de Cárdenas y la nacionalización de la industria petrolera durante su periodo hizo caer en más de la mitad la inversión directa, que después de la revolución armada representaba más de mil millones de dólares. Palabras claves: Relaciones, Ideología, Revolución, Reformas Abstract In this essay the author uses five classical studies, which he considers are still valid and appealing in several respects, with the main purpose of determining which of the two countries, Mexico or the United States, ceded the most in terms of the changes that the Mexican Revolution and the governments that emerged from it intended to establish in Mexico. In doing so, the author explains how differences and similarities in ideology between governments in both countries over time played a substantial role in the final outcome of the Revolution, and how external factors, such as the two world wars and the relations that Mexico held with other countries, mainly Germany, were also important for this outcome. The author concludes that from an economic point of view, it is possible to see that although the U.S. was able to manipulate the Mexican policy related to oil, and the land reform program in Mexico in its early years was limited, these conditions changed during Cárdenas term (1934-40). In this sense, according to the author, Cárdenas's land reform program and the nationalization of oil industry during his period made U.S. direct investment, which after the armed Revolution represented more than one thousand million dollars, to fall in more than a half. Keywords: Relations, Ideology, Revolution, Reforms Résumé Dans cet essai, l'auteur utilise cinq études classiques, qu'il considère sont toujours valables et appel à plusieurs égards, avec le but de déterminer laquelle des deux pays, le Mexique ou les États-Unis, a cédé le plus en termes de les changements que la Révolution mexicaine et les gouvernements qui ont émergé de elle prétendu de mettre en place au Mexique. Ce faisant, l'auteur explique comment les différences et les similitudes entre l'idéologie entre les gouvernements des deux pays au fil du temps ont joué un rôle important dans le résultat final de la Révolution, et la façon dont les facteurs externes, tels que les deux guerres mondiales et les relations que le Mexique a eus avec d'autres pays, principalement l'Allemagne, étaient également importants pour ce résultat. L'auteur conclut que, d'un point de vue économique, on peut voir que, bien que les États-Unis était en mesure de manipuler la politique mexicaine liées au pétrole, et le programme de réforme agraire au Mexique dans ses premières années a été limité, ces conditions ont changé au cours du mandat Cárdenas (1934-1940). En ce sens, selon l'auteur, le programme de réforme agraire de Cárdenas et la nationalisation de l'industrie pétrolière au cours de sa période fait l'investissement direct des États-Unis, qui, après la Révolution armée représentait plus d'un milliard de dollars, à tomber dans plus de la moitié. Mots-clés: Relations, Idéologie, Révolution, Réforme

En este ensayo se emplean cinco estudios clásicos, que se considera siguen siendo válidos y atractivos en varios aspectos, con el objetivo de determinar cuál de los dos países, México o los Estados Unidos, cedió más en términos de los cambios que la Revolución Mexicana y los gobiernos que surgieron de su intención intentaron establecer en México. Se explica cómo las diferencias y similitudes en la ideología entre los gobiernos de ambos países a través del tiempo jugaron un papel importante en el resultado final de la Revolución, y cómo los factores externos, como las dos guerras mundiales y las relaciones que México mantuvo con otros países, principalmente Alemania, también fueron importantes para este resultado. El autor concluye que desde el punto de vista económico, se puede ver que a pesar de que los EUA pudieron manipular la política mexicana relacionada con el petróleo, y el programa de reforma agraria en México en sus primeros años era limitado, estas condiciones cambiaron durante el mandato de Cárdenas (1934-1940). En este sentido, el programa de reforma agraria de Cárdenas y la nacionalización de la industria petrolera durante su periodo hizo caer en más de la mitad la inversión directa, que después de la revolución armada representaba más de mil millones de dólares. Palabras claves: Relaciones, Ideología, Revolución, Reformas Abstract In this essay the author uses five classical studies, which he considers are still valid and appealing in several respects, with the main purpose of determining which of the two countries, Mexico or the United States, ceded the most in terms of the changes that the Mexican Revolution and the governments that emerged from it intended to establish in Mexico. In doing so, the author explains how differences and similarities in ideology between governments in both countries over time played a substantial role in the final outcome of the Revolution, and how external factors, such as the two world wars and the relations that Mexico held with other countries, mainly Germany, were also important for this outcome. The author concludes that from an economic point of view, it is possible to see that although the U.S. was able to manipulate the Mexican policy related to oil, and the land reform program in Mexico in its early years was limited, these conditions changed during Cárdenas term (1934-40). In this sense, according to the author, Cárdenas's land reform program and the nationalization of oil industry during his period made U.S. direct investment, which after the armed Revolution represented more than one thousand million dollars, to fall in more than a half. Keywords: Relations, Ideology, Revolution, Reforms Résumé Dans cet essai, l'auteur utilise cinq études classiques, qu'il considère sont toujours valables et appel à plusieurs égards, avec le but de déterminer laquelle des deux pays, le Mexique ou les États-Unis, a cédé le plus en termes de les changements que la Révolution mexicaine et les gouvernements qui ont émergé de elle prétendu de mettre en place au Mexique. Ce faisant, l'auteur explique comment les différences et les similitudes entre l'idéologie entre les gouvernements des deux pays au fil du temps ont joué un rôle important dans le résultat final de la Révolution, et la façon dont les facteurs externes, tels que les deux guerres mondiales et les relations que le Mexique a eus avec d'autres pays, principalement l'Allemagne, étaient également importants pour ce résultat. L'auteur conclut que, d'un point de vue économique, on peut voir que, bien que les États-Unis était en mesure de manipuler la politique mexicaine liées au pétrole, et le programme de réforme agraire au Mexique dans ses premières années a été limité, ces conditions ont changé au cours du mandat Cárdenas (1934-1940). En ce sens, selon l'auteur, le programme de réforme agraire de Cárdenas et la nationalisation de l'industrie pétrolière au cours de sa période fait l'investissement direct des États-Unis, qui, après la Révolution armée représentait plus d'un milliard de dollars, à tomber dans plus de la moitié. Mots-clés: Relations, Idéologie, Révolution, Réforme

During the first independence of the Latvian Republic, the radical agrarian reform between 1920 and 1937 was the most important attempt to solve the agrarian problem. At the core of the reform was the nationalization of the estates, the buildings, the interior inventory and the cattle, and the distribution of the land which had become property of the National Land Fund (NLF) among landless peasants and small farmers. The objective of the paper is to identify the different factors that cumbered the beginning of the agrarian reform in Latgale and made it more complicated. In Latgale there was a big problem to abandon the system of land management under collective responsibility, which slowed down the personal initiative of the farmers and therefore constrained the introduction of more progressive methods of land cultivation and management. In Latgale, as a long-term adminstrative part of the guberniya of Vitebsk, archaic methods of managementi similar to those in Russia prevailed. After the formation of the Latvian state, when the region of Latgale joined the better developed regions of Vidzeme, Kurzeme and Zemgale, the agrarian underdevelopment of Latgale became particularly obvious. Therefore, eliminating this gap in the agrarian development became one of the most important tasks on the way to an economically and politically stable state. Although the Latvian law on the Agrarian reform was meant to apply to the whole territory of Latvia, the agrarian reform in Latgale needed to react to peculiarities that demanded additional measures. While preparing and implementing the agrarian reform in Latgale, it was necessary to consider the historical "heritage" from the times when Latgale was part of the Polish- Lithuanian state and the Russian Empire: - A non-efficient system of management which was based on rural management expertise; - An artificially created shortage of land among the Latgalian, i.e. Catholic farmers, since there were restrictions for them in land purchasing; - Poorly educated and conservative farmers. Since 1917, the situation of the Latgalian farmers became worse because of unlawful activities by different armies such as the requisition of cattle and looting. Because of the continuing existence of the Soviet regime until January, 1920, the registration of landless peasants and the land assignment started later in Latgale than in other regions. When the land assignment in Latgale started, at first the data that the land surveyors and regional managers of the National Land Fund had gathered on site had to be processed. The precise area under the administration of the National Land Fund was not known, nor was the area of the land which was used for agricultural purposes. There were no maps of the major part of the estate and village lands in Latgale. As long as Latgale used to be the part of the Guberniya of Vitebsk, there was no data about Latgale. Many archives of the agrarian commission were destroyed by the communists in 1919, and during World War I parts of them had already been taken to Russia. There was no organized land register in Latgale. From a legal point of view, the land was registered under the name of one owner, but in reality many heirs often cultivated the land together. In addition, there were some legally registered shared land properties in Latgale. There were not many landless peasants in Latgale, but there were indeed many small farmers who had obtained the right to acquire additional land. The quantity of the land of the National Fund in Latgale did not correspond to the large number of land claims. In Latgale, about 60% of the small farmers had a right to claim land. Since the procedure of land assignment was therefore much more difficult in Latgale than in other Latvian regions, the special instruction № 25 was drafted for Latgale in addition to the law on the agrarian reform. This instruction regulated the principles of land assignment from the National Fund in the region. The instruction provided for greater privileges for land claims put forward by locals. Although there were a lot of difficulties and problems during the preparation of the agrarian reform and the land assignment in Latgale, it finally proved to be a great achievement for the solution of the agrarian problems in Latvia in general.

This report analyzes the importance of the hydrocarbon sector in Bolivia. The oil and gas sector currently represents a vital component of the Bolivian economy, accounting for 7 percent of the GDP in term of production and more than 30 percent of total government income. In addition, the hydrocarbon sector not only represents an important economic sector but also a political and social instrument for negotiations, mobilization and social participation. The hydrocarbon sector in Bolivia also plays a strategic geopolitical role in South America as it has the second largest reserves of natural gas in the region after Venezuela. However, the current Bolivian nationalization process has placed this privileged position of the country into question as Bolivia is trying to undo twenty years of neo-liberal policies with the adoption of more nationalistic policies, assuming the control of the sector and challenging the international community and the private sector to benefit its population. The report also exposes that the important hydrocarbon revenues are not evenly distributed across the country s regions. The most important instruments of taxation, royalties and the IDH, are creating a disequilibrium implying that regions with large populations get considerably fewer resources than less populated regions. In addition, the current distribution system, which is based on political criteria with some regional notion of fairness, is discriminatory in the allocation of resources with out taking into account poverty criteria. In a poor country like Bolivia with a strong political framework on poverty alleviation, the lack of poverty criteria in the distribution system of such significant resources makes 1.5 million poor people from La Paz get fewer resources than 300 thousand poor people from Pando in terms of per capita distribution ($16 dollars per capita in La Paz vs. $600 dollars per capita in Pando). The report has found that the distribution system of the hydrocarbon revenues needs serious changes to be more efficient and accomplish the goal of poverty reduction. The current system of revenue allocation creates significant per capita inequalities between regions and exacerbates the regional dependency on central transfers that depends on exhaustible and unstable hydrocarbon production (92 percent of the prefecturas revenues and 66 percent of the municipalities revenues come from government transfers). In addition, the decentralization process of the country has several weaknesses. It does not allow local governments to create their own tributary policies and generate their own resources, with exception of municipalities that to some extent can administrate and collect two regional taxes defined by the central government. This disequilibrium has the potential to seriously threaten the unity of the country as a nation. This situation will encourage producing regions to push for a large degree of decentralization in order to take advantage of the enormous inflows of resources that the sector is generating. In addition, non-producing regions will push for a significant share of those large resources given the severe degree of poverty in the country. This leads to two important questions to ask; first, who owns the natural resources, producing regions or the central government, and second, how those revenues should be distributed? 3 In general, those questions are hard to answer and in most cases the answers have significant political notions. In this aspect, the report presents results of a hypothetical calculation in which we combine to some extent the notion that producing regions have the right to a share of the revenues as does the central government. Because producing regions have solid arguments to claim ownership, like natural heritage and social cost reimbursement, we found undesirable and unviable the idea of completely draining those resources from them. Nonetheless, the central government also has significant arguments to have a share of those revenues, like income stability, fiscal equilibrium and macroeconomic considerations. Therefore, we found it important that the central government should benefit from a share of the natural wealth. However, the results of the hypothetical exercise presented in this report have the objective of opening the debate and dialogue for needed changes in the Bolivian hydrocarbon distribution system rather than suggesting a definitive answer for a distribution system in Bolivia.

Luego de la crisis de representación del año 2001, el sistema político argentino ha atravesado profundas transformaciones, que afectaron la distribución del poder político en lo que se denominó bipartidismo imperfecto, antes dominado por el Partido Justicialista y la Unión Cívica Radical. En la última década, fuerzas políticas ajenas al bipartidismo han conquistado y retenido el control de gobiernos subnacionales. Entre estos casos, sobresale Propuesta Republicana (PRO), un partido político de redes que desde el año 2007 accedió y retuvo el gobierno del segundo distrito electoral más importante del país: la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. Desde esa posición, se ha instalado en la esfera pública argentina como oposición a la presidencia de la peronista Cristina Fernández (Frente para la victoria). El artículo describe y analiza las estrategias del PRO para la formación de alianzas en el ámbito nacional, tanto en la arena electoral como en la legislativa. Se argumenta que, a diferencia del resto de las terceras fuerzas, el PRO privilegió recurrentemente mantener el armado en el distrito porteño sobre la construcción de una coalición nacional, lo que significó una postergación en la política de nacionalización partidaria, pero también el principal recurso para que el partido superara dos amenazas: el desgaste por la volatilidad del electorado y la cooptación por parte de organizaciones nacionales. ; After the crisis of representation in 2001, the Argentinian political system has been through deep transformations that have affected the distribution of political power known as imperfect bipartisanship, formerly dominated by the Partido Justicialista and the Unión Cívica Radical. In the last decade, third political forces to the traditional two-party predominance have conquered and retained control of subnational governments; for instance, the case of the Republican Proposal (PRO) stands out. This political network party has controlled the city of Buenos Aires, the second most important constituency in the country, since 2007; and, from this position, PRO has maintained opposition to the Presidency of Cristina Fernández. This paper describes and analyzes the strategies developed by the PRO to form national alliances in the electoral and legislative scenarios and, argues that PRO has opted out of a national coalition construction. Furthermore, the PRO decided to remain in the District of Buenos Aires, which meant a postponement of its nationalization strategy, but this resolution became the resource to overcome the Party's threats: electoral volatility and co-option by national organizations. ; Depois da crise de representação do ano 2011, o sistema político argentino tem atravessado profundas transformações que afetaram a distribuição do poder político no que foi chamado bipartidarismo imperfeito, antes dominado pelo Partido Justicialista e a Unión Cívica Radical. Na última década, forças políticas alheias ao bipartidarismo têm conquistado e retido o controle dos governos subnacionais. Entre estes ressalta Propuesta Republicana (PRO), um partido político de redes que desde o ano 2007 conseguiu e reteve o governo do segundo distrito eleitoral mais importante do país, a Cidade Autônoma de Buenos Aires. Desde essa oposição se instalou na esfera pública argentina como oposição a presidência da peronista Cristina Fernández. O artigo descreve e analisa as estratégias desenvolvidas pelo PRO para a formação de alianças a escala nacional, tanto na areia eleitoral como legislativa. O argumento é que a diferencia do resto das terceiras forças, o PRO privilegiou recorrentemente manter o armado no distrito portenho por cima da construção de uma coalizão nacional, o que significou uma postergação na política de nacionalização partidária mas também o principal recurso para que o partido superara duas ameaças: o desgaste pela volatilidade do eleitorado e a cooptação por parte de organizações nacionais. ; Fil: Mauro, Sebastian Gabriel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina

The election of Kennedy serves to mark nothing less than the end of a neo-conservative decade & the beginning of a neo-liberal one, not only in the US but throughout the Western World. Wars often undermine existing soc structures which create a situation favorable to radical & liberal parties. Immediately after WWII, liberal gov's were formed in Sweden, Norway, Denmark, France, Italy, Finland, Australia, New Zealand, & GB. In the US, to the surprise of many, the Democrats, with the victory of Truman in 1948, held on to the presidency. During the 40's & 50's the pol'al tide began to flow to the right. Soc Democrats & Labor Parties started losing & in 1952 the US had its first Republican President in 20 yrs. While the Soc Democrats in Sweden, Norway & Israel managed to retain power during this period, the right-wing groups in all of these countries gained support at each election during the decade from the late 40's to the late 50's. A number of forces reversed the postwar upsurge of liberalism: (1) the econ forces - the economy of the West helped by a universal growth in pop, the Marshall Plan, & finally the Korean War produced prosperity. Under the impact of Khrushchev's revelations about the Stalinist Regime, & of the Hungarian Revolution, an endless number of intellectuals abandoned the Communist & left-Socialist Parties all over the Western World. Factor (2) undermining the left was the 'liberalization' of traditionally conservative Parties - in England the Tories preserved most of the soc security & nationalization measures introduced by the Labor Party; in the US, Eisenhower, rather than Taft was chosen to represent the Republicans. It was only in the late 50's that the new liberal wave first began to reveal itself. Perhaps the earliest sign was the Labor Party's return to office in New Zealand in 1957. In the US, the Democrats increased their control of the House & the Senate & also elected a large number of governors, senators & congressmen in traditionally Republican States such as Maine, Vermont, & Connecticut. The liberal trend continued to manifest itself in the `New Nixon,' & finally in the victory of Kennedy. Why is this shift to the left taking place? A series of small recessions have helped to undermine the post-WWII feeling of prosperity. In Europe, with the end of econ reconstruction, unions in Germany, the Netherlands & Austria are resuming their traditional role of pressing for a larger share of industrial income for their members. In the intellectual sphere, the ideological warfare against Communism has subsided. In the US, the declining pressure for conformity has led many ex-radicals & liberals to become vocal once more & pol'ly active. A new set of soc problems is working to make the 60's a decade of neo-liberalism. (a) The prime econ issue is no longer the redistribution of national income among the various SC's; the question now is the proportion in which national income will be parcelled out between public & private expenditure. It seems that leftwing Parties are more likely to come to grips with this issue than those of the right, since the former have traditionally recognized & articulated the need for public control of the economy. The Democrats in the US have gained votes because of their stress on federal aid to educ, res, & public health. (b) Another issue in 1960 was international relations. The left is more likely than the right to respond to the widespread desire for an international settlement of the cold war. Problem (c) concerns the complex issue of upward SM. As soon as newer members of the Mc realize that their econ gains have not been matched by a commensurate gain in SS, they seem to rebel against the parties that speak for the higher echelons of power & prestige. In the US, the Democrats won in part because they were led by a man who could be identified with the more covert desires for increased SM & opportunities felt by labor & the new Mc; in the ambitions & handicaps of a Catholic candidate these groups saw something of their own situation. V. D. Sanua.

Before September 11, 2001, few Americans had heard of immigration detention, but in fact a secret and repressive prison system run by the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service has existed in this country for more than two decades. In American Gulag, prisoners, jailers, and whistle-blowing federal officials come forward to describe the frightening reality inside these INS facilities

"Der Beitrag setzt sich mit den finanzmarkt- und techniksoziologischen Studien von Karin Knorr Cetina und Urs Bruegger auseinander. Knorr Cetina und Bruegger zufolge stellt die Tätigkeit von DevisenhändlerInnen am globalen Devisenmarkt eine 'postsoziale' Beziehung dar: die HändlerInnen bezögen sich auf den Markt als eine 'timeworld', die eigenen Rhythmen folge. Diese Welt werde den HändlerInnen 'appräsentiert' durch eine Kommunikationsinfrastruktur und insbesondere durch die Bildschirme, an denen gearbeitet werde. Die Bindung der Subjekte an diese technischen Objekte sei nicht mit Freudschen Kategorien zu erklären, sondern eher in Lacanschen Begriffen: Bindungen würden nicht durch intersubjektive Identifikation erzeugt, sondern durch die unbewusste Suche im Objekt nach dem, woran es dem Subjekt mangelt (insbesondere Prognosefähigkeit). Diese Form der Vergesellschaftung sei paradigmatisch für hochmoderne, posttraditionale Gesellschaften, in denen die Beziehung zu (durch Massenmedien vermittelten) Idealen des Selbst wichtiger sei als normorientierte Beziehungen zu 'signifikanten Anderen' im Sinne Meads. Diese Theoreme zur gesellschaftstheoretischen Bedeutung von technischen Artefakten werden dann mit Befunden konfrontiert, die aus einem Interviewprojekt mit Finanzprofessionellen stammen. In diesen Interviews finden sich Hinweise nicht nur auf eine, sondern auf zwei 'timeworlds': einerseits der kurzfristige, schnelllebige, irrationalen Dynamiken unterworfene Markt, andererseits der langfristig an die Realwirtschaft rückgebundene, effiziente und rationale Markt. Während das kurzfristige Marktverständnis Rekurs auf die technische Institutionalisierung globaler Finanzmärkte nimmt, ist dies beim langfristigen Marktverständnis nicht der Fall. Diese Ergebnisse werden in einem dritten Schritt auf ihre theoretische Bedeutung hinsichtlich der Rolle der Kommunikationstechnologie bei der Herstellung finanzmarktlicher Handlungsfähigkeit hin befragt. Die theoretische Auswertung dieser Ergebnisse besagt, dass soziale Strukturierungsmacht den Kommunikationstechnologien und technischen Artefakten nicht per se innewohnt, sondern in konkrete Handlungskontexte und Rekursivitätsverhältnisse (etwa 'systemische Integration') eingebettet ist. Der Finanzmarkt ist daher nicht so sehr ein exemplarischer Ort der Technisierung von Lebenswelten, sondern diese Technisierung steht im Kontext spezifischer, durch den Markt vorstrukturierter Handlungstypen und Orientierungsweisen." (Autorenreferat)

"In El Salvador hat das Parlament Ende letzten Jahres ein neues Gesetz verabschiedet, nach dem die Mitgliedschaft in einer mara (Jugendbande, Streetgang) mit zwei bis fünf Jahren Gefängnis bestraft wird. Dem oder der Beschuldigten muss keine konkrete Straftat nachgewiesen werden. Einige Monate zuvor hatte der honduranische Kongress einstimmig eine ähnliche Regelung beschlossen. Mitte Januar 2004 unterzeichneten die Präsidenten von Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras und Nikaragua ein Abkommen, in dem sie sich auf eine engere Zusammenarbeit bei der Verfolgung von Mitgliedern der Jugendbanden Mara Salvatrucha und Mara 18 einigten. 70.000 bis 500.000 junge Menschen in Zentralamerika -die Schätzungen gehen sehr weit auseinander- werden damit praktisch mit Terroristen und Mafiosi gleichgesetzt. Was veranlasst die Staaten zu derart massiven Reaktionen? Wo liegen die sozialen und psychosozialen Ursachen für das Phänomen der Jugendbanden? Kann angesichts der großen Zahl bewaffneter mara-Mitglieder und immer repressiverer Gegenmaßnahmen der Regierungen von einem neuen Bürgerkrieg in Zentralamerika gesprochen werden?" (Brennpkt. Lat.am/DÜI)