Suchergebnisse

Using the Indonesian annexation of East Timor in 1975 and Vietnam's occupation of Cambodia between 1978 and 1989 as case studies, this article examines how ASEAN understood the principles of nonintervention and non-interference as juxtaposed against the right to self-determination in the 1970s. As ASEAN's first "crises" in its formative years, they illustrate how the bloc's initial norm-making processes evolved as individual member states attempted to make their case for or against intervention. The article contends that ASEAN's principles of non-intervention and non-interference are non-static and adaptive. It also suggests that while ASEAN's normative framework may have been sufficiently accommodative of its members' different standards and approaches towards protecting sovereignty, the right to self-determination and independence in the past, it is questionable whether the adherence to non-interference would be sufficient for the grouping to address the present crisis in Myanmar and future challenges. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

WTO contains a set of disciplines that affect the ability of governments to impose trade restrictions, and has helped to support the steady expansion of international trade since the 1950s. The WTO has been the focus of vociferous protests by anti-globalization activists and has experienced great difficulties in agreeing to new trade rules since its establishment. At the same time it has become the premier global forum for the settlement of trade disputes and has proven to provide a robust framework for international cooperation in the trade area. This book separates the facts from the propaganda and provides an accessible overview of the WTO's history, structure and policies as well as a discussion of the future of the organization.

Addressing the weakening of the nation-state and the globalizing tendencies of the 21st century, this compilation of writings looks at international wars, boundaries, cultural conflict and world economy in a bid to address the changing relationship between politics and geography.

In her speech on the BRICS and other emerging powers on 1 February 2012, the EU
High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Lady Catherine Ashton,
stated that the EU needs "to invest in these countries as strategic partners n a very
strong and dynamic, bilateral relationship (...) We need to do that because it is in our interest to do it." The EU's strategic partnerships have been established in an uncoordinated manner; however, this has not been accidental. All of the EU's "emerging" strategic partners carry economic weight, but even more importantly, they have political weight and (potentially) important regional and/or global roles to play. Consequently, they are essential partners for shaping a globalized, interdependent
and multipolar world confronted with key challenges and with a need for international
cooperation and global governance. They are truly "formative powers" in that they have enough influence to shape the present and coming world order. These countries are essential partners for the EU in terms of its goals of building "effective multilateralism" and of raising its own international profile. While the EU was initially keen to establish strong links between its bilateral and biregional strategic partnerships, since mid-2010 the official statements have put a stronger focus on working with bilateral partners more independently from biregional relations. The "emerging" strategic partners have an interest in being officially "selected" by
the EU, a traditional or "established" (extraregional) power. Being recognized and
acknowledged as important players in regional as well as global terms serves their
international and regional power profile as well as their status within the international hierarchy. Strategic partnerships generally are and will be an important foreign policy tool in a multipolar world. They are part of the strategy of cooperating while competing.

America's foreign relations tradition, for all its successes, has not always served the American people well. Utilizing tradition as a framework of analysis of the historic American approach to foreign affairs, this book critically examines the country's international conduct over time, leading to a number of provocative and controversial conclusions.

A review essay on books by (1) Andrew Mack, The Human Security Report 2005: War and Peace in the 21st Century (Oxford: Oxford U Press, 2005); & (2) UN Development Programme, United Nations in Human Development Report 2005: International Cooperation at a Crossroads -- Aid, Trade and Security in an Unequal World (New York: UNDP, 2005). References.

The process of revolutionary restructuring now under way in the USSR commands keen attention among Chinese scholars, especially among Sovietologists and international affairs analysts. The paper looks at how the Chinese scholars assess perestroika paying special attention to a new thinking in Soviet foreign policy and further improvement in Sino-Soviet relations. (DÜI-Sen)

Die Verabschiedung des Paris-Abkommens im Dezember 2015 stellt einen Erfolg für die französische Diplomatie dar. Es ist ihr gelungen, schwierige Verhandlungen zu einem erfolgreichen Ende zu führen. Die Europäische Union und Deutschland haben sie dabei unterstützt. Dieser Bericht analysiert die Voraussetzungen für diesen Erfolg. Zudem geht er auf weiterreichende strategische Fragen ein, die das Abkommen aufwirft: Wie effizient ist es wirklich für den Umweltschutz? Inwieweit spiegelt es die Interessen Frankreichs, Deutschlands und der EU wider? Welche Rolle können alle drei nun in der Klimapolitik spielen? Die EU, lange Zeit Vorreiterin in der internationalen Klimapolitik, hat ihre Führungsrolle inzwischen weitgehend verloren; tatsächlich steckten die USA und China den Rahmen der aktuellen Verhandlungen ab. Das Paris-Abkommen resultiert aus dieser neuen geopolitischen Lage und verfolgt einen Bottom-up-Ansatz ohne verpflichtende Reduktionsvorgaben. Als universales Abkommen, das auf einem Soft Law basiert, also einer nicht verbindlichen Übereinkunft, stellt es die Grenze dessen dar, was derzeit im Rahmen der UNO möglich scheint. Es läutet eine neue Ära der internationalen Klimapolitik ein, in der der nationalen Ebene zentrale Bedeutung zukommt. Die Fähigkeit zur Gestaltung der globalen Entwicklung wird vor allem von indirekter Leitung und damit von nationalen klimapolitischen Initiativen abhängen. Die EU vereinigt zwar einige der fortschrittlichsten Länder im Bereich kohlenstoffarmer Energieerzeugung. Ihr Führungsanspruch leidet aber unter dem dysfunktionalen CO-Emissionshandel und der Fokussierung auf Fragen der Versorgungssicherheit. Die Energiewenden, die derzeit in Deutschland und Frankreich vollzogen beziehungsweise geplant werden, müssen zum Motor einer europäischen Energieunion werden. Das ist unabdingbar, um sich im kommenden weltweiten Wettbewerb zwischen den verschiedenen Wegen der Dekarbonisierung eine gute Ausgangsposition zu verschaffen.

Die Vorschriften in Art. 17 ff. Brüssel Ia-VO und Art. 6 Rom I-VO sollen Verbraucher bei grenzüberschreitenden Geschäften im europäischen Binnenmarkt schützen. Der EuGH hat den situativen Anwendungsbereich dieser Verbraucherschutzvorschriften immer weiter ausgelegt und dafür rege Kritik erfahren. Marc Dietrich nähert sich den Problemen bei der Auslegung des situativen Anwendungsbereiches durch einen umfangreichen Vergleich der europäischen Vorschriften mit der Rechtslage in den USA. Aus einer weitreichenden Analyse des US-Fallrechts, bundesstaatlicher Normen und der Vorschriften des Second Restatement of Conflict of Laws entwickelt er einen unternehmerzentrierten Ansatz zur Lösung des Auslegungsproblems und setzt sich im Anschluss mit den Auswirkungen der Verbote der neuen Geoblocking-VO auf den unternehmerzentrierten Ansatz auseinander.