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Acharya, Amitav ; Buzan, Barry: Preface : why is there no non-Western IR theory : reflections on and from Asia Acharya, Amitav ; Buzan, Barry: Why is there no non-Western international relations theory? An introduction Qin Yaqing: Why is there no Chinese international relations theory? Behera, Navnita Chadha: Re-imagining IR in India Inoguchi, Takashi: Are there any theories of international relations in Japan? Chong, Alan: Southeast Asia : theory between modernization and tradition Acharya, Amitav ; Buzan, Barry: Conclusion : on the possibility of a non-Western IR theory in Asia

This article analyzes the roles & impact of individual personalities in international relations. The article discusses how a state or region may be affected by the influence of one leader & what conditions present the greatest influence of an individual. The article dismisses the theories of political scientists who argue that one individual does not have the power to influence the history of the nation or world. The article discusses five historical situations that are seen in hindsight as resting on the existence & actions of a single individual. E. Miller

More than a decade has passed since the momentous events of 1989 that changed the world order and redefined the geopolitics of Central Europe. This is just the right moment to assess the results of these changes and discuss the future of that region. Based on the past comparative studies or those currently going on, we may say that Central Europe differs from the post-communist East (the former Soviet Union) and the South-East (the former Yugoslavia with the exception of Slovenia) and Albania. First, Central-European states overthrew their communist regimes earlier and in a more decisive manner than the USSR; second, the economic transformation of Central Europe, though not completely smooth, is nevertheless much smoother than the transformation of the member countries of the CIS; third, the post-communist societies differ in the pattern by which their systems of social stratification have changed after the collapse of their communist regimes; fourth, there are big differences between the Central-European post-communist states, including the Baltic states on the one hand, and the CIS members and Serbia/Montenegro-Yugoslavia on the other regarding their international orientation. The author highlights three significant events that are going to leave their trace on the regional geostrategic situation: NATO's eastern expansion, NATO's campaign against SKY and the election of Vladimir Putin for president of Russia. The regional geopolitical picture may become more stable with closer ties between the states of Central Europe and Germany. (SOI : PM: S. 11)

Fifty years after the current "one China" framework emerged in international politics, the cross-Taiwan Strait "one China" dispute has transformed from its historical nature of indivisible sovereignty. As Taipei has stopped competing internationally to represent "China" since 1991, Beijing now worries that compromising its "one-China principle" in cross-Strait reconciliation would enhance Taiwan's separate statehood internationally and enable the island to push towards de jure independence. In contrast, Taipei worries that any perceived concessions on the question of "one China" would enhance China's sovereignty claim over Taiwan and enable Beijing to push for unification coercively with fewer concerns about international backlash. Improved cross-Strait relations thus rely on circumventing this quintessential commitment problem in international politics. (China Q/GIGA)

84 páginas: ilustraciones, mapas. ; Las relaciones internacionales abordan asuntos a nivel social, económico, político y ambiental, y precisamente el Caribe es una región de interés para los 28 países que la conforman al igual que para los Estados Unidos de América, ya que su morfología y condiciones específicas de variada índole, favorecen el comercio marítimo, el intercambio cultural, así como las actividades de ilega-lidad como el tráfico ilícito de estupefacientes por vía marítima, siendo este un asunto con impac-tos significativos, una amenaza trasnacional vigente que conlleva a que estos países se hallan visto en la necesidad de reforzar las relaciones y realizar un trabajo integrado buscando acabar, o al menos mitigar esta problemática. Es por ello que se hace fundamental entender la importancia de la región para Colombia, país con costas en los dos océanos, abordando la situación actual de los convenios y acuerdos interna-cionales existentes que impactan dicho espacio geográfico, entendiendo sus características eco-nómicas y culturales, así como la normatividad existente y ratificada por el país en lo que refiere al Derecho Internacional, en vista que la aplicación del mismo puede favorecer acciones conjuntas en contra de la amenazas comunes, o puede, en caso de no ser cumplidas acorde a lo descrito, dificultar o entorpecer no solo las operaciones navales, sino las relaciones entre las naciones. Ya específicamente en Colombia, estudiar las políticas gubernamentales diseñadas por Colom-bia para participar de manera decidida en el Caribe, en complemento a las diseñadas para comba-tir esta amenaza, con los resultados obtenidos con las mismas, toma importante valor consideran-do que son estas políticas la base principal del planeamiento y desarrollo de las operaciones nava-les contra el narcotráfico, en todas sus modalidades. Comprender de qué manera la Armada Nacional combate esta amenaza aprovechando eficien-temente los recursos asignados, así como el impacto de las mismas, así como el aprovechamiento de acuerdos regionales, permite observar que las operaciones navales son pilar fundamental de las Relaciones Internacionales de Colombia en la región, evidenciado a través de acuerdos vigentes en los que la experiencia y efectividad de la Armada Nacional colombiana, jalona al país a asumir un liderazgo regional en el aspecto militar y social, que junto al soporte militar y tecnológico pres-tado por los Estados Unidos de América, como su principal aliado en la región, hace de Colombia una nación protagónica en el accionar conjunto en contra de la amenaza del narcotráfico. ; 1. Objetivo general… ………………………………………………….……………………8 2. Resumen… ………………………………………………………………………….….8 3. Introducción……………………………………………………………………………. 10 4. Capítulos…………………………………………………………………………………12 I. Análisis de la región Caribe y la injerencia de Colombia en el área….…………….12 II. Derecho Internacional del Mar……………………………………………………….24 III. Política antidro-gas……………………………………………………………………35 IV. Operaciones navales…………………………………………………………………44 V. Relaciones Internacionales……………………………………………………………60 5. Conclusiones…………………………………………………………………………….74 6. Recomendaciones……………………………………………………………………….76 7. Referencias bibliográficas……………………………………………………………….77 ; International relations attend issues at the social, economic, political and environmental levels, and the Caribbean is precisely a region of interest to the 28 countries that comprise it, as well as to the United States of America, since its specific morphology and conditions maritime trade, cultural exchange, as well as illegal activities such as illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs by sea, this being a matter with significant impacts, a current transnational threat that leads to these countries being seen in the need to strengthen relationships and perform an integrated work seeking to end, or mitigate this problem. That is why it is fundamental to understand the importance of the region for Colombia, a country with coasts in the two oceans, addressing the current situation of existing international agreements that impact that geographical space, understanding their economic and cultural characteristics, as well as the existing legislation and ratified by the country with regard to international law, since the application of it may favor joint actions against the common threats, or may, if not complied with as described, hinder not only naval operations, but relations between nations. Specifically in Colombia, to study the government policies designed by Colombia to participate decisively in the Caribbean, in addition to those designed to combat this threat, with the results obtained with them, takes important value considering that these policies are the main basis the planning and development of naval operations against drug trafficking, in all its forms. Understanding how the National Navy fights this threat by efficiently using the resources allocated, as well as the impact of the same, as well as the use of regional agreements, allows to observe that naval operations are fundamental pillar of the International Relations of Colombia in the region , evidenced by agreements in force in which the experience and effectiveness of the Colombian National Navy, move the country to assume a regional leadership in the military and social aspect, that together with the military and technological support provided by the United States of America, as its main ally in the region, makes Colombia a leading nation in joint action against the threat of drug trafficking. ; Trabajo que analiza un enfoque específico de las Operaciones Navales y su impacto a nivel Nacional y regional.

Yugoslavia was a phenomenon of the 'short' twentieth century. Its two incarnations fell between the cataclysm of the First World War which destroyed the old order, and the transformation of Europe which followed the collapse of communism in 1989. The task of building a viable, unified state was complicated not only by Yugoslavia's diverse cultural composition, but also by the pressures which the evolution of international society have placed on the modern state. Yugoslavia - explains and examines the key themes in the history of the former Yugoslavia - synthesises the main strands in contemporary debate about the origins of the Yugoslav crisis - presents a truly international history, exposing in full the role played by other countries in the rise and fall of the nation Focussing on both domestic and external factors, Ann Lane presents a balanced analysis of this ultimately failed attempt at state-building in a region of cultural diversity

Although the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), China, and Japan commonly recognize that development of the Mekong region is indispensable for achieving the smooth promotion of regional integration in East Asia, their approaches to this issue have been diverse and redundant. While ASEAN has exhibited interest in Mekong development since the mid-1990s, its members' commitments have showed significant disparity. The Chinese government has identified close links with the Mekong region as a key to advance political and economic linkages as well as to sustain the development of its underdeveloped southern areas. Japan's Mekong policy has shifted from developmental to geopolitical, combining formal institutions, financial resources, and normative ideas. Such a strategic orientation aims to balance China's growing influence by fostering direct political linkages with the Mekong countries. Weak coordination in approach to and interests in Mekong development has had negative impacts on institution building in East Asia. ASEAN's limitation to coordinate development programs has undermined its credibility as the central body to advance institution building in the region. The different approaches of China and Japan have intensified rivalry on institution building in East Asia, disturbing the evolution of ASEAN+3 institutions in the development field. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

This paper examines (1) the transformations in the international economy that led to the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Free Trade Agreement and (2) the factors working in favor and against the agreement's implementation. The underlying motivation for AFTA is examined in terms of being a reaction to the rise of the European Community and the North American Free Trade Agreement, which led to fears of reduced foreign investment, trade diversion, diminished bargaining power in negotiations, and lower international competitiveness. The implementation of AFTA is discussed as being constrained by a lumber of factors, including regional security tensions, product exclusions, long lead time, uneven levels of development, insufficient coordination of external policy, as well as lack of treatment of NTBs, subsidies and government procurement practices. ; Chief of Naval Operations ; http://archive.org/details/aseanfreetradeag00broo ; OP-60 ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

"Praised for its authoritative coverage, Global Political Economy places the study of IPE in broad theoretical context- has been updated to cover the rise of populism, Brexit, US-China trade wars, tariffs, refugees and global migration, continuing environmental degradation, and the residual effects of global economic crises and regional relationships and impacts. Written by leading IPE scholar Theodore Cohn, now joined by his prolific colleague Andy Hira, this book equally emphasizes theory and practice to provide a framework for analyzing current events and long-term developments in the global economy. This text is suitable for both introductory and advanced IPE courses. New to the 8th Edition -Expands upon the growing US-China competition in many areas of the global political economy. Discusses the problems Brexit is posing for Britain and the European Union (EU). Explores the growth of populism. Focuses more on environmental degradation/climate change along with the increase in global migration. Incorporates a new theme of South-South global economic relations. Highlights the relationship among economics, geopolitics, and security issues. Updates and expands the number of tables, figures, and graphics throughout. Provides an updated Test Bank and new PowerPoint slides in an Instructor's e-Resource."