Suchergebnisse

3 hyp's re the response of a modern industr'ized state to conflict were developed & applied to the German Democratic Republic's (GDR) reaction to migration of its citizens to the West. In accordance with these hyp's it was held that: (1) the building of the Berlin Wall was a matter of survival for the GDR; (2) it was an act of coercion, not manipulation; (3) the stream of refugees was an indicator of soc conflict in the GDR; & (4) the party newspaper Neues Deutschland can be considered a propaganda instrument of the state, ie, it serves the representation & furtherance of state interests. 3 working hyp's are derived from this: (a) The decision of the GDR gov to build the Berlin Wall will be preceded by a period in which the Neues Deutschland deals signif'ly more frequently with the refugee problem than in an earlier control period. (b) The building of the Berlin Wall will take place only after a period of increasingly intense propagandistic preparation which will include changes such as an increasingly negative attitude of the press toward the refugees, an increase in the number of arguments that imply coercive action, & an increase in the number of letters to the Ed addressing themselves to the refugee problem. (c) There will be a signif positive r between the weekly number of refugees & the weekly number of lines dealing with refugee problems in Neues Deutschland. The yrs 1960 & 1961 are studied in this context with the use of refugee figures, indices of press activity, figures on lines, & articles showing diff's in press coverage, & qualitative impressions about direct argumentation on the subject of refugees. Re (a) the following is found: Although there was a tendency toward increased press activity before the date of gov decision & for a decrease directly thereafter, it is not possible to secure this tendency statistically using as indices of press activity the number of lines & the variability of weekly line counts. This hypothesis cannot be confirmed. Both quantitative & qualitative results support hypothesis (b). The press valuation became more & more hostile & the attitude toward refugees more & more hysterically aggressive in the period just preceding the building of the Wall. Re (c), it was found that increase in press activity did not precede but follow an upswing in the number of refugees; no stronger conclusion re this hypothesis is possible at this point. The party press did function to justify a planned action & to prepare the pop & the outside world for its coming. 14 Tables. M. Maxfield.

Reports a study of MPs' attitudes to welfare based on personal interviews with 81 MPs from the major party groupings, and stratified by status. Discusses results. (DCL)

Worldwide, an estimated 200 million girls and women have been subjected to female genital cutting. Female genital cutting is defined as an intentional injury to the female genitalia without medical justification. The practice occurs in at least 29 countries in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. In addition, globalization and migration have brought immigrants from countries where cutting is commonly practiced to countries where cutting is not traditionally practiced and may even be illegal. In countries receiving immigrants, governments and development agencies would like to know if girls with parents who immigrated from practicing countries are at risk of being cut. Risk assessments, for example, could help governments identify the need for programs promoting the abandonment of cutting among immigrants. Extrapolating from the prevalence and incidence rates in practicing countries, however, is generally not sufficient to guarantee a valid estimate of risk in immigrant populations. In particular, immigrants might differ from their counterparts in the country of origin in terms of attitudes toward female genital cutting. Attitudes can differ because migrants represent a special sample of people from the country of origin or because immigrants acculturate after arriving in a new country. To examine these possibilities, we used a fully anonymous, computerized task to elicit implicit attitudes toward female genital cutting among Sudanese immigrants living in Switzerland and Sudanese people in Sudan. Results show that Sudanese immigrants in Switzerland were significantly more positive about uncut girls than Sudanese in Sudan, and that selective migration out of Sudan likely contributed substantially to this difference. We conclude by suggesting how our method could potentially be coupled with recent efforts to refine extrapolation methods for estimating cutting risk among immigrant populations. More broadly, our results highlight the need to better understand how heterogeneous attitudes can affect the risk of cutting ...

Worldwide, an estimated 200 million girls and women have been subjected to female genital cutting. Female genital cutting is defined as an intentional injury to the female genitalia without medical justification. The practice occurs in at least 29 countries in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. In addition, globalization and migration have brought immigrants from countries where cutting is commonly practiced to countries where cutting is not traditionally practiced and may even be illegal. In countries receiving immigrants, governments and development agencies would like to know if girls with parents who immigrated from practicing countries are at risk of being cut. Risk assessments, for example, could help governments identify the need for programs promoting the abandonment of cutting among immigrants. Extrapolating from the prevalence and incidence rates in practicing countries, however, is generally not sufficient to guarantee a valid estimate of risk in immigrant populations. In particular, immigrants might differ from their counterparts in the country of origin in terms of attitudes toward female genital cutting. Attitudes can differ because migrants represent a special sample of people from the country of origin or because immigrants acculturate after arriving in a new country. To examine these possibilities, we used a fully anonymous, computerized task to elicit implicit attitudes toward female genital cutting among Sudanese immigrants living in Switzerland and Sudanese people in Sudan. Results show that Sudanese immigrants in Switzerland were significantly more positive about uncut girls than Sudanese in Sudan, and that selective migration out of Sudan likely contributed substantially to this difference. We conclude by suggesting how our method could potentially be coupled with recent efforts to refine extrapolation methods for estimating cutting risk among immigrant populations. More broadly, our results highlight the need to better understand how heterogeneous attitudes can affect the risk of cutting among immigrant communities and in countries of origin.

Reports on an exploratory study (mail survey) of industrial
supplier satisfaction with the purchasing partnership format and how
these agreements can relate to current market conditions. The respondent
sales managers had very positive attitudes toward, and expectations
from, purchasing partnerships. For some, these partnerships appear to be
the only way to compete in an unstable market. It appears that the
responsibility for keeping the arrangement mutually profitable is that
of the supplier. It also seems that top managers will have to be more
involved with these accounts because of the large sales volumes
generated by each. The suppliers reported a need for a better flow of
information from buyers which can be facilitated by a purchasing
partnership. The major partnership challenges for suppliers are to
maintain fair profit margins for themselves and to build buyer loyalty
so that competitors cannot interrupt the relationship.

Professional organizations now accredit state and local agencies across several fields. This article investigates the attitudes of street-level bureaucrats toward their agencies and the tasks required of them in accredited and nonaccredited agencies. If accreditation changes bureaucratic attitudes in ways that build a sense of mission or shape functional preferences, it could lead to more effective public service delivery. The empirical subjects of this study are American municipal police departments and the Commission on Accreditation for Law Enforcement Agencies (CALEAs). Analysis of quasi-experimental data from a survey of officers suggests that accreditation helps build a sense of mission at the street level but finds little evidence of an effect on functional preferences. Adapted from the source document.

Negative attitudes are a major barrier to the equality of people with disabilities. Governments and other organisations have implemented numerous programs to change attitudes towards people with disabilities. We analyse published evidence about the effectiveness of such programs using a framework of the interrelationship between three levels of policy intervention to change attitudes: personal level – directed at changing the attitudes of individuals; organisational level – concerning attitudinal barriers in domains such as employment, education and health; and government level – legally mandating behaviour change. The analysis finds that the following policy types can be effective if used together: policies that involve direct contact with people with disability; information and awareness campaigns; education and training about disability; and antidiscrimination enforcement. Policy characteristics that contribute to effectiveness include: a positive program experience for participants; multi-faceted and prolonged interventions; and adequate program resources. Policy effectiveness to change attitudes relies on corresponding reinforcement at all three policy levels.

Einstellungen zu aktuellen nationalen und internationalen Fragen.

Themen: wichtigstes nationales Problem; wichtigstes internationales
Problem; Länder im Konflikt mit der BRD; Hauptprobleme und Differenzen
zwischen BRD und USA; Hauptprobleme zwischen BRD und anderen Ländern;
Meinung über Frankreich, Großbritannien, USA, UdSSR, Rot-China; Gründe
für negative und positive Einstellung zu den Ländern USA, UdSSR und
China; Vertrauen in die USA und die UdSSR bei der Behandlung von
Weltproblemen; Gründe für geringes Vertrauen in die USA und UdSSR;
Bemühen der USA und der UdSSR um den Weltfrieden; Verhältnis der USA zur
UdSSR; stärkste derzeitige Atommacht; Stärkste Atommacht in 5 Jahren;
gewünschte stärkste Atommacht; Gründe für Wunsch nach ausgeglichenem
Nuklearpotential zwischen USA und UdSSR; Kenntnis der
SALT-Verhandlungen; Teilnehmerstaaten der SALT-Verhandlungen; Zweck und
Erfolgschancen der SALT-Verhandlungen; Nutznießer eines Abkommens
zwischen USA und UdSSR; Verlaß auf USA bei Verhandlungen;
Sicherheitskonferenz; Bedrohung der nationalen Sicherheit Deutschlands;
Beistand für BRD im Konfliktfall; Kenntnis internationaler
Organisationen; Zweck der NATO; Mitgliedschaft in der NATO; Gründe für
gewünschte Mitgliedschaft; Vertrauen in Verteidigungsfähigkeit der NATO;
Truppenstationierungen in Westeuropa; Reduktion der US-Truppenstärke in
Europa; Notwendigkeit der USA für die Sicherheit Westeuropas;
Verteidigungsbudget der BRD; Marinestreitkräfte im Mittelmeer; stärkste
Seemacht im Mittelmeer; Verhältnis Israel und arabische Staaten;
Unterstützung der BRD für Israel; Bedeutung des Ausganges des
Nahostkonfliktes für die BRD; Friedensprozess im Nahen Osten;
europäischer Einigungsprozess; Kompetenzen einer europäischen Regierung;
Haltung der USA zur europäischen Integration; Lösung des Problems der
Umweltverschmutzung durch internationale Organisationen;
Wirtschaftshilfe für andere Staaten.

Demographie: Alter; Familienstand; Bildung; Beruf; Einkommen;
Konfession; Kirchgang; Geschlecht; Ortsgröße; Bundesland.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurden: Interviewdauer; Anzahl der Kontaktversuche;
Anwesenheit anderer während des Interviews; Kooperationsbereitschaft;
Schwierigkeit; Endzeit; Interviewdatum; Interviewer-Nummer.

Given the recent national emphasis on standards and the use of high stakes tests, American teachersmay not have positive attitudes toward teaching creative strategies. It is possible for them to concludethat they will be held accountable primarily for how well students perform on summative tests that arebased either on state standards or the new national Core Standards being adopted by many states.With so much emphasis on standards, they may not be acquainted with the New Bloom's Taxonomythat places creating at the top of learning hierarchy, nor are they likely to be aware of why that actionwas taken.

AbstractAccording to a 2017 U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) survey, 12.3% of households face food insecurity (FI)—the economic and social condition of limited or uncertain access to adequate food. Given the pervasiveness of the problem, there is surprisingly little research examining how the general population perceives FI. Is FI expected in all societies? Is it a societal disgrace for individuals in the United States to go hungry? When it occurs, who is responsible? This research drew from existing surveys and practitioner expertise to develop a comprehensive instrument to assess attitudes toward FI. Data were collected in two studies to test a multidimensional model developed through examination and categorization of FI‐related items. We examined dimensionality of attitudes through exploratory (Study 1, N = 503) and then confirmatory (Study 2, N = 510) factor analysis of representative samples of Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk) participants. Seven dimensions were identified and related to reported contributions to food organizations and demographic characteristics (e.g., gender, age, and political orientation). Our findings help understanding of attitudes toward FI and can provide antipoverty organizations with information to shape policy, challenge inaccurate perceptions, and develop approaches to address FI.

ObjectivesThe purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between religion and voting behavior and political attitudes. Moreover, this work examines the distinction between black and white evangelicals.MethodsThis article makes use of regression and logit analysis of the American National Election Studies of 1992 through 2008.ResultsIdentification with a particular tradition is important, along with attitudes concerning the authorship of the Bible. Moreover, affiliation with an evangelical tradition works in opposite directions for African Americans and whites. African‐American evangelicals, perhaps because of the messages on economics and civil rights that are preached in the traditional black church, are more likely than other African Americans to vote Democratic. Looking at differences concerning political issues, however, shows much less clarity than does voting behavior. The differences between African‐American and white evangelicals are largely nonexistent, except on issues that deal specifically with race.ConclusionThe relationship between religion and voting behavior in presidential elections is more complex than previously thought.

Recent studies of attitudes toward economic inequality suggest that most people around the world prefer very low levels of inequality, despite well-known trends toward greater inequality within many countries. Even within countries, people across the political spectrum are said to be in remarkable agreement about the ideal level of economic inequality. Using survey data from 40 countries and a novel survey experiment in the United States, we show that this apparent agreement is illusory. When relying on a widely used cross-national survey measure of Ideal Pay Ratios, preferred levels of inequality are heavily influenced by two well-documented sources of perceptual distortion: the anchoring effect and ratio bias. These effects are substantial and many times larger than the influence of fundamental political predispositions. As a result, these cross-national survey measures tapping preferences regarding economic inequality produce misleading conclusions about desired levels of inequality.

Waiting is examined here as a psychological experience, through propositions regarding the relationship between the design of a queue and the emotions and attitudes of people waiting. Propositions are tested using a paradigm that both controls features of queue structure and allows collection of real-time data from people waiting. Data collected from 134 participants confirm that people closer to a service agent are more pleased than those further away. But people waiting in a single-queue structure are shown to feel more predictability and arousal than those waiting in a multiple-queue structure. Waiting in a multiple-queue structure is, however, shown to produce a sense of lack of justice, even when no objective inequalities exist. The study suggests a useful paradigm for evaluating alternative queue structures in a laboratory setting and provides insights about psychological aspects of waiting. Both the method and the results suggest an extensive agenda for future research.