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Many churches have cut loose from traditional alliances with social and political elites and taken up a vocabulary of social and political criticism unthinkable in the 1950's. In Latin America, however, religion and politics have been joined ever since the conquest. The collision of grass roots religious activism with suspicion and fearful public authorities leads to repression. Latin American experience points up the transformative qualities of religion, underscores its enduring significance for politics of all kinds and levels, and its unique capacity to motivate and empower human action

This work is constructed on the hypothesis that religious proselytism is the tool in the hands of the three major monotheistic religions with which they canvass/campaign for membership recruitment. It identifies and explores different modes which proselytism has taken among the practitioners of the religions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam and understands proselytism as the source and cause of a world divided along religious lines and which may not be healed if that practice persists. The work adopts the methods of analysis of written data and focus on groups.

The classical liberal concern for freedom of religion today intersects with concerns of equality and respect for minorities, of what might be loosely termed 'multiculturalism'. When these minorities were primarily understood in terms of ethno-racial identities, multiculturalism and freedom of religion were seen at that time as quite separate policy and legal fields. As ethno-religious identities have become central to multiculturalism (and to rejections of multiculturalism), specifically in Western Europe in relation to its growing Muslim settlements, not only have the two fields intersected, new approaches to religion and equality have emerged. We consider the relationship between freedom of religion and ethno-religious equality, or alternatively, religion as faith or conscience and religion as group identity. We argue that the normative challenges raised by multicultural equality and integration cannot be met by individualist understandings of religion and freedom, by the idea of state neutrality, nor by laicist understandings of citizenship and equality. Hence, a re-thinking of the place of religion in public life and of religion as a public good and a re-configuring of political secularism in the context of religious diversity is necessary. We explore a number of pro-diversity approaches that suggest what a respectful and inclusive egalitarian governance of religious diversity might look like, and consider what might be usefully learnt from other countries, as Europe struggles with a deeper diversity than it has known for a long time. The moderate secularism that has historically evolved in Western Europe is potentially accommodative of religious diversity, just as it came to be of Christian churches, but it has to be 'multiculturalised'.

This article analyses the use of religion in Indonesian elections. It fundamentally argues that religion has been utilized by both secular and religious politicians to boost their electoral gain. Focusing on national and local elections in the past five years of Indonesian politics, this study suggests that religion is a significant instrument in the electoral decision-making process, both from the perspective of voters and candidates. Much of the data in writing this article derive from my current research project funded by the Indonesian Ministry of Research, Technology and Higher Education. Other data come from leading survey institutes, particularly Lembaga Survey Indonesia (LSI), Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting (SMRC) and Indikator Politik Indonesia.

Résumé Loin d'être antagonique, le rapport du politique au religieux, chez Rousseau comme chez Robespierre, est intime. De la religion civile au culte de l'Être suprême, on trouve l'idée, puisée dans une culture latine commune aux deux auteurs, que toute cité est impensable sans un système de croyance. L'athéisme ­celui que professent les philosophes des Lumières­ est alors aussi funeste qu'aristocratique, plein de mépris pour un peuple marqué par sa condition malheureuse et à qui la religion apporte réconfort. Si le montage juridique du contrat social peut être compris comme figurant la raison du citoyen, la religion civile ­qui ne peut cependant pas être le christianisme­ en est le c ur.

In line with the OSCE's conflict prevention role and its commitments to fostering a culture of mutual respect and understanding, the ODIHR published the Toledo Guiding Principles on Teaching about Religions and Beliefs in Public Schools. The Toledo Guiding Principles have been prepared in order to contribute to an improved understanding of the world's religious diversity. Their rationale is based on two core principles: first, that there is positive value in teaching that emphasizes respect for everyone's right to freedom of religion or belief, and second, that teaching about religions and beliefs can reduce harmful misunderstandings and stereotypes. The primary purpose of the Toledo Guiding Principles is to assist OSCE participating States whenever they choose to promote the study and knowledge about religions and beliefs in schools, particularly as a tool to enhance religious freedom. The Principles focus solely on the educational approach that seeks to provide teaching about different religions and beliefs. Adapted from the source document.

Remembering Conquest: Feminist/Womanist Perspectives on Religion, Colonization, and Sexual Violence addresses the issue of sexual violence against women from feminist and womanist theological perspectives. Taken from proceedings of a panel discussion at the 1998 annual meeting of the American Academy of Religion, this informative book offers sociologists, clergy, and women an examination of how negative stereotypes in society are derived from Christian perspectives and other religions. Exploring abuse against Native American, African- American, Filipino, and Thai women, Remembering Conquest wi