Over the past two decades, governments have delegated extensive regulatory authority to international private-sector organizations. This internationalization and privatization of rule making has been motivated not only by the economic benefits of common rules for global markets, but also by the realization that government regulators often lack the expertise and resources to deal with increasingly complex and urgent regulatory tasks. The New Global Rulers examines who writes the rules in international private organizations, as well as who wins, who loses--and why.
Foreign policy decisions are influenced by many factors. The real world is complex and many variables have to be considered when making a decision. A psychological approach to decision-making facilitates the understanding and explaining of the complexity of foreign and global policies precisely because of the prolonged transitional stage of the contemporary international system. The course of world politics is shaped by the decisions of leaders. Uncertainty involved in decision-making in fo...
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RESUMEN The fundamental right to the cultural identity of indigenous peoples recognised by the IDH Court, its legal nature, its sources and case-law standards are studied. In particular, how it can be constitutionally protected in Chile and sets out some prospects of impact on domestic legislation. ; RESUMEN Se estudia el derecho fundamental a la identidad cultural de los pueblos indígenas reconocido por la Corte IDH, su naturaleza jurídica, sus fuentes y estándares jurisprudenciales. En especial, cómo se puede amparar constitucionalmente en Chile y se enuncian algunas perspectivas de impacto en la legislación interna.
American hegemony has passed its peak. The twenty-first century will see a more multipolar international system. Yet Western European countries may not be the United States' main foils in upcoming decades. Four new poles of the international system are now known in the business and financial press as the "BRICs economies" (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Does the concept of "the BRICs" also have meaning within a rigorous political science framework? From the perspective of neoclassical economics, the category's justification is suprisingly weak. In contrast, a political or economic realist's framing instructs the United States to focus on states that are increasing their relative material capabilities, as each of the four is. Finally, within a liberal institutionalist's model, the BRICs are a compelling set, yet one with a deep cleavage between two subgroups: large emerging powers likely to remain authoritarian or revert to that state, and states that are securely democratic. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)
"This book provides an introduction to the theory and practice of diplomacy and its vital role in an era of increasing international uncertainty. The work employs a distinctive 'diplomatic perspective' on international relations and argues that the experience of conducting diplomacy gives rise to a set of priorities: first, the peaceful resolution of disputes; second, the avoidance of unwanted conflict; and, third, the minimization of the intensity of violent conflict where it has become unavoidable. It argues that changes in the international system require a shift in priorities from the diplomacy of problem-solving by building institutionalized cooperation, to the diplomacy of managing relationships between people. Divided into three sections, the first examines what is meant when we talk about diplomacy, why we need diplomats, and the operations of the modern diplomatic system of states. The second discusses the 'three bads,' about which people generally worry: bad leaders, bad media, and bad followers. The idea of 'bad' is considered in terms of the moral character, professional competence, and the consequences of what people do for us. The final section discusses diplomacy and bad diplomats, reviewing what people can do to help themselves and the professionals be good diplomats. This book is intended as a primary text for courses in international diplomacy and as a supplementary text for courses on contemporary issues in international relations"--
In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 103-133
In: Medzinárodné otázky: časopis pre medzinárodné vzt'ahy, medzinárodné právo, diplomaciu, hospodárstvo a kultúru = International issues = Questions internationales, Band 8, Heft 4, S. 5-24
Although Slovenia is viewed by a number of observers as a candidate in the best position to be invited by NATO at the next turn, this prospect remains uncertain. The key general problem lies in the large disparity between the desires of the remaining Central-East European candidates, inclucling Slovenia. to join the alliance and NATO's willingness (and some members' clear unwillingness) to expand (it) further to the East and South-East. There is also a number of imponderables: the NATO-EU relations and the development of the European defense identity; the future of Russia; the international policies of the next US administration; the experience with the first Central East European round etc. All this might affect also the future of Slovenia's relations with the Western integrations. The country's smallness (and a very modest military potential) has contrasting effects on her relations with EU and NATO - facilitating the inclusion into the economic integration and serving as a disincentive for the military alliance. Consequently, at least, at present Slovenia seems to be closer to EU than to NATO membership, with her status as an EU candidate comparable or better than those of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary. It cannot be excluded however that Slovenia will be admitted to NATO and EU roughly simultaneously, sometime during the next decade. (SOI : MO: 19)