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In 2014 over $60 billion was mobilized to help developing nations mitigate climate change, an amount equivalent to the GDP of Kenya. Interestingly, breaking from the traditional model of bilateral aid, donor countries distributed nearly fifty percent of their aid through multilateral aid funds (OECD, 2015). In this paper, we show that by delegating aid spending to an international fund, donor countries mitigate a "hold-up" problem that occurs when donor countries are tempted to allocate aid based on, say, a regional preference. That is, under bilateral aid, donor-country bias decreases the incentive of recipient countries to invest in measures such as good governance that increase the effectiveness of aid. By delegating allocation decisions to a fund, however, donor countries commit to allocating aid via centralized bargaining, which provides recipient countries with an increased incentive to invest. Additionally, we show that allocating funding by majority rule further increases recipient-country investment, since higher investment increases the probability that a recipient's project will be selected by the endogenous majority coalition, and detail conditions under which majority is the optimal voting rule.

This article argues that transitional justice (TJ) has recently been standardised: There is now a two-tiered global standard of TJ which structures policy responses and academic thinking. TJ comprises criminal justice, truth-telling, reparation and institutional reform – four core elements in a 'comprehensive' approach. The standard involves specifications for design, procedure and performance and draws on a selection of seemingly unambiguous international legal norms. Paradoxically, it claims to eschew a one-size-fits-all formula, while promoting uniformity in diverse contexts. It is moreover unclear whether its implementation generates beneficial effects in society. Building on existing research on international standardisation as an international political and sociological phenomenon, the article analyses the recently developed TJ standard and presents the first account of the process of TJ standardisation. It demonstrates how processes of 'generification' and 'localisation' make practices transferable and establish the means to facilitate their replication in and across different contexts and settings. These processes are illustrated drawing on existing scholarship from around the world that highlights the acceptance and contestation of and resistance to the standard. After analysing these processes, the article discusses the implications of TJ standardisation for societies, scholarship and global governance.

Der Verfasser stellt zunächst die wissenschaftshistorische Tradition und den historisch-politischen Kontext der Entstehung der neorealistischen Strömung dar. Es schließt sich eine Rekonstruktion der Theorie des Neorealismus nach Kenneth N. Waltz an, die die wissenschaftstheoretischen Grundlagen des Neorealismus, Akteure und Strukturen des internationalen Systems sowie die internationale Politik aus neorealistischer Perspektive erläutert. Im Folgenden werden theorieinterne Differenzierungen, konzeptionelle Querverbindungen, Weiterentwicklungen und interne Kritik des Realismus behandelt, wobei besonders auf Robert Gilpin und auf den deutschen Neorealismus eingegangen wird. Externe Kritik bezieht sich auf die Debatte zwischen Neorealisten und Neoinstitutionalisten sowie auf die konstruktivistische Kritik am neorealistischen Anarchieverständnis. Ein didaktisch aufbereitetes Literaturverzeichnis schließt den Beitrag ab. (ICE2)

Argues that the functional separation of domestic and international activities that distinguishes the US intelligence community can lead to domestic political controversy when cooperating with foreign intelligence services. Perils of sharing secrets, domestic ramifications, and impact of threat perception.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Cooperation and Hegemony in US-Latin American Relations: An Introduction -- Part I Disciplinary Foundations and Approaches to US-Latin American Relations: Between International Relations and History -- Chapter 1 Another American Social Science: International Relations in the Western Hemisphere -- Chapter 2 Commonality, Specificity, and Difference: Histories and Historiography of the Americas -- Part II Pan-Americanism and the Idea of the Western Hemisphere -- Chapter 3 The "Vanguard of Pan-Americanism": Chile and Inter-American Multilateralism in the Early Twentieth Century -- Chapter 4 Hemisphere, Region, and Nation: Spatial Conceptions in US Hispanic American History -- Part III Human Rights, International Law, and the Inter-American System -- Chapter 5 Pan-American Legal Designs: The Rise and Decline of American International Law in the Western Hemisphere -- Chapter 6 The Inter-American Human Rights System and US-Latin American Relations -- Contributors -- Index.

Eine Analyse der Paschtunistan-Frage im Kontext des spezifischen Rivalitätsverhältnisses zwischen den herrschenden großbürgerlichen Kreisen Pakistans und Afghanistans. Dabei wird auch versucht, die Hauptentwicklungsetappen der afghanisch-pakistanischen Beziehungen zwischen 1947 und 1978 zeitlich und inhaltlich voneinander abzugrenzen. Auf eine nähere Darstellung grundlegender Aspekte der regionalen und internationalen Einbettung des afghanisch-pakistanischen Verhältnisses wird allerdings ausdrücklich verzichtet. (DÜI-Asd)

The War in Ukraine has highlighted the divisions within and between Latin American countries. Although the Russian invasion of Ukraine goes against international norms endorsed by Latin American countries, the conflict seems remote and evokes long-standing rejection of United States policies. Notably, both regional powers, Mexico and Brazil, were reluctant to join the Western condemnation of Russia. Both the left-leaning Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador as well as Brazil's far-right president Jair Bolsonaro have maintained the traditional position of autonomy and neutrality that has characterised their countries' diplomatic histories. The Russian argument that NATO went too far in penetrating its security perimeter finds broad echo in Latin America. Paradoxically, such realist reasoning accepts the old geopolitical theory of great powers' "spheres of influence," which contradicts the autonomist theories historically endorsed by Latin American governments vis-à-vis US power. The war, and especially the sanctions on Russian hydrocarbons, have triggered fuel-price hikes, stimulated a rapprochement of the US with Venezuela, and altered the latter's tense relationship with neighbouring Colombia, easing conditions for the restoration of bilateral relations. Those interested in maintaining relations with Latin America should take note of the divide among the region's governments, many showing only reluctant support for the West's anti-Vladimir Putin policies. The insistence on foreign policy autonomy here cannot be understood as an articulated regional project but rather serves as a discursive framework which allows each government international room for manoeuvre, favouring relations with multiple external actors.

Brazil's very recent emergence on the global stage has fueled debate in the country between those advocating adaption to international norms and those who view Brazil's real interests conflicting with the current world order. The latter position urges the Brasilia leadership to strive to create new norms that serve Brazil's interests. (DGAP-IP)