Suchergebnisse

The article presents a critical view of the two concepts of the resolution of the conflicts on the territory of Southeastern Europe and particularly on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. They are the American initiative SECI and the European Union's regional initiative. The author finds the American initiative of the cooperation between the states on that territory unrealistic. It means linking the unlinkable (similar to the former COMECON) and serves American Eastern interests and plans. The EU regional initiative is more logical since there is nothing hidden behind it, unlike the SECI.The author thinks that both proposals are unacceptable for Croatia. Croatian interests lie with Western Europe - economic as well as others, particularly political, so EU would do better to forge ties with Croatia. (SOI : PM: S. 3)

Intro -- Corruption and Targeted Sanctions: Law and Policy of Anti-corruption Entry Bans -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations and Acronyms -- 1 Corruption, Entry Sanctions and International Law -- 1 A Tale of Two Presidents -- 2 Corruption, Impunity and Targeted Sanctions -- 3 Academic Reaction to Anti-corruption Sanctions -- 4 Anti-corruption Bans and International Law -- 4.1 Why Corruption and Denial of Entry? -- 4.2 Applicable Rules of International Law -- 4.3 Terminological Clarifications -- 2 Development of the Policy -- 1 Introduction -- 2 US President's Proclamations and Executive Orders -- 2.1 Presidential Proclamation 7750 -- 2.2 Executive Orders -- 3 US Federal Laws -- 3.1 Consolidated Appropriations Acts 2008-2018 -- 3.2 Magnitsky Act 2012 -- 3.3 Global Magnitsky Act 2016 -- 3.4 Challenging the Two 'Magnitsky' Acts -- 4 International Practice -- 4.1 International Organisations -- 4.2 States Other Than US -- 5 Conclusion -- 3 Entry Sanctions as an Anti-corruption Policy -- 1 Introduction -- 2 What is Corruption? -- 2.1 Definitions -- 2.2 Grey Areas -- 2.3 Consequences of Corruption -- 2.4 Grand Corruption -- 3 International Policies against Corruption -- 3.1 Foreign Bribery Laws -- 3.2 Anti-money Laundering Laws -- 4 Added Value of Entry Sanctions -- 4.1 Why Counteract Foreign Corruption? -- 4.2 Purposes of Anti-corruption Entry Bans -- 5 Conclusion -- 4 Legal Protections against Denial of Entry -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Entry Sanctions and Crime -- 2.1 Exclusion or Expulsion of Foreigners -- 2.2 Targeted Sanctions -- 3 Private Life, Family Life or Home -- 3.1 Expulsion -- 3.2 Exclusion -- 3.3 Family Members or Close Associates -- 3.4 Conclusion -- 4 Property -- 4.1 Customary International Law -- 4.2 European Convention on Human Rights -- 4.3 Conclusion -- 5 Citizens and Permanent Residents -- 5.1 Citizens.

Does dialogue really resolve conflicts? In this unique volume international experts critically assess the political role of dialogue, addressing its potential and limitations. Bringing fascinating insights to bear they examine the theoretical underpinnings and conceptual boundaries of dialogue as a tool for conflict resolution. Major recent crises are considered and the conflict resolution attempts discussed. Using these cases the contributors explore in depth the nature of the dialogue between the actors, the extent to which it worked and what determined its impact.

Something that has been needed for decades: a leftist foreign policy with a clear moral basis Foreign policy, for leftists, used to be relatively simple. They were for the breakdown of capitalism and its replacement with a centrally planned economy. They were for the workers against the moneyed interests and for colonized peoples against imperial (Western) powers. But these easy substitutes for thought are becoming increasingly difficult. Neo-liberal capitalism is triumphant, and the workers' movement is in radical decline. National liberation movements have produced new oppressions. A reflexive anti-imperialist politics can turn leftists into apologists for morally abhorrent groups. In Michael Walzer's view, the left can no longer (in fact, could never) take automatic positions but must proceed from clearly articulated moral principles. In this book, adapted from essays published in Dissent, Walzer asks how leftists should think about the international scene--about humanitarian intervention and world government, about global inequality and religious extremism--in light of a coherent set of underlying political values.

Humanitarianism as a moral concept and an organized practice has become a major factor in world society. It channels an enormous amount of resources and serves as an argument for different kinds of interference into the "internal affairs" of countries and regions. At the same time, and for these very reasons, it is an ideal testing ground for successful and unsuccessful cooperation across borders. Humanitarianism and the Challenges of Cooperation examines the multiple humanitarianisms of today as a testing ground for new ways of global cooperation. General trends in the contemporary transformation of humanitarianism are studied and individual cases of how humanitarian actors cooperate with others on the ground are investigated. This book offers a highly innovative, empirically informed account of global humanitarianism from the point of view of cooperation research in which internationally renowned contributors analyse broad trends and present case studies based on meticulous fieldwork. This book will be of great interest to students and researchers in the areas of political science, international relations and humanitarianism.

Lack of respect for international humanitarian law, the intrusion of politics, insecurities in the field, and other challenges to humanitarian work.

The theories behind extradition, the rule of "prosecute or extradite" and the idea of using due diligence when prosecuting and punishing a criminal offender need to be explored in details, relying on both customary international law and treaty based law. Luring fugitives into international waters or cooperating with another state in the frames of the process of extradition are options which may help in bringing fugitives before justice. Republic of Macedonia among other states has recognized the need for cooperation in criminal matters through the use of extradition as one of the earliest forms of inter-state cooperation in any domain. This paper explains how extradition is governed in the internal legislation of the Republic of Macedonia and the necessary changes which have been made in order to increase the effectiveness of extradition and to preserve human rights from possible violations.

Chapter 1. The Russo-ukraine War: a Discursive Introduction -- Chapter 2. Uncertainties of the War: Reframing the Discourse -- Chapter 3. Political Complexities and Problematics of the Russo-ukrainian War -- Chapter 4. A Discontent With the Russo-ukraine War -- Chapter 5. The Sanctions Wars: Impacts and Consequences -- Chapter 6. The Propaganda War and the Fourth Estate -- Chapter 7. Zeitenwende: Nato Renaissance and a New World Order -- Chapter 8. Financing the War and Rebuilding Ukraine -- Chapter 9. Frozen Solutions, Diplomatic Challenges and Geopolitical Uncertainties.