Suchergebnisse

von Carl Albert von Kamptz ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- J.publ.e. 296-3

von Georg Friedrich von Martens ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- J.publ.e. 243 d

von Georg Friedrich von Martens ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek -- HV.Hist.362

Dedication signed: John Morrice ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Bookplate of Henry Harcourt Horn

Although Slovenia is viewed by a number of observers as a candidate in the best position to be invited by NATO at the next turn, this prospect remains uncertain. The key general problem lies in the large disparity between the desires of the remaining Central-East European candidates, inclucling Slovenia. to join the alliance and NATO's willingness (and some members' clear unwillingness) to expand (it) further to the East and South-East. There is also a number of imponderables: the NATO-EU relations and the development of the European defense identity; the future of Russia; the international policies of the next US administration; the experience with the first Central East European round etc. All this might affect also the future of Slovenia's relations with the Western integrations. The country's smallness (and a very modest military potential) has contrasting effects on her relations with EU and NATO - facilitating the inclusion into the economic integration and serving as a disincentive for the military alliance. Consequently, at least, at present Slovenia seems to be closer to EU than to NATO membership, with her status as an EU candidate comparable or better than those of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary. It cannot be excluded however that Slovenia will be admitted to NATO and EU roughly simultaneously, sometime during the next decade. (SOI : MO: 19)

This book examines the recent controversy between international trade and environmental policies. It analyses the use of environmentally-motivated trade policies, national environmental policies, and their relationships with the rules governing trade, critically examining proposals rule reform. A theoretical framework is provided for a consideration of the efficiency of environmental trade policies and an evaluation made of empirical links between environmental policy differences and trade flows. Concerns of developing countries over environmentally-motivated market access restrictions are highlighted in considering international trade rules and the agreements reached at UNCED.

In 2009, Morocco initiated an ambitious energy transition program. The aim is to increase the country's independence from energy imports until 2030. The plan targets the reduction of the import of fossils and large investments into renewable energies. The goal set is to meet 42% of its power generating capacity needs through renewables by 2020 and 52% by 2030. Morocco's bold and ambitious plans are often highlighted as a model for how to invest into future technologies and bring about clean energy transition. Due to its geography, weather conditions and solar irradiance, Morocco is considered to have huge potentials regarding wind and solar energy production. Morocco's energy transition program includes the construction of a number of large and medium scale solar plants until 2020. Their planning and construction is often managed by MASEN (Moroccan Agency for Sustainable Energy), a public limited company. Recently, Noor 1, the first of several large scale solar plants was completed. Noor 1 is situated in Ouarzazate in the East of the country. Currently Noor Tata is in the planning phase. Similar with Morocco, energy transition has been also a hot topic in Austria. However, different from Morocco, planning, decision-making and governance structures have rather reflected the country's federal system. Austria's energy transition strategy is a decentralized one. As much as this often entails strong involvement and ownership on societal level, as much its success is dependent on a complex set of diverse political entrepreneurs on different political and administrative levels (national-federal-district and local). LINKS project aims at learning from both; Austrian and Moroccan experiences. In its last phase, the project deals with the question whether decentralized small-scale energy production models as implemented in some of the Austrian energy model regions are transferrable to Morocco. This assessment takes place against the background of the Moroccan state's ambitions to decentralize and strengthen the regional and provincial levels. Accordingly, this report elaborates the structural, political, social and societal setting in which Morocco's energy policy is embedded. The report tries to define the major actors, analyse the decision-making structures, and review the socio-technical imaginaries which have shaped national energy policies. "Socio-technical imaginaries" define mind-sets and frames which do not only guide policies and strategies but also give insights about the expectations connected with technological developments. The report aims at providing a background for the preparation of the stakeholder forum to be held in Tata/Morocco in October 2017. The forum aims at bringing together local and regional stakeholders and to debate at eye level experiences, expectations and ideas for solar energy production in their region. This working paper was produced within the LINKS project (Linking climate change mitigation, energy security and regional development in climate and energy model regions in Austria) (funded by the ACRP).

The traditional image of Latin America as a troubled region seems to continue even after the Covid-19 crisis, this time in the wake of the war in Ukraine and the sanctions imposed by the West. Inflationary pressures, budget deficits and the danger that broad sections of the population will slip into poverty are fuelling negative scenarios. There are initial indications that some countries are already experiencing payment difficulties. Demands from Latin American governments for debt relief or the renego­tiation of foreign debt are being put on the agenda as part of a reorientation of the development model towards sustainability and climate protection criteria. This re­quires a far-reaching structural change, away from the traditional commodity-based economies and towards an environmentally and socially compatible development path. Germany and Europe must also shift course by contributing to the conservation of natural resources and not just to their exploitation. (Autorenreferat)

Political decision-makers are regularly confronted with a large number of hypothetical crises. State and society expect them to make appropriate provisions to tackle these scenarios simultaneously. However, adequate preparation for all conceivable incidents in the future far exceeds the available resources. Decision-makers must therefore deter­mine which of these imaginary crises should take priority. Factors such as the public visibility and likelihood of an expected crisis and the damage it is anticipated to cause play an important role in this decision. Also at play are analogy-based reason­ing and political intuition. COVID-19 illustrates that these future heuristics entail significant decision-making risks. Despite many warnings about the consequences the spread of infectious diseases could have globally, hardly any state was adequately pre­pared. Taking credible predictions through systematic foresight into account would help decision-makers to set priorities for prevention that would be easier to explain and justify. (Autorenreferat)

For a long time, the elections to the European Parliament (EP) were considered second-order elections with little political significance. But for the elections coming in 2019, they are turning into a decisive vote on the future of the European Union (EU) - not only because the EP has gained in importance, but especially because the European party system is undergoing fundamental change. Whereas established parties are losing support, right-wing populist and EU-sceptical parties have been growing across Europe. At the same time, there are increased efforts to unite the traditionally frag­mented EU-sceptical forces into a collective movement. Even though there is no dras­tic increase expected in the number of EU-sceptical Members of European Parliament (MEPs) in the next parliamentary term, a reorganisation of the EU-sceptical spectrum could be the prelude to drastic changes in the political structure of the EU. (author's abstract)

There was never any doubt who would win Cambodia's 2018 elections, with electoral politics skewed to favour Hun Sen's ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP). The CPP has already declared victory, claiming 76 per cent of votes and all of the 125 parliamentary seats. The elections were condemned as a "sham" by the opposition after the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), the imprisonment of CNRP leader Kem Sokha, and a crackdown on civil society and the media. These events mark a watershed in Cambodian politics, indicating the establishment of a single-party autocracy backed by China. (Autorenreferat)

Globally, the number of refugees trapped in protracted displacement situations is rapidly growing. For many of them, none of the three traditional durable solutions to refugee crises – return to home communities, resettlement to another place, or permanent local integration – is a realistic option. Therefore, a fourth option must be discussed: fostering temporary social and economic integration as an important step toward rebuilding refugees' lives. From a development perspective, tapping into the economic potential of refugees during this displacement period can reduce pressure on service provision, reduce fiscal stress, create economic gains for both the displaced and the host communities, and reduce tensions and, thus, the impact of exclusion and the potential for violence. German and European development actors should work on a comprehensive policy framework to support investments in refugee self-reliance that also benefit host communities. (Autorenreferat)

Even though the country is a regional frontrunner, Georgian democracy is not yet consolidated. Parliamentary elections in 2016 saw the governing Georgian Dream returned with a constitutional majority. The October 2017 local elections brought the ruling party another sweeping victory. Despite Georgian Dream's overwhelming electoral successes, the country faces voter apathy. Alongside lack of parliamentary controls and a fragmentation of the party-political spectrum this does not bode well for consolidating democracy in the near future. (Autorenreferat)

The October 2013 government reshuffle in Morocco marks the latest round in the drawn-out tug of war between the Palace and the Justice and Development Party (Parti de la justice et du développement, PJD), which heads the ruling coalition. The Palace came out as the clear winner, and thereby managed to roll back some of the limited concessions granted in response to the protests in early 2011. Regional dynamics – support from the Arab Gulf monarchies and authoritarian reconstruction in Egypt after the July 2013 coup – and the dispute between the PJD and its coalition partner, the Istiqlal (Independence) Party (Parti de l'istiqlal, PI), worked to the Palace's advantage. Even though the relation between the PJD and the Palace has ameliorated considerably compared to one decade ago, the Palace's strategic aim is to weaken the party while at the same time using it to stabilize the regime. In the short term, and as long as the PJD is able to retain popular support, it will remain in office and retain a limited margin of maneuver for reform. Profound political reforms as well as structural socio-economic and judicial reforms, however, are likely to be postponed to the mid to long term. European Union policy makers should use the EU's long and close relations with the Palace to encourage it to allow more substantial reform and cede power to the elected government. (Autorenreferat)