Federal-state relations in the field of water rights [based on address]
In: State Government: journal of state affairs, Band 33, S. 32-38
ISSN: 0039-0097
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In: State Government: journal of state affairs, Band 33, S. 32-38
ISSN: 0039-0097
In: Routledge studies in employment and work relations in context
In recent decades, trade unions have suffered major reversals and experienced declining memberships. Transnational corporations and state-owned multi-nationals have increasingly implemented deteriorating terms and conditions of employment, with vulnerable and insecure job contracts. In this context, there has been a wide-ranging debate about the form of trade unionism, the bases for collective organization and struggle and the future of trade unionism. This book addresses these questions both theoretically, in relation to debates, as well as substantively via a series of selected stu.
In: Scottish journal of political economy: the journal of the Scottish Economic Society, Band 17, S. 305-318
ISSN: 0036-9292
In: Asian political, economic and social issues
JAPAN CONDITIONS, ISSUES, AND U.S. RELATIONS ; JAPAN CONDITIONS, ISSUES, AND U.S. RELATIONS ; CONTENTS ; PREFACE ; Chapter 1 JAPAN-U.S. RELATIONS: ISSUES FOR CONGRESS ; SUMMARY ; RECENT DEVELOPMENTS ; Despite Declining Public Approval Ratings, Abe Easily Re-Elected as LDP President ; World War II 70th Anniversary Statement and Regional Relations ; Security Legislation ; TPP Negotiations and Trade Promotion Authority6 ; U.S. Base Relocation in Okinawa ; JAPAN'S FOREIGN POLICY AND U.S.-JAPAN RELATIONS ; Abe and Historical Issues ; Yasukuni Shrine ; Comfort Women Issue.
In: Socialʹno-političeskie nauki: mežvuzovskij naučnyj recenziruemyj žurnal, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 113-124
Recently, China-India relations have stunned the world with a drastic shift from both countries being strategic partners to being strategic antagonists, occasionally leading to a brink-of-war scenario. This dramatic change is accompanied by a sharp change in India's understanding of China. This study attempts to investigate the great debate between three schools of thought - pacifist, pragmatic, and ultranationlist within the Indian strategic community concerning the rise of China by analyzing and interpreting relevant open archives and rhetoric regarding China. Additionally, this study reviews three schools of thought regarding India within the Chinese strategic community - traditional friendship, irreconcilable contradiction, and parallel rising schools. Based on an analytical comparison of these strategic schools in both countries, this study argues that between the strategic communities of the two countries are forming three potential strategic interaction modes - deterrence, engagement and containment, and accommodation. This study also proposes policy recommendations that may allow the two countries to steer clear of geopolitical confrontation, and de-escalate potential risks related to a military or warlike conflict in future.
Shipping list no.: 92-0402-P. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 4, Heft 4, S. 418-434
ISSN: 0898-0306
From 1918-1988, government relations with the US auto industry were largely determined by the interplay of two forces -- social constraints on the auto industry's political influence & economic conditions that opened the government to auto industry lobbying. From its birth to 1966, the auto industry dominated transportation & auto policy. In the 1960s, federal regulation of auto-related social concerns, eg, safety, emissions, & fuel economy, emerged. Government dependence on the large auto industry corporations & huge financial losses in the industry in 1979/80 caused the government to ease pressure on social concerns. The industry was able to increase its political influence & gain policy concessions. The importance of locating the dynamics of the policy process in a larger economic & ideological context is discussed.
In: State Government: journal of state affairs, Band 57, Heft 3, S. 106-112
ISSN: 0039-0097
This is a revision and update of Zimmerman's classic study of relations between state and local government. The first edition, published in 1983, was based on three decades of research into intergovernmental affairs and examined the legal, financial, and structural foundations of state-local relations. This new edition adds a fourth decade of research and brings the work up to date through the early 1990s, adding a chapter on state mandates and local governments, reviewing and analyzing the changes in fortune of state and local governments, and the impact of those changes on their relations be
In: National civic review: publ. by the National Municipal League, Band 69, S. 491-496
ISSN: 0027-9013
In: Journal of contemporary African studies, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 53-79
ISSN: 0258-9001
World Affairs Online
In: Mezinárodní vztahy: Czech journal of international relations, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 98-101
ISSN: 0543-7989, 0323-1844
In: American political science review, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 567-583
ISSN: 1537-5943
The Unites States of America was the only country that came through the World War with its fundamental principles of government unchanged. War necessitates a powerful and, in a parliamentary sense, irresponsible executive. Wars cannot be won by deliberate assemblies nor by executives harassed by such assemblies. That great national emergencies call for a dictator—a powerful and politically irresponsible executive—the Romans discovered two thousand years ago, and we of the twentieth century have re-discovered. To win the war France set up a dictator, and his name was Georges Clémenceau : to win the war, Great Britain set up a dictator, and his name was Lloyd-George; to win the war the United States set up a dictator, and his name was Woodrow Wilson. To have attempted to carry on government under old parliamentary forms would have been ruinous, for warfare requires quick and decisive action—the very thing deliberative assemblies lack.The proposition is submitted that a government based upon a separation of powers lends itself more readily to concentrated and politically irresponsible executive power than do other forms of government. The parliamentary system is essentially a union of powers. Its differentiating characteristic is an intimate relation between the executive and the legislative branches, a relation so intimate as to amount to union. The executive can at all times be questioned and criticised by the legislative, and can be brought to task for its political failures. That results in responsibility and responsiveness, two sound principles of government. But under the strain of war the parliamentary system of responsible government broke down.
In: State Government: journal of state affairs, Band 38, S. 11-15
ISSN: 0039-0097
In: The public manager: the new bureaucrat, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 56-59
ISSN: 1061-7639
Four senior US Office of Management and Budget (OMB) officials -- who are leading the Obama Administration's management efforts -- recently discussed their game plan and top priorities at the 49th annual Interagency Resources Management Conference conference, convened this April in Cambridge, MD. Danny Werfel, controller at Office of Federal Financial Management, started by explaining that OMB's approach is to move toward long-term, transformational change. At the same time, OMB wants to hit critical short-term milestones that can serve as the building blocks that support such change. OMB has begun to have action plan meetings with agencies to ensure that they are thinking about how to deliver on goals. Daniel Gordon, administrator, Office of Federal Procurement Policy, began by explaining that the worlds of each of the OMB officials overlap. There is a lot of collaboration among them, and their efforts interconnect. OMB is looking at efficiency and effectiveness, particularly in terms of infrastructure. Adapted from the source document.