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Negative attitudes are a major barrier to the equality of people with disabilities. Governments and other organisations have implemented numerous programs to change attitudes towards people with disabilities. We analyse published evidence about the effectiveness of such programs using a framework of the interrelationship between three levels of policy intervention to change attitudes: personal level – directed at changing the attitudes of individuals; organisational level – concerning attitudinal barriers in domains such as employment, education and health; and government level – legally mandating behaviour change. The analysis finds that the following policy types can be effective if used together: policies that involve direct contact with people with disability; information and awareness campaigns; education and training about disability; and antidiscrimination enforcement. Policy characteristics that contribute to effectiveness include: a positive program experience for participants; multi-faceted and prolonged interventions; and adequate program resources. Policy effectiveness to change attitudes relies on corresponding reinforcement at all three policy levels.

3 hyp's re the response of a modern industr'ized state to conflict were developed & applied to the German Democratic Republic's (GDR) reaction to migration of its citizens to the West. In accordance with these hyp's it was held that: (1) the building of the Berlin Wall was a matter of survival for the GDR; (2) it was an act of coercion, not manipulation; (3) the stream of refugees was an indicator of soc conflict in the GDR; & (4) the party newspaper Neues Deutschland can be considered a propaganda instrument of the state, ie, it serves the representation & furtherance of state interests. 3 working hyp's are derived from this: (a) The decision of the GDR gov to build the Berlin Wall will be preceded by a period in which the Neues Deutschland deals signif'ly more frequently with the refugee problem than in an earlier control period. (b) The building of the Berlin Wall will take place only after a period of increasingly intense propagandistic preparation which will include changes such as an increasingly negative attitude of the press toward the refugees, an increase in the number of arguments that imply coercive action, & an increase in the number of letters to the Ed addressing themselves to the refugee problem. (c) There will be a signif positive r between the weekly number of refugees & the weekly number of lines dealing with refugee problems in Neues Deutschland. The yrs 1960 & 1961 are studied in this context with the use of refugee figures, indices of press activity, figures on lines, & articles showing diff's in press coverage, & qualitative impressions about direct argumentation on the subject of refugees. Re (a) the following is found: Although there was a tendency toward increased press activity before the date of gov decision & for a decrease directly thereafter, it is not possible to secure this tendency statistically using as indices of press activity the number of lines & the variability of weekly line counts. This hypothesis cannot be confirmed. Both quantitative & qualitative results support hypothesis (b). The press valuation became more & more hostile & the attitude toward refugees more & more hysterically aggressive in the period just preceding the building of the Wall. Re (c), it was found that increase in press activity did not precede but follow an upswing in the number of refugees; no stronger conclusion re this hypothesis is possible at this point. The party press did function to justify a planned action & to prepare the pop & the outside world for its coming. 14 Tables. M. Maxfield.

Reports a study of MPs' attitudes to welfare based on personal interviews with 81 MPs from the major party groupings, and stratified by status. Discusses results. (DCL)

AbstractIn this article, we investigate why millions of northern white men volunteered to fight in the Civil War. Prior studies have found that Republican partisanship played a significant role in boosting Union enlistment but do not test the competing hypothesis that views about slavery and race motivated them instead. Such views were highly salient among party elites before and during the war, which was sparked by a presidential election between parties divided over the expansion of Black enslavement. However, among the white mass public, we argue that partisanship rather than race-related attitudes explains patterns of war mobilization. Linking Union war participation records with election returns, we show that county-level war participation is better explained by Republican partisanship rather than views about the status of Black Americans (as measured by support for equal suffrage referenda and the Free Soil party). Analyzing a sample of partisan newspaper issues, we further show that Republican elites de-emphasized slavery as they sought to mobilize mass war participation while antiwar Democrats emphasized antiabolition and white supremacy, suggesting each party's elites saw antislavery messaging as ineffective or even detrimental in mobilizing mass enlistment. This analysis offers additional evidence on the power of partisanship in producing mass violence and sheds more light on political behavior during a critical period in the history of U.S. racial politics.

Résumé Leridon (Henri) et Villeneuve-Gokalp (Catherine). — Les nouveaux couples : nombre, caractéristiques et attitudes. L'évolution des structures et des biographies familiales est de moins en moins bien mesurée au moyen des sources statistiques courantes (état civil, recensements...), en raison du développement de nouveaux modes de vie qui ne donnent pas lieu à une démarche administrative spécifique. L'enquête sur les « Situations familiales «réalisée par l'INED, avec le concours de l'INSEE, fin 1985, apporte des données nouvelles sur ces changements. Elle conduit d'abord à réviser à la hausse les estimations antérieures sur le nombre des couples cohabitant sans être mariés : ce type d'union concerne par exemple, 19 % des femmes de 21-24 ans et 17 % des hommes du même âge. La cohabitation hors mariage a presque complètement compensé la diminution du nombre des mariages, sauf, récemment, à 21-24 ans en raison d'une élévation de l'âge au départ hors du domicile parental. En début de cohabitation, les projets de mariage sont assez incertains; c'est souvent le désir d'enfant qui incite, par la suite, à envisager le mariage, même si celui-ci n'est pas un préalable indispensable à la procréation. En fait, il apparaît de plus en plus que le mariage n'est plus une norme de référence essentielle, et que les couples se bornent à en peser les avantages et les inconvénients d'une manière assez pragmatique.

ObjectivesThe purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between religion and voting behavior and political attitudes. Moreover, this work examines the distinction between black and white evangelicals.MethodsThis article makes use of regression and logit analysis of the American National Election Studies of 1992 through 2008.ResultsIdentification with a particular tradition is important, along with attitudes concerning the authorship of the Bible. Moreover, affiliation with an evangelical tradition works in opposite directions for African Americans and whites. African‐American evangelicals, perhaps because of the messages on economics and civil rights that are preached in the traditional black church, are more likely than other African Americans to vote Democratic. Looking at differences concerning political issues, however, shows much less clarity than does voting behavior. The differences between African‐American and white evangelicals are largely nonexistent, except on issues that deal specifically with race.ConclusionThe relationship between religion and voting behavior in presidential elections is more complex than previously thought.

This article reports a study on consumer attitudes to 21 food and nonfood technologies in Canada. The study involves repertory grid interviews with 36 food consumers, the data from which are analyzed using generalized Procrustes analysis. Results highlight the role of perceived risk and perceived benefit in determining the acceptability of the technologies, with individual technologies lying along a continuum between the two. For technology as a whole and the 21 specific technologies, the perceived risk and perceived benefit constructs were the dominant determinants of consumer acceptability. While perceptions of perceived risk and perceived benefit differed between individual respondents, there were very limited consistent relations with a range of sociodemographic variables.

Professional organizations now accredit state and local agencies across several fields. This article investigates the attitudes of street-level bureaucrats toward their agencies and the tasks required of them in accredited and nonaccredited agencies. If accreditation changes bureaucratic attitudes in ways that build a sense of mission or shape functional preferences, it could lead to more effective public service delivery. The empirical subjects of this study are American municipal police departments and the Commission on Accreditation for Law Enforcement Agencies (CALEAs). Analysis of quasi-experimental data from a survey of officers suggests that accreditation helps build a sense of mission at the street level but finds little evidence of an effect on functional preferences. Adapted from the source document.

Economists have argued that outsourcing is another form of international trade. However, based on a representative national survey of Americans conducted in 2007 and 2009, the distribution of preferences on these two issues appears to be quite different. This article examines the origins of attitudes toward outsourcing, focusing on the extent to which it reflects (1) the economic vulnerabilities of individuals; (2) the information they receive about outsourcing, including their subjective understanding of what constitutes outsourcing; and (3) noneconomic attitudes toward foreign people and foreign countries. The findings emphasize the importance of variations in understandings of the term, as well as the highly symbolic nature of attitudes toward this issue. Individuals who believe the US should distance itself from international affairs more generally, who are nationalistic, or who feel that members of other ethnic and racial groups within the US are less praiseworthy than their own group tend to have particularly hostile reactions to outsourcing. The informational cues people receive are also important influences on their understanding of and attitudes toward outsourcing. Experimental results further emphasize the symbolic nature of attitudes toward outsourcing. Taken together, the results strongly suggest that attitudes are shaped less by the economic consequences of outsourcing than by a sense of "us" versus "them."

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES FLORIDA LEGISLATOR ATTITUDES ABOUT WHAT RESPONSIBILITIES THE STATE OUGHT TO ASSUME ON SELECTED PUBLIC POLICY ISSUES RELATIVE TO THEIR ATTITUDES ABOUT WHICH OUGHT TO BE ASSUMED BY NATIONAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS. FIVE ISSUES AND FOUR INTER-JURISDICTIONAL MODELS ARE INCLUDED IN THE ANALYSIS(AND FURTHER RESEARCH IS SUGGESTED.

The study investigated the influence of parent's attitude on the immoral behaviour of secondary school students in Ado Ekiti Local Government. It also examined the influence of the student immoral behaviour on the moral behaviour of the students on their educational progress. The study employed descriptive of the survey type. The population was all the secondary school students in Ado Ekiti Local Government. The sample consisted of 120 secondary school students randomly selected from 12 secondary schools drawn from Ado-Ekiti Local Government of Ekiti State. The method of selection was by multistage sampling procedure. The instrument employed for the study was a questionnaire titled: "The Moral Behaviour of Secondary School Students Questionnaire (SCQ)", consisting of five sections. The validity and the reliability of the instrument was ensured. The instrument was administered by the researcher with the assistance of research assistants. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used to analyze the data collected. All hypotheses were tested at 0.05 level of significance. The findings of the study revealed that parents' attitudes significantly influenced the moral behaviour of students. It was also revealed that the moral behaviour of students influenced their educational progress. It was recommended among others that moral behaviour should form part of the criteria for evaluating the educational progress of students Keywords: Parent, Attitude, Students, Moral Behaviour

THE MULTIDIMENSIONALITY OF PATRIOTIC AND NATIONALISTIC ATTITUDES AND THEIR RELATIONSHIP TO NUCLEAR POLICY OPINIONS WERE INVESTIGATED. ONE HUNDRED AND NINETY-FOUR COLLEGE STUDENTS, 24 HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS, AND 21 BUILDING CONTRACTORS WERE ADMINISTERED THE 120-ITEM PATRIOTISM/NATIONALISM QUESTIONNAIRE. ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-SIX OF THE COLLEGE STUDENTS WERE CONCURRENTLY ADMINISTERED THE 18-ITEM NUCLEAR POLICY QUESTIONNAIRE. AN ITERATED PRINCIPAL FACTOR ANALYSIS WAS PERFORMED ON THE PATRIOTISM/NATIONALISM QUESTIONNAIRE AND SIX FACTORS WERE EXTRACTED FOR VARIMAX ROTATION. THE RESULTS INDICATED THAT THE FACTORS WERE INTERPRETABLE AND DISTINCT. FURTHER ANALYSES INDICATED THE PREDICTIVE VALIDITY OF THE SUBSCALES DERIVED FROM THE SIX FACTORS FOR THE NUCLEAR POLICY QUESTIONNAIRE, AND EXPLORATORY ANALYSES OF VARIANCE EXAMINED THE EFFECTS OF SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES. THE FINDINGS SUPPORT THE CONTENTION THAT PATRIOTIC/NATIONALISTIC ATTITUDES ENTAIL MULTIPLE DIMENSIONS, AND THAT THEY ARE DIFFERENTIALLY RELATED TO NUCLEAR POLICY OPINIONS. THE AUTHORS CONCLUDE THAT RESEARCHERS NEED TO BE MORE ATTENTIVE TO THIS MULTIDIMENSIONALITY, ESPECIALLY THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN PATRIOTISM AND NATIONALISM.

"Attitudes Toward LGBT People and Their Rights in Europe" published on by Oxford University Press.