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Much has been written about what makes political parties form, persist, change and die. One factor often brought into this discussion is the availability of resources in general and of state financing of political parties in particular. However, an empirical link at the aggregate level is difficult to establish because of various issues of conceptualization, operationalization and measurement. Working at the party level and taking into consideration that state funding provides important resources that make running in elections and achieving a party's electoral target more likely, this article provides empirical support for the claim that parties who (anticipate to be or) are being funded by the state have a higher chance of forming and surviving in an independent format in the party system. Based on a comparison of 14 post-communist party systems, the main conclusion of the article is that the survival rate for such parties exceeds the survival rate for the non-publicly funded ones in almost all cases. A second, novel and more particular, finding is that parties who find themselves outside parliament, but above the payout threshold, display higher survival rates than parties who are below it.

Andrews (1999) has argued that under conditions of market-based liberalization, the sporting past has increasingly been put to use for the purposes of accumulation. This selectively rendered "sporting historicism," he argues, results in "a pseudo-authentic historical sensibility, as opposed to a genuinely historically grounded understanding of the past, or indeed the present by rendering history a vast, yet random, archive of events, styles, and icons" (2006). Under such conditions, power-laden and selective "mythscapes" emerge. In this paper, we carry Andrews' contention forward by arguing that critical sport scholars should further problematize the uses of the sporting mythscape—particularly by calling into question those re-historicizations that emerge in public discourse and excavating whose interests they serve. Here we interrogate the politics of how sporting pasts are mobilized in contemporary Aotearoa/New Zealand; in particular at the conjuncture of a globalized "free-market" economy and fluctuating (post-)colonial identity politics. We point to various cases that help reveal how specters of sporting pasts circulate within national mythologies in selective and politicized ways.

This article investigates the ways in which political parties are codified in modern democratic constitutions, providing a unique cross-sectional and longitudinal overview of the patterns of party constitutionalization in post-war Europe. Although the constitutions of western liberal democracies traditionally have paid little attention to the role of parties, evidence suggests that in contemporary democracies, both old and new, they are increasingly accorded a formal constitutional status. Little is known, however, about the substantive content of their constitutional position or about the normative connotations of their constitutional codification. In this article, we demonstrate that there is a clear correlation between the nature and the intensity of party constitutionalization and the newness and historical experience of democracy and that, with time, the constitutional regulation of the extra-parliamentary organization and the parties' rights and duties has gained in importance at the expense of their parliamentary and electoral roles. The analysis furthermore suggests that three distinct models of party constitutionalization can be identified – Defending Democracy, Parties in Public Office, and Parties as Public Utilities – each of which is related to a particular conception of party democracy.

The politic of identity based on religion is still a major issue of Indonesian nationality. One such issue is the validity of a religious groups involvement in the national public policy in Indonesia.In this context, the theory of Jurgen Habermass discourse and its relation to his view of post-secularism was very relevant to discuss. For Habermas, the neutrality of the public sphere does not mean that a vacuum of religion. In the name of democracy, religious positions should be placed in parallel with the formation of other political opinions and aspirations. Functional differentiation in modern society leading to the individualization of religion does not necessarily imply loss of influence and relevance of religion in the public sphere. Nevertheless, of course, the involvement of religion in the public sphere still has limits, that the religious language of particular religion must be translated into the language first that being accepted by the public, which has epistemic status that can be accepted by the other residents. Such alignment is called postsekular people, where every citizen has the right faith with the bond of communication with each other.

German post‐unification in the 1990s is a period marked by substantial economic and political change, a crucial part of which was a largely politically motivated attempt to build East German wages towards the much higher West German wages. We study the development of the public–private sector pay gap in Germany in the 1990s. We show that throughout the 1990s the overall pay gap between the public and private sectors remained stable in the West and increased considerably in the East. Wage decompositions show a small and stable negative public sector premium in the West, and a large and increasing positive public sector pay premium in the East. Decompositions also show a considerable deterioration in the skill base of the private sector in the East which the paper attributes in part to the improved attractiveness of the public sector. The paper argues that the development in the size and composition of the public–private sector pay gap in the East is an indication of the public sector crowding out the private sector and raises concerns about the future competitiveness of the East.

The literature widely argues that there is a strong and positive causal relationship between the entrepreneur's abilities and post start-up success. Hence, implying that founders with limited abilities are likely to be at a greater disadvantage due to these very inabilities. However, even though the advantages of their abilities may appear as intuitively obvious, there exists a lack of well developed theoretical foundations to the causal link between the entrepreneurs ability and future venture performance. The paper is based on a literature review on the relationship between ability and future venture performance. The starting point stems from the notion of entrepreneurial learning, and we ask the question "What is entrepreneurial learning and how do abilities acquired through learning affect the future performance of a new firm? Using learning theory, we try to outline possible directions. We then review the entrepreneurial literature linking it with education, managerial experience, start-up experience, and industry experience. In conclusion we design a causal model which integrates the literature review on entrepreneurial ability and learning theory, with respect to future venture performance.

Article analyzes interrelations migration and multiculturalism and features multiculturalism, led to its criticism and replacement Post-multiculturalism are analyzed. If the first in the basis has the special policy concerning immigrants and the compelled immigrants and to which attribute errors of its competitor - violent assimilation the second accent does on assistance in a part of recognition of a cultural variety and service of collective national self-consciousnesses. However Post-multiculturalism conducts to a number of paradoxes among which, for example, excessive attention to an inequality of floors in the traditional cultures, conducting to a refutation of active participation in life of a society of female minority is faster, than their emancipation. It is connected also with moralization freedom in neoliberalism and conversation on the identity, racism masking new form. Mass immigration and integration of ethnic minority at the time of a political storm and an economic crisis has caused in the European countries anxiety concerning security work, to the critic of immigrants for parasitism, unwillingness to be integrated and even criminality. Such reaction develops a climate of suspicion and animosities to immigrants and legalizes a policy who limits immigration and the rights of immigrants. ; В статье анализируются взаимосвязи иммиграции и мультикультурализма и особенности мультикультурализма, приведшие к его критике и замене постмультикультурализмом. Если первый в своем основании имеет особую политику в отношении иммигрантов и вынужденных переселенцев и ему приписывают ошибки его конкурента – насильственной ассимиляции, то второй делает акцент на содействие в части признания культурного разнообразия и обслуживания коллективных национальных самосознаний. Однако постмультикультурализм ведет к ряду парадоксов, среди которых, например, чрезмерное внимание на неравенство полов в традиционных культурах, ведущее к опровержению деятельного участия в жизни общества женского меньшинства скорее, чем их эмансипации. Это связано также с морализацией свободы в неолиберализме и с дискурсом об идентичности, маскирующим новые формы расизма. Массовая иммиграция и интеграция этнических меньшинств во времена политической бури и экономического кризиса вызвала в европейских странах беспокойство по поводу обеспеченности работой, критику иммигрантов за паразитизм, нежелание интегрироваться и даже преступность. Такая реакция вырабатывает климат подозрения и враждебности к иммигрантам и узаконивает политику, которая ограничивает миграцию и права иммигрантов.

For almost 20 years, since the early 1990s, Professor Simon Clarke led multiple international research projects in Russia, China and Vietnam studying labour relations, enterprise restructuring and household economics under post-socialist transition. Breaking out of post-socialist scholarship's narrow confines, both social and ideological, he led an exploration of the void opened by former Soviet Union disintegration reconnecting with those who brought the brunt of it. Equally unique among western scholars was his promotion of a vast network of former Soviet Union researchers and activists, later formalised in the Institute for Comparative Research in Labour Relations. Here, for the first time, some of its leading scholars reflect on his legacy, methods and ever-lasting contribution to the advancement of sociology and social activism in Russia. Their accounts convey the radically alternative character of the overall project, returning both achievements and limitations. In substantive terms, the emerging picture confirms the indeterminacy and complexity of Clarke's original findings: no linear development from 'the subsumption of labour under capital' to 'familiar patterns of class conflict' has occurred. Instead, growing labour protests follow labour degradation and restructuring, a strong state becoming the arbiter in the stand-off between neoliberalism and workers' resistance.

Modern rich digital media (such as interactive systems with audio and video as well as text) have not been robustly deployed as a tool in the processes of peace-building, healing and reconciliation in nations emerging from civil conflict. This article studies the use of rich digital media in Liberia, a country that has only recently emerged from a protracted and intense civil war. The authors demonstrate that, when rich digital media are used to target processes of truth and reconciliation, they enhance Liberians' feeling of self-efficacy – their self-assessed sense of personal competence to deal effectively with stressful situations. This increased self-efficacy was not present in a control group. The authors argue that self-efficacy is a critical component for forgiveness and truth-telling which, in turn, is a fundamental process in reconciliation and healing. These results are based on a survey of over 100 Liberians in Monrovia, the capital city. Participants interacted with a rich digital media system, took pre- and post-interaction self-efficacy inventories, and responded to additional questions. The findings suggest that rich digital media focused on truth and reconciliation can contribute to post-conflict healing.

The year 2030 marks the renewed limit adopted by the international community —through its governmental and non-governmental organizations— for the achievement of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the six goals of the Education for All (EFA). We present here a general approach to some of the issues that define and condition the current state of education in Latin America in the wake of the post-2015 agenda. To this end, some key conditioning factors of the context, such as the social and economic inequality that characterizes the region, will be addressed. Likewise, documents generated within the governmental and institutional fields —directly related to education at all levels— as well as those coming from organizations from the civil society —committed with the defense of quality and inclusive education as a human right— will be analyzed. Special attention will be given to the picture shown by the 2015 Education for All Global Monitoring Report with regard to the achievements and failures to fulfill the six goals in Latin America. The paper ends with a reflection on the key challenges faced by the region in terms of education with the expectation of further progress in ensuring a longer period of quality and inclusive education for all throughout life. ; El año 2030 marca el límite renovado que adopta la comunidad internacional, a través de las organizaciones gubernamentales y no gubernamentales que la representan, para el logro de los nuevos Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) y de los seis objetivos del programa de Educación para Todos (EPT). Se presenta aquí una aproximación general a algunos de los aspectos que con más fuerza definen y condicionan la actual situación de la educación en América Latina en la perspectiva de la Agenda post-2015. Para ello, se abordan algunas claves condicionantes del contexto como la desigualdad social y económica que caracteriza a la región. Se analizan asimismo las Declaraciones, pronunciamientos, documentos e informes generados desde el ámbito gubernamental e institucional directamente relacionados con la educación, tanto en el plano nacional como regional e internacional; también los de organizaciones de la sociedad civil comprometidas con la defensa de la educación de calidad inclusiva como derecho humano irrenunciable. De manera especial, se muestra el panorama que para América Latina presentaba en 2015 el Informe de Seguimiento de la Educación para Todos en el mundo a propósito de los logros e incumplimientos regionales en sus seis Objetivos. Se concluye con una reflexión acerca de los desafíos que en educación afronta la región desde la disposición de seguir avanzando en garantizar para todos más tiempo de educación inclusiva de calidad a lo largo de la vida.

IN ENGLISH: By following the anthropological theoretical account and multi-methodological approach, we analyze sustainability as a cultural model that reveals individual and group experience and notions of development in a changing post-transitional context. Despite the fact that sustainability is a complex cultural concept, in this study actors engaged in green economy unambiguously claimed negative attitudes towards profit and growth, along with positive attitudes towards development of innovative education based on "degrowth" strategies and orientations. Cultural elements of three domains that refer to sustainable values, governmental role and working environment serve as strong predictors of and conditions for sustainable and future oriented societies. --- IN CROATIAN: Koristeći antropološki teorijski te multidimenzionalni metodološki pristup, u ovom radu analiziramo održivost kao kulturni model. Rezultati su pokazali kako održivost kao analitički model odražava pojedinačna i grupna iskustva, ali i nove pojmove društvenog razvoja odražavajući vrijednosti post-tranzicijskog konteksta. Unatoč činjenici da je održivost složeni kulturni koncept, u ovoj su studiji pojedinci angažirani u zelenim ekonomijama nedvosmisleno ukazali na negativne stavove prema ekonomskom rastu, kao i na pozitivne stavove prema razvoju inovativnog obrazovanja temeljenog na strategijama umjerenog "rasta". Ključni elementi triju kulturnih domena sadrže vrijednosti, uloge i karakteristike okruženja na radnom mjestu i u institucijama vlasti kao prediktora društvene održivosti okrenute budućnosti.

The shift in scholarly analysis of public relations towards critical, cultural and sociological readings of the field is a welcome development in an academic canon traditionally dominated by functionalist, managerial perspectives. It can be argued, however, that current critical and cultural readings draw impetus and analytical rigour from theories rooted in phenomenological and socially constructed components such as language, symbols and identity. This chapter argues that as a result of such focus, analyses of public relations have not kept pace with developments in critical, cultural and social scholarship, in particular the re-emergence of a new, or neo-materialism (Coole & Frost, 2010, pp. 1-4). This chapter will align public relations scholarship with neo-materialist theories, such as the Foucauldian 'dispositif' (Foucault, 1980), Delueze and Guattari (1987) and DeLanda's (2006) semio-material assemblages and the 'critical sociology' of Bruno Latour (2005). These approaches place a greater emphasis on the material – that is, philosophically realist – readings of the social and cultural realm in which public relations operates. The results of such analyses will identify and take account of the critical and cultural role played by hitherto over-looked material 'objects', such as software, physical infrastructure as well as bodily and institutional interaction in shaping the purely phenomenological aspects of communication. The chapter will offer an initial exploration of the field by focusing on the increasingly socio-technical digital environment within which an increasingly significant volume of public relations operates (Zerfass et al., 2014; PRCA, 2014). Such a reading will develop and apply the concept of "algorithmic public relations" as a theoretical lens and examples of where and how algorithmic public relations can be said to operate will be provided and a series of questions interrogating the implications of such a notion will posed. These include: how might a renewed focus on non-human agency help us to understand the ways in which public relations power functions as a post-hegemonic force and does the growth in computational aspects of communication reinvigorate political economic analyses of public relations?

Claims to new or critical knowledge can often be non-performative. Building off of this assumption ; this paper demonstrates the ways in which the 2010-2011 uprisings across the Middle East and North Africa have been analysed through approaches that claim to be critical and post-Orientalist and yet reproduce problematic assumptions about the region ; revealing their connection to a longer genealogy dating back to Orientalism. This serves to sanitize the uprisings by virtue of a neoliberal agenda that reproduces the 'Middle East' straitjacket ; in turn creating a typology not too different from realist analysis in the region that (re)posits 'Arab exceptionalism'. Claims to being critical ; or making a critical turn ; are thus questioned in this paper through an analysis that shows how theory has been in the interest of power through the appropriation of native informants into the academic complex of think-tanks ; Western donor institutions ; and foreign media.Taking our cue from Edward Said ; we explore how new approaches have presented themselves as critical and have disrobed themselves of their exotic and explicit racist discourse ; despite the fact that the same assumptions continue to lurk in the background. Using Sara Ahmed's notion of the non-performativity of claims to being critical ; we survey how the Middle East is being reshaped through these 'new' and 'critical' approaches that in essence are apologetic to neoliberalism and liberal governmentality at large. We show how minorities continue to be an intervention mechanism under the so-called 'freedom of belief' agenda ; how the 'democracy paradigm' advances electoralism as freedom ; and how rights-based approaches with their underlying (neo)liberal assumptions continue to determine gender politics and analysis despite postcolonial interventions.By creating a contemporary genealogy of Middle East area studies and surveying calls for proposals for journal articles ; media publications ; Western think-tank reports ; donor programs and Civil Society Organizations' (CSOs) expansion into the Middle East ; this paper argues that this form of surveillance ; though masquerading as 'critical' ; builds off of neoliberal governmentality. This ; in turn ; molds a subjectivity that reifies the Middle East as a stagnant entity.