Tourism is a vital tool for political and economic change. With international contributions from experienced individuals, this book cover general themes and issues, with three thematic sections with original chapters, and a concluding section. It covers a variety of international political changes at different scales and their resulting effects
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During the four years up to the NATO Madrid summit meeting, the Russian policy towards NATO has evolved from an uncompromising negation of the eastward extension of the latter to a dialogue over reshaping the relations between Russia & the alliance. The contemporary Russian debate over NATO is characterized by further differentiation of discourses. The endorsement of the Founding Act on the Relations between Russia & NATO has strengthened cooperative trends in the Russian policy. Against the background of the planned second wave of extension, the relations between Russia & NATO appear to be anything but settled. Prospects for a more intensive & dense cooperation are hindered by the continued controversy over the extension. Adapted from the source document.
The center of world politics and the international economy is increasingly shifting toward Asia. Since its course is ever more relevant to global prosperity and peace, it gives Asia new responsibilities. Economic integration and interdependence in Asia are increasingly threatened by the political tensions and nationalism. European history could provide some valuable lessons. (DGAP-TIP)
Which third parties are more likely to manage interstate conflicts? Once they do, what kind of conflict management methods do they use? I argue that ethnic, language, and/or religious ties between a potential third party and disputant states can affect both the likelihood and the type of conflict management. If there are strong identity ties (ethnic, language, and/or religious) between the majority group in a potential third-party state and the majority group in one of the disputant states, both the likelihood of conflict management in general and the likelihood of economic conflict management in particular should increase. Equally stronger identity ties between a potential third party and both disputants should also increase the likelihood of conflict management in which third parties use verbal and diplomatic conflict management methods since they do not harm any of the disputants. Empirical findings based on a dataset covering the militarized interstate disputes between 1946 and 2011 support my theoretical expectations. These findings contribute to the literature by exploring the role of transborder identities—in addition to material factors such as alliance, trade partnership, or joint regime type—in management of interstate conflicts by third parties.