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Noch steht nicht fest, ob das Asyl- und Migrationspaket der EU-Kommission vor den Europawahlen 2024 verabschiedet werden kann; viele Elemente bleiben im Rat sowie zwischen Rat und Parlament umstritten. Angesichts der hitzigen Debatte über die asyl- und migrationspolitische Handlungsfähigkeit der EU und der Wahlerfolge rechtspopulistischer Parteien steht viel auf dem Spiel. Die ursprünglich angestrebte Balance von restriktiven und schutzorientierten Elementen wurde im Rat deutlich in Richtung Abschreckung verschoben. Aktuell zeigt sich das insbesondere bei der sogenannten Krisen-Verordnung. Die Bundesregierung sollte sich in den weiteren Verhandlungen dafür einsetzen, dass diese Verordnung nicht für sachfremde Ziele instrumentalisiert wird, dass mit Blick auf das gesamte Reformpaket die Überwachung grundrechtlicher Standards glaubwürdiger und robuster wird und dass sich die EU mit den Reformen nicht noch abhängiger von autokratischen Drittstaaten macht. (Autorenreferat)

On 6 February 2023, Turkey was hit by one of the worst earthquakes in its history. Buildings were destroyed and damaged across the southern and eastern provinces. The official death toll is already over 50,000, and it is conceivable that the real num­bers will be much higher. The earthquake also exposed the scale of political and institutional deterioration in Turkey. During Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's two decades in power, Turkey has experienced an enormous construction boom, evolved into an impor­tant player in humanitarian aid, and become an increasingly important region­al military actor. However, the earthquake revealed that the highly centralised and personalised system of power had weakened state institutions and undermined their capacity to deliver. Turkey needs to reform its disaster management and gov­ern­ance. The European Union should assist the recovery and reconstruction efforts by target­ing aid and using the momentum to mitigate anti-Westernism. (author's abstract)

World media have hailed the victory of Maia Sandu in the Moldovan presidential elec­tions on 15 November. They celebrated it as a triumph of democracy and pro-Western preferences over post-Soviet cronyism, authoritarianism and Russian apologists. The reality is more complex while there are few reasons for optimism. Sandu's victory is a fragile one as the conditions that delivered it were temporary only. However, she may have unwittingly discovered how to attract voters who traditionally preferred Russia-backed candidates. The EU would benefit by learning from this accidental solution, which is of value regionwide, and deriving from it a thought-out strategy to more effectively support and protect genuine democratic transformation in Moldova and the post-Soviet area. (author's abstract)

In 2019, China commemorated several anniversaries of politically significant events in its recent history: the May Fourth Movement (100 years), the foundation of the People's Republic of China (70 years), the Tibet Uprising (60 years), the beginning of the reform and opening policy (40 years), and the massacre on Tiananmen Square (30 years). How China officially commemorates these events - or does not - weighs heavily on the country's domestic and foreign policy. The state-constructed interpretations of his­tory as a claim to power are directed not only at Chinese society, but also at foreign partners interacting with China, especially governments and companies. The conceal­ment of problematic events from the past is alarming, not least because it in­creases the danger that historical mistakes will be repeated. (author's abstract)

In order to market its gas reserves, Israel has until now relied on exports to Egypt and Jordan. Through regional networking in the energy sector - for example, within the framework of the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF), which was founded at the beginning of 2019 - the Israeli government hopes to improve its political relations in the region. At the same time, Israel is investing hope in the building of the EastMed gas pipeline. Its construction would create a direct export link to Europe, but it would thereby also undermine energy cooperation with its Arab neighbours. The Euro­pean Union (EU) should promote regional energy cooperation, as this could pro­mote part­nerships in other areas. Accordingly, the EU should not support the con­struction of the EastMed pipeline. (Autorenreferat)

"Brexit means Brexit", Prime Minister Theresa May promised the British, after a majority voted in June to leave the European Union. But at this point, before formal exit talks have even begun, the shape of future relations between the EU and the UK is still absolutely open. Economic interests on both sides speak for integrating the country as fully as possible into the internal market - if London could agree to accept its conditions. But the thrust of British politics is driving towards a "hard Brexit". Theresa May categorically rejects partial integration models of the kind enjoyed by Norway and Switzerland. In the process of reshaping the relationship, Germany and the EU should therefore seek a specific solution for the British: a European "special relationship". This would allow the UK to remain a close partner, but outside the internal market and the EU institutions. (author's abstract)

"After the January 2015 attacks in Paris, Muslims from all over the world showed impressive solidarity with the victims. This was the more surprising given that the victims included cartoonists working for the satirical magazine "Charlie Hebdo", whose caricatures of Mohammed had previously caused mass protests in predominantly Muslim states. However, European media took more notice of the protests against the new edition of the satirical magazine than of the declarations of solidarity. This selective perception can partly be explained by the fact that European societies constantly expect Muslims to distance themselves from violent acts committed in the name of Islam. These demands reinforce negative associations of Islam with terrorism and violence, and nourish threat perceptions and anti-Islamic prejudices, which in turn contribute to Muslims feeling increasingly excluded in Europe. Extremists can take advantage of this alienation for recruiting purposes. To counter this danger, politicians and the media must act decisively against negative portrayals of Islam and reduce the pressure put on Muslims to justify themselves, a pressure that deepens the division of European societies." (Autorenreferat)

Since the Juncker Commission took office in late 2014, the idea of an »Energy Union« has been a central theme of the EU energy policy debate. Today, the Energy Union concept covers every area of current European energy and climate policy. Its primary objective is to create a coherent, overarching policy framework. From a political perspective, the Commission's aim is to prevent any further renationalization of energy policy. But although the Member State governments constantly refer to the energy union concept, it is already clear that they will avoid or at least delay implementation of meaningful steps in the direction of such a union. Against this backdrop, it is unlikely that any fundamental changes will take place in the near future. And over the next few years, the focus of EU energy and climate policy will be on pragmatic progress in the area of energy market regulation—not on strategic large-scale projects. (Autorenreferat)

In 2011, European politicians, diplomats, media, and publics enthusiastically embraced the so-called Arab Spring. The EU pledged to generously support trans-formation processes initiated in the region with a "3 M" approach, which would combine monetary support, market access, and increased mobility, as well as through a reinvigorated European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). Yet, Europeans have not lived up to these promises. Against the backdrop of the Middle East and North Africa descending into ever greater levels of chaos and violence, the EU and its member states have been largely reduced to being bystanders, dealing with the symptoms of crises rather than impacting – let alone shaping – the path of developments. Yet, in view of an increasingly reluctant US government to provide regional stability, Europe has no choice but to address instability in its southern neighborhood. To be more effective actors, Europeans should revisit their priorities, underlying assumptions, policy frameworks, and instruments. (Autorenreferat)

Necessity (Law); international law; Libya

The Indo-Pacific has partially replaced the term Asia-Pacific and emerged as a geo-economic and geostrategic concept over the last decade, with Japan, Australia, the United States, and India launching their respective plans. As a resident power and a long-time partner, France seized the opportunity. In May 2018, the French Indo-Pacific strategy was initiated during President Macron's state visit to Australia and released as an official document a year later, making France the first European power to adopt such a strategy. To unveil the driving forces behind French policies and the roles of France in the region, this article employs major theories in international relations (realism, liberalism, and constructivism). In particular, the authors analyze France's tactical actions concerning like-minded partners and a rising China, addressing how France can protect its interests and amplify its leverage in the region amid Sino-American tensions. The paper specifies several differences between the French approach and other major countries. Last but not least, given the importance of the Franco-ASEAN links mentioned in Section Three of the official strategy, the article also clarifies recent developments in their relationship, focusing on the role of Vietnam in France's overall scheme.

Focusing primarily on questions of methodology, this article argues that mediation in international affairs has yet to be properly analyzed using the theoretical tools provided by the postpositivist turn in international relations theory. Recognizing the familiar distinction between power-political & political approaches, the article makes the case for a third approach based on the political theory of Jurgen Habermas. The debate between neorealist forms of analysis & critical theory, is well known. More contentious, however, is the argument that facilitative forms of third-party intervention, such as the Norwegian mediation of the Oslo Accords, cannot operate without a more formal & abstract notion of the "right" in politics. Facilitation's gentle working of the lifeworld has much in common with the hermeneutic approach to social science. Like hermeneutics, therefore, facilitation may suffer as it fails to root out relations of power & domination. Even "interim stages" in conflict resolution need a sense of "final status" to gather a sense of pace & direction. The Oslo Accords, for example, demonstrate the need to create a strong vision of "final status" during the interim stage. The article leaves the practical political questions to one side. However, a "methodological space" for critical theory opens up once the defects of the tradition are highlighted, a space that may be filled by distinct forms of mediation practice. Adapted from the source document.

In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, digitalization has become a popular topic in both practical and theoretical terms. In many areas, for example, education and communications, information and communication technologies began to play a leading role, especially during the period of limited mobility. However, in some other areas that also came under close scrutiny during the pandemic, such as the field of energy transition, digitalization has not yet fully unlocked its potential. Moreover, the digitalization of energy transition has not been researched enough. The purpose of this article is to fill this gap. The authors investigate the current stage of digitalization of the energy sector and the role of information and communication technologies in the traditional energy complex and in clean energy and identify and analyze the key groups of technologies that will have a decisive impact on the energy transition in the near future. The authors also examine the process of digitalization in the Russian energy sector in order to determine whether it is giving an impetus to the energy transition of Russia.