Suchergebnisse

Buildings, techniques and materials with which spaces and volumes have been created and defined are part of the architectural heritage, considered as material heritage. However, a more careful analysis allows us to grasp that it is much more than material heritage since it is actually the petrification of a cultural moment. One of the keys to fundamental understanding is the meaning of material heritage as a result of a social structure that organizes and guides the modes of production, daily practices, lifestyles, and their meanings. But the existing separation between different types of heritage resulting from the Western mental structures marked by a strong dichotomy that governs the analysis of any matter can force a classification that avoids polyhedral analysis that the material heritage could offer. The dualism of "object" and "subject" requires re-consideration, in order to visualize the deep interrelationship between these two concepts. The material heritage is inscribed in a specific space-time framework materialized in a certain place and situation. That is, the subset of differences was selected that more strongly reflect the borders of the difference of one culture over another in its multiple dimensions. Therefore, in the analysis of material heritage, socially structured and specific historical contexts and processes must be taken into account as they affect the production and transmission of symbolic forms. The aim of this paper is to concentrate particularly on attributing meanings to materials. It is crucial to realize that several aspects (function, use, context, user, etc.) can be effective in attributing meanings to materials and they should be taken into consideration for understanding the selection process since it is paramount to focus towards the intangible aspects in materials selection activity as well. So, materials' uses demand a holistic analyze from multiple dimensions to be understood in deep. One of them is symbolic analyze. This article aims to address the study of the symbolic meaning of glass throughout time in architectures through the revision of literature. Delving beyond the visual level, we are able to discern the "embedding "of constructive action in networks of interpersonal connections and particularly, cultural conditions. Through the analysis of a material, it is possible is to analyze society itself with changing roles in its reciprocal relationship with the environment in a face-to-face community and with a complex social organization, a long past, an uncertain future and a cultural heritage that unfolds (Alcindor, Lima & Alcindor-Huelva). The symbolic perspective in analysis offers a way of understanding materials and their life stories; economies and their networks of trust and obligation; the co-production of people with their environments. The intention of opening the lens through which all these material issues are seeking to incorporate a holistic point of view, namely, the way of thinking that reconstructs a totality of relationships between people and their products since any designer creates and constructs his objects imbued by the forms of social actions existing in daily practices that are always located in a space and time and therefore within a framework of political, social and economic conditions. Therefore, they do not act "freely" since the structures of action enter within the individual through rules and principles that guide us in our practices in an unconscious way. ; Los edificios, técnicas y materiales con los que se han creado y definido espacios y volúmenes forman parte del patrimonio arquitectónico, considerándose patrimonio material. Sin embargo, un análisis más detenido permite captar que se trata de mucho más que patrimonio material ya que en realidad es la petrificación de un momento cultural. Una de las claves de comprensión es el significado del patrimonio material como resultado de una estructura social que organiza y orienta los modos de producción, las prácticas cotidianas, los estilos de vida y sus significados. Pero la separación existente entre diferentes tipos de patrimonio resultante de las estructuras mentales occidentales está marcada por una fuerte dicotomía que rige el análisis de cualquier materia. Ello fuerza una clasificación que evita el análisis poliédrico que el patrimonio material podría ofrecer. El dualismo de "objeto" y "sujeto" requiere una reconsideración, a fin de visualizar la profunda interrelación entre estos dos conceptos. El patrimonio material está inscrito en un marco espacio-temporal específico materializado en un lugar y situación determinados. Es decir, se produjo una selección del subconjunto de diferencias reflejando con fuerza los límites de la diferencia de una cultura sobre otra en sus múltiples dimensiones. Por lo tanto, en el análisis del patrimonio material deben tenerse en cuenta los contextos y procesos históricos socialmente estructurados y específicos que afectan a la producción y transmisión de formas simbólicas. En este artículo, pretende concentrarse en la atribución de significados a los materiales. Es crucial darse cuenta de que varios aspectos (función, uso, contexto, usuario, etc.) pueden ser efectivos para atribuir significados a los materiales y deben ser tomados en consideración durante el proceso de selección, por lo que es primordial enfocarse en los aspectos intangibles que gobiernan la selección de materiales también. Por lo tanto, los usos de los materiales exigen un análisis holístico desde múltiples dimensiones para ser comprendidos en profundidad. Uno de ellos es el análisis simbólico.Este artículo tiene como objetivo abordar el estudio del significado simbólico del vidrio a lo largo del tiempo en arquitectura a través de una revisión de la literatura. Profundizando más allá del nivel visual, somos capaces de discernir la "incrustación" de la acción constructiva en redes de conexiones interpersonales y concretamente, de condiciones culturales. A través del análisis de un material, es posible analizar la propia sociedad con roles cambiantes en su relación recíproca con el medio ambiente en una comunidad cara a cara y con una organización social compleja, un pasado lejano, un futuro incierto y un patrimonio cultural que se despliega (Alcindor, Lima & Alcindor-Huelva). La perspectiva simbólica en el análisis ofrece una forma de entender los materiales y sus historias de vida; economías y sus redes de confianza y obligación; la coproducción de las personas con sus entornos. La intención es abrir la lente a través de la cual todas estas cuestiones materiales buscan incorporar un punto de vista holístico, es decir, una forma de analizar que permita reconstruir la totalidad de relaciones entre las personas y sus productos ya que cualquier diseñador crea y construye sus objetos imbuidos de la formas de acciones sociales existentes en las prácticas cotidianas que se ubican siempre en un espacio y tiempo y por tanto en un marco de condiciones políticas, sociales y económicas. Por tanto, no actúan "libremente" ya que las estructuras de acción se introducen dentro del individuo a través de reglas y principios que nos guían en nuestras prácticas de manera inconsciente. ; Les bâtiments, les techniques et les matériaux avec lesquels les espaces et les volumes ont été créés et définis font partie du patrimoine architectural, considéré comme patrimoine matériel. Cependant, une analyse plus approfondie nous permet de saisir qu'il s'agit de bien plus que du patrimoine matériel puisqu'il s'agit en fait de la pétrification d'un moment culturel. Une des clés de la compréhension.Ainsi, les utilisations des matériaux exigent une analyse holistique à partir de multiples dimensions à comprendre en profondeur. L'une d'elles est l'analyse symbolique. Cet article vise à aborder l'étude de la signification symbolique du verre à travers le temps dans les architectures par la révision de la littérature. En allant au-delà du niveau visuel, nous sommes en mesure de discerner "l'enchâssement" de l'action constructive dans les réseaux de relations interpersonnelles et, en particulier, les conditions culturelles. Par l'analyse d'un matériau, il est possible d'analyser la société elle-même avec des rôles changeants dans sa relation réciproque avec l'environnement dans une communauté face à face et avec une organisation sociale complexe, un long passé, un avenir incertain et un héritage culturel qui se déploie (Alcindor, Lima & Alcindor-Huelva). La perspective symbolique dans l'analyse offre une façon de comprendre les matériaux et leurs histoires de vie ; les économies et leurs réseaux de confiance et d'obligation ; la co-production des personnes avec leurs environnements. L'intention d'ouvrir la lentille à travers laquelle toutes ces questions matérielles cherchent à incorporer un point de vue holistique, à savoir, la façon de penser qui reconstruit une totalité de relations entre les personnes et leurs produits puisque tout designer crée et construit ses objets imprégnés des formes d'actions sociales existant dans les pratiques quotidiennes qui sont toujours situées dans un espace et un temps et donc dans un cadre de conditions politiques, sociales et économiques. Par conséquent, ils n'agissent pas "librement" puisque les structures d'action entrent dans l'individu par le biais de règles et de principes qui nous guident inconsciemment dans nos pratiques. fondamentale est la signification du patrimoine matériel en tant que résultat d'une structure sociale qui organise et guide les modes de production, les pratiques quotidiennes, les modes de vie et leurs significations. Mais la séparation existante entre les différents types de patrimoine résultant des structures mentales occidentales marquées par une forte dichotomie qui régit l'analyse de toute matière peut forcer une classification qui évite l'analyse polyédrique que le patrimoine matériel pourrait offrir. Le dualisme entre "objet" et "sujet" doit être reconsidéré, afin de visualiser la profonde interrelation entre ces deux concepts. Le patrimoine matériel est inscrit dans un cadre spatio-temporel spécifique matérialisé dans un certain lieu et une certaine situation. Autrement dit, on a choisi le sous-ensemble de différences qui reflète plus fortement les frontières de la différence d'une culture par rapport à une autre dans ses multiples dimensions. Par conséquent, dans l'analyse du patrimoine matériel, les contextes et processus historiques spécifiques et socialement structurés doivent être pris en compte car ils affectent la production et la transmission de formes symboliques. L'objectif de ce document est de se concentrer particulièrement sur l'attribution de significations aux matériaux. Il est essentiel de réaliser que plusieurs aspects (fonction, utilisation, contexte, utilisateur, etc.) peuvent être efficaces pour attribuer des significations aux matériaux et qu'ils doivent être pris en considération pour comprendre le processus de sélection, car il est primordial de se concentrer également sur les aspects immatériels dans l'activité de sélection des matériaux. Ainsi, les utilisations des matériaux exigent une analyse holistique à partir de multiples dimensions à comprendre en profondeur. L'une d'elles est l'analyse symbolique. Cet article vise à aborder l'étude de la signification symbolique du verre à travers le temps dans les architectures par la révision de la littérature. En allant au-delà du niveau visuel, nous sommes en mesure de discerner "l'enchâssement" de l'action constructive dans les réseaux de relations interpersonnelles et, en particulier, les conditions culturelles. Par l'analyse d'un matériau, il est possible d'analyser la société elle-même avec des rôles changeants dans sa relation réciproque avec l'environnement dans une communauté face à face et avec une organisation sociale complexe, un long passé, un avenir incertain et un héritage culturel qui se déploie (Alcindor, Lima & Alcindor-Huelva). La perspective symbolique dans l'analyse offre une façon de comprendre les matériaux et leurs histoires de vie ; les économies et leurs réseaux de confiance et d'obligation ; la co-production des personnes avec leurs environnements. L'intention d'ouvrir la lentille à travers laquelle toutes ces questions matérielles cherchent à incorporer un point de vue holistique, à savoir, la façon de penser qui reconstruit une totalité de relations entre les personnes et leurs produits puisque tout designer crée et construit ses objets imprégnés des formes d'actions sociales existant dans les pratiques quotidiennes qui sont toujours situées dans un espace et un temps et donc dans un cadre de conditions politiques, sociales et économiques. Par conséquent, ils n'agissent pas "librement" puisque les structures d'action entrent dans l'individu par le biais de règles et de principes qui nous guident inconsciemment dans nos pratiques.

El Salvador, has been one of the last countries in the Americas to report COVID-19 cases. Since January 2020, the Government implemented a diversity of preventive measures, even before the reporting of the first cases. One of the foremost measures taken was the home quarantine for people with or without COVID-19 related symptoms. To avoid contagion, measures were taken to forbid the entrance of tourist to the country coming from China and other countries such as Italy, South Korea, Spain, Germany and Iran. Measures were intensified as the COVID-19 cases worldwide and particularly in Latin America were increasing. Testing to detect the COVID-19 was implemented in February 2020. On march 13th 2020, the Government issued a home quarantine at national level for 30 days. During that time, all kind of work, academic or tourism related activities were suspended, with the exception of those activities related to provide supplies for the pandemic. Crowds of people all over the territory were prohibited and the public and private health system external consultations were suspended giving priority to the sanitary emergency. On March 14th, the commercial flights were prohibited, and on March 17th all international borders and non-official points of entries were closed. Lately, and with the increment of positive cases in the central American region, a nationwide state of emergency was pronounced. On March 18th the first COVID-19 positive case was identified in the country, a Salvadorean national coming from abroad. The first quarantine lost effect as of April 11th, being prorogated for four days to give time to the National Legislative Assembly to discuss a new quarantine. A second 15 days quarantine was approved, which was prorogued for another 15 days on April 30th. As of June 16th, the population was allowed to circulate and do some activities with some restrictions and the recommendation to implement biosecurity measures such as the personal distancing, use of masks and hand sanitizers. Measures were applied in commercial establishments, offices, public transportation and public areas, to reduce the infection risk for the population. The public and private industries and academic sectors adopted the strategy of home working for most of their employees. Notwithstanding, every day activities were gradually reestablishing and, for the end of the year 2020, all activities were almost completely regained, except the academic activities of the public and private education sector, which continued in a virtual mode. According to government data, once the house quarantine was over, the contagion increased. During the first week of August, the first epidemiological curve presented a maximum of 449 cases. Lately, a rapid reduction of positive cases started, presenting a very different performance from what was expected. On the second week of September, a new increment was observed, reaching 330 daily cases. All countries around the world presented under reporting of cases and deaths due to the magnitude of the pandemic emergency. Some countries have taken steps to undertake seroprevalence studies to develop an approximation to the real number of deaths by COVID-19. In El Salvador, the official reporting of COVID-19 suspicious deaths has been made based on data from those who died having being tested and confirmed by RT-PRC tests. The epidemiological surveillance of new COVID-19 cases, has been strengthened through the installation of mobile booths for sampling. This can present an impact on cases, given that asymptomatic cases can be easily detected, providing the opportunity to take epidemiological measures when necessary. Nevertheless, distribution and use of tests should be made taking into consideration the epidemiological aspects, priorities, and the identification of suspected cases, populations at risk, age groups and so forth. The impact of the pandemic has bared a toll upon the health system, the economy and the social ways of the population. General consultations were temporarily suspended as well as those related to specialties, being evident in the reporting system, where consultations, controls and new case reports have diminished. The population will be affected if they are not attended in their health needs by an adequate medical consultation or control, and can adopt a self-medication behavior developing other types of illness or worst, the resurgence of contagious diseases which were already controlled under a strict surveillance in pre pandemic time. Despite all preventive measures implemented to reduce the risks of transmission, it is difficult to determine if they have had a positive impact in the pandemic control, due to a diversity of factors such as the pandemic occurrence and intensity, availability of laboratory tests, the characteristics of the country and of the Salvadorean population, which can be different from other countries. Notwithstanding, it is important to continue developing research that can lead to the prevention of the illness. In the following years, no doubt, the social and economic impact will be perceived by the population in general, and particularly by those in conditions of vulnerability; therefore, early mitigation measures are in order to deter the negative sequels of the pandemic. Finally, it is important to highlight the fact that the results concerning the pandemic care in the country should be presented to the attention of different scientific media given that this is the way to scientifically and epidemiologically report it, to contribute to the decision making for a better understanding and a better approach to the pandemic in El Salvador and other countries. Therefore, the country's scientific community must take this opportunity to make the best with the scientific information and platforms for the publication of their research, data and epidemiological analysis. ; Sr. Editor, El Salvador ha sido de los últimos países de América en reportar casos de COVID-19. Desde inicio de enero 2020, el gobierno implementó diversas medidas de prevención antes de confirmarse los primeros casos en el país. Una de las principales medidas tomadas fue la cuarentena domiciliar para personas con o sin síntomas relacionados al COVID-19, procedentes de países que ya reportaban los primeros casos. Con el fin de evitar el contagio, se prohibió el ingreso de turistas procedentes de China y de otros países como Italia, Corea del Sur, España, Alemania e Irán. A medida que los casos de COVID-19 aumentaban en el mundo, y sobre todo en Latinoamérica, las medidas de prevención se intensificaron. Fue así que se iniciaron las pruebas para la detección del COVID-19 en febrero de 2020. El gobierno decretó cuarentena domiciliar a nivel nacional durante 30 días a partir del 13 de marzo de 2020. Durante ese tiempo, se suspendieron todas las actividades laborales, académicas y de turismo, a excepción de las instituciones e industrias indispensables para atender la pandemia. Las aglomeraciones de personas fueron prohibidas en todo el territorio nacional. Se suspendió la consulta externa en todo el sistema de salud público y privado, priorizando la atención de la emergencia sanitaria. El 14 de marzo se prohibió el ingreso de vuelos comerciales al país y el 17 de marzo se cerraron las fronteras terrestres y el control de puntos de ingreso no oficiales. Posterior a estas medidas, y con el incremento de casos en países de la región centroamericana, el 26 de marzo se decretó estado de emergencia a nivel nacional. El 18 de marzo se identificó el primer caso positivo de COVID-19 en el país, un salvadoreño procedente del extranjero. A partir del 11 de abril quedó sin efecto la primera cuarentena, dando paso a una prórroga por 4 días, mientras la asamblea legislativa discutía la aprobación de una nueva cuarentena. De esta forma se aprobó una segunda cuarentena por 15 días, que fue prorrogada por 15 días más el 30 de abril. Al finalizar la prórroga de la segunda cuarentena, entró en vigencia una tercera cuarentena que duró 30 días más. A partir del 16 de junio, la población comenzó a circular con ciertas restricciones y con la recomendación de implementar medidas de bioseguridad como el distanciamiento físico, uso de mascarillas y desinfectantes de mano. En los establecimientos comerciales, empresas, transporte público y espacios públicos se tomaron medidas para disminuir el riesgo de contagio. Una estrategia utilizada por el sector laboral y académico, también fue el trabajo desde casa. Sin embargo, las actividades cotidianas de la población fueron restableciéndose, paulatinamente, y, al final del año 2020, se recobraron casi por completo en todo el país a excepción de las actividades académicas del sistema público y privado que continuaron las actividades de forma virtual. Después de finalizada la cuarentena domiciliar, el número de contagios aumentó, de acuerdo a datos del gobierno salvadoreño. En la primera curva epidemiológica se registró un máximo de 449 casos en la primera semana de agosto. Posteriormente comenzó una disminución rápida del número de casos, teniendo un comportamiento diferente a lo esperado según la tendencia reflejada. La segunda semana de septiembre registró un aumento gradual de casos, alcanzado un diario máximo de 330 casos. El subregistro de casos y de muertes se ha observado en muchos países, debido a la situación de emergencia y la magnitud de la pandemia. Esto ha llevado que algunos países realicen estudios de seroprevalencia para tener una aproximación de la cantidad real de personas infectadas y número real aproximado de personas fallecidas por COVID-19. En el caso de El Salvador el registro de muertes por sospecha de COVID-19 es reportado de manera oficial partiendo de aquellos casos fallecidos con prueba confirmada RT-PCR. La vigilancia epidemiológica de los casos nuevos de COVID-19 fue fortalecida a través de la implementación de cabinas móviles para la toma de muestra. Esto puede influir en el reporte de casos, debido a que tienen la capacidad de detectar casos asintomáticos lo que ofrece la oportunidad de implementar medidas epidemiológicas donde sea necesario. Sin embargo, la distribución y uso de las pruebas debe realizarse de forma priorizada, tomando en cuenta aspectos epidemiológicos, como identificación de sospechosos, poblaciones en riesgo, grupos etarios, entre otros. La pandemia ha tenido un impacto negativo en el sistema sanitario, económico y social. Debido a esta emergencia, las consultas generales y especializadas se suspendieron temporalmente. Esto es evidente en los reportes del sistema público, en el que se observa una disminución de consultas, controles y reporte de casos nuevos de enfermedades de interés epidemiológico para el país. Como consecuencia, puede verse afectada la salud de la población, que, al no recibir una atención médica especializada, pueden optar por la automedicación y esto desencadenar otra serie de problemas de salud o incluso el resurgimiento de enfermedades contagiosas que en tiempos prepandemia se mantenían controladas bajo una estricta vigilancia epidemiológica. A pesar de todas las acciones preventivas realizadas para disminuir el riesgo de transmisión, es difícil establecer si estas tuvieron un impacto positivo en el control de la pandemia, debido a diversos factores como la intensidad y comportamiento de la pandemia, disponibilidad de pruebas de laboratorio, características propias del país y la sociedad salvadoreña, que pueden ser diferentes a otras partes del mundo. Sin embargo, es necesario seguir desarrollando acciones e investigaciones que contribuyan con la prevención de la enfermedad. Sin duda, el impacto económico y social serán percibidos por la población en general, especialmente las poblaciones en condiciones de vulnerabilidad en los próximos años. Es importante tomar medidas tempranas para mitigar los efectos negativos secundarios de la pandemia. Finalmente, es importante que los resultados provenientes de la atención de la pandemia en el país, se den a conocer en los diferentes medios científicos ya que esta es la mejor forma de registrar los sucesos científicamente y epidemiológicamente para contribuir a la toma de decisiones para un mejor abordaje de la pandemia en El Salvador y en otros países del mundo. Por lo tanto, es importante que la comunidad científica del país aproveche las diversas plataformas y fuentes de información científicas para la publicación de resultados de sus investigaciones y análisis epidemiológicos.

The majority of Croats in Montenegro are the native population traditionally living in the Bay of Kotor, the town of Budva and Bar and its surroundings. A minority of them are immigrants or their descendants. As early as during the Austro–Hungarian rule over the Montenegrin coast, and especially during the Yugoslav period, they inhabited the area of today's Montenegro, mostly its inland towns. This paper primarily aims to present and analyse the size of the Croatian population in Montenegro in general and at the level of its administrative units. To do so, it uses data from the censuses conducted from 1948 to 2011, which recorded national affiliation, among other things. In the context of those censuses, one can argue that, during their conduct, it was possible to declare oneself as a Croat, and that a major share of the population avoided declaring themselves as such although they could, based on their ethnic characteristics. Accordingly, the second aim of the paper was to attempt to determine, in the context of the 2011 census, which is a source of plenty of relevant data, not only the number of declared Croats but also those who were undeclared as such, but could certainly be considered to belong to the same linguistic, religious and cultural community as Croats. For this paper, that wider unit was termed the Slavic Catholic community (Slavic–Catholic), which is already recognised in language as the Central South Slavic area (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro), among other things as a certain "opposite" of the Slavic–Orthodox and Slavic–Muslim communities of the same spatial scope. To better understand the position of Croats in Montenegro, and especially their reluctance to declare Croatian national affiliation, which is more and more evident over time, an integral part of the paper is an appropriate presentation of historical circumstances that have framed their past and present identity positioning. The first data on the presence of Croats in today's Montenegrin area refers to the period of Slavic settlement of South-east Europe, which took place until the beginning of the 7th century. According to the work of the Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (945–959), "On the Governance of the Empire", during their settlement, Croats occupied the former Roman province of Dalmatia (which, according to the author, "started from the surroundings of Durrës and Bar and stretched to the Istrian mountains and to the river Danube in width"), as well as Pannonia and Illyricum. According to the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, probably written by the (Arch)Bishop of Bar Gregory in the period 1177–1189, upon settlement the Slavs had founded a state, the backbone of which was on the coast, between Istria and today's northern Albania. According to the Chronicle, that coastal belt was divided into White and Red Croatia, which stretched from Duvanjsko Polje further south. Besides, Byzantine 11th- and 12th-century writers mention Croats and Croatia in the context of the area of today's Montenegro. However, from the beginning of the 9th century, that is, the point in time from which one can continuously follow the political development in the Adriatic–Dinaric belt, or the area of the former Roman Dalmatia, it is certain that four smaller Slavic principalities existed between the rivers Cetina and Bojana: Neretva, Zahumlje, Travunia and Duklja. In the mid 11th century, Duklja, Travunia and Zahumlje were united into a state at the initiative of the rulers of Duklja. The expanded state of Duklja, ruled by the Vojislavljević dynasty, gained international acknowledgement since the papacy recognised it as a separate kingdom and a strong lever for maintaining its own identity, manifested in the existence of a state religious centre in the form of the Catholic metropolis of Bar. Such circumstances could have suggested the emergence of a much wider state unit, located approximately between the rivers Neretva and Drim on the one side and the Adriatic and the river Tara on the other, which would have implied the formation of an ethnic body. However, events unfolded in a different direction. Since the mid 12th century the state of Duklja had been losing ever more power, completely falling under the ruler of neighbouring Orthodox Serbia at the end of the same century. During that time the Schism of 1054 acquired full significance. The 1204 establishment of the Latin Empire, with its seat in Constantinople, led to a strong polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy. In such conditions, upon establishment of its own church in 1219, the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić began to carry out mass Orthodoxisation of the Zahumlje and Duklja areas to ensure their loyalty. Primarily exposed to religious conversion were Slavic Catholic people, who, at that time, shared many similarities with the neighbouring Orthodox in the entire area of the Adriatic–Dinaric belt in terms of external manifestations of their Christian identity, significantly marked by the tradition of Cyril and Methodius. Coastal, communal centres in the area of today's Montenegro, Kotor, Budva and Bar, at the time still largely Romanesque, but eventually Slavicised, and their "belonging" or gravitating Slavic population, as well as the Albanian population located next to gradually Albanianised Ulcinj, along the river Bojana and in Malesia, were left Catholics. The territorial relations between Catholics and Orthodox established at the time have largely remained relevant until modern times. In the area of today's Montenegro, the Slavic Catholic population was in principle reduced to a distinct minority concentrated in and around the coastal communes. As the Serbian state weakened from the mid 14th century, those communes gradually merged with the western states, and ultimately with the Venetian Republic. They remained under its rule until the end of the 18th century. After that, they were mainly part of the Austrian Kingdom of Dalmatia until 1918. Under those conditions, sharing the social climate with the population of the eastern Adriatic coast, who spoke the same language and shared the same religion, from the mid 19th century the Slavic Catholic population of today's Montenegrin coast became involved in the processes leading to the constitution of the Croatian nation. The political and social development of the Orthodox population in Montenegro took a different course. By integrating into the de facto Serbian Orthodox Church, they began acquiring Serbian ethnic characteristics. However, given the disintegration of the Serbian state on a part of today's Montenegrin territory, a new state emerged in the form of Zeta, centred in sub-Lovćen Montenegro and ruled by the Balšić dynasty and the Crnojević dynasty. During the Ottoman rule, which began in the late 15th century, sub-Lovćen Montenegro retained a certain autonomy, which became the basis for the formation of the Montenegrin state close to its current borders in the late 17th century. While the Montenegrin population "remained" in the identity sphere of proto-national Serbs due to Orthodoxy, imbued with the cult of the Nemanjić dynasty, its peculiar development enabled them to acquire own ethnic consciousness. The dichotomy between the Montenegrin and Serbian sense of identity has not been overcome to this day, which is becoming increasingly clear in the division of the Orthodox population between the national Montenegrins and the national Serbs. With the disintegration of Austro–Hungary and the emergence of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, that is, Yugoslavia, the Slavic Catholic population in the area of today's Montenegro found itself permanently separated from the political, or at least administrative framework defined by the Catholic majority, after almost five hundred years. Instead, it became a distinct minority group in an environment that was continuously exposed to strong Serbian influences, even after Montenegro gained independence. Over time, following the processes of migration towards the coast, it also became a minority in settlements where it once represented the only or majority population. Under those conditions, strongly marked by latent or real contradictions in the relations between Croats and Serbs and often radical manifestations of Serbian identity in their environment, for the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro, the declaration of Croatian identity became a kind of burden that not everyone was ready or able to bear. In that context, among other things, it is worth looking at the data presented, which points to a decline in the share of Croats in Montenegro. Equally, attention should be paid to the data from the 2011 census, which indicates a kind of mass declaration of "alternative" forms of ethnicity on the part of the Slavic–Catholic population. According to the first census, the one of 1921, which covered the population of all parts of today's Montenegro, 313,432 inhabitants lived on its soil, of which between 11,380 and 12,145 were Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community. According to that census, which took no account of the national determinant, but recorded the religious and linguistic ones, the share of members of that community in the total population inhabiting the area of today's Montenegro was between 3.6% and 3.9%. The censuses after 1945, which, as pointed out, covered the national determinant and were conducted in socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991), Federal Republic of Yugoslavia / the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (1991–2006) and in independent Montenegro (since 2006) recorded the following shares of Croats in Montenegro: 6,808 (in 1948), 9,814 (in 1953), 10,664 (in 1961), 9,192 (in 1971), 6,904 (in 1981), 6,244 (in 1991), 6,811 (in 2003), and 6,021 (in 2011). It is evident from the first censuses that part of the Slavic–Catholics in Montenegro did not declare themselves as Croats. This is primarily the case in Bar and its surroundings, where the declaration of Montenegrin nationality has permanently prevailed. Since 1971, a large number of people formerly declared as Croats began to declare themselves as "Yugoslavs". Following the disintegration of Yugoslavia, in the 2003 and 2011 censuses, that type of declaration lost significance. However, no "return" to the declaration of Croatian national affiliation occurred, but rather the adoption of Montenegrin identity, rejection of the declaration of nationality, declaration of regional affiliation, etc. The analysis conducted in the context of the 2011 census shows that only a small part of the total Slavic–Catholic community in Montenegro declared themselves as Croats. Basically, only 5,931 people did so, if the total share of Croats (6,021) is reduced by 90 Orthodox who are probably registered as Croats for family reasons. At the same time, 29 Bosnians, 5,667 Montenegrins, 68 Yugoslavs, three Muslims, 569 nationally undeclared persons, 376 regionally declared persons, 112 Serbs and one Serb Montenegrin declared their affiliation with Catholicism. According to the insight into the share of the native Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro in 1921 and the share of Croats in the 1953–1971 censuses, it can be stated with a high level of certainty that those 6,825 respondents belonged to the Slavic Catholic population. The total share of the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro in 2011 was larger than the sum of Croats (5,931) and the mentioned 6,825 persons, which amounted to 12,756, given that it should be increased by a certain number of respondents, primarily among Bosnians, Montenegrins, Yugoslavs, nationally undeclared and regionally declared who declared themselves as agnostics, atheists, unidentified Christians or refused to declare their religion. Primarily based on a comparison of the share of such persons within the municipalities of Boka Kotorska (Herceg Novi, Kotor, Tivat), where it is extremely high, with their shares in other Montenegrin municipalities, it could be argued that in 2011, the total share of Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community amounted to approximately 15,000 or 2.4% of the population of Montenegro.

Många självklarheter i vårt digitala samhälle är beroende av Internet för att fungera. Allt från smarta dörrar för hemtjänster, till självscanningsapparaterna på ICA, till nyare bilar, moderna tillverkningsrobotar, telefoner och affärssystem. Den här licentiatavhandlingen reder ut vad Internet är, hur det styrs och vad det har för praktiska konsekvenser. Tidigare forskning finns bland annat inom telekommunikation där Internet liknas vid andra telekommunikationstjänster, så som kabel-TV eller mobiltelefoni, och inom digitalisering både inom management och informationssystem där Internet i det närmaste tas för givet som teknisk infrastruktur. Här tar jag en ansatts där jag förklarar Internet ur ett kombinerat tekniskt och organisatoriskt perspektiv. Studien är principiellt uppdelad i tre delar. Den första delen fokuserar på att begreppsmässigt hitta ett sätt att diskutera Internet utan att essentiella aspekter faller bort, såsom styrningen eller konsekvenser av den tekniska designen. Jag landar i att Internet är både ett tekniskt och ett organisatoriskt fenomen. Tekniskt i bemärkelsen att det handlar om digital paketbaserad kommunikation (dvs att olika paket kan ta olika väg och att det inte finns ett beroende på en viss specifik väg, eller "krets"), vilket kan särskiljas från exempelvis kretskopplad kommunikation (dvs en specific väg från sändare till mottagare) eller rent analog kommunikation. I denna tekniska dimension är Internet förhållandevis likt klassisk telekommunikation såsom kabel-TV och mobiltelefoni, och förlitar sig på best-effort paketbaserad kommunikation. I den andra dimensionen, styrning och organisation, är Internet ett explicit bottom-up fenomen som styrs med andra principer och ideal än klassisk telekommunikation. Till sin utformning är denna minsta möjliga koordination som krävs för att möjliggöra koordinering av de tekniska unika identifierare som behövs för att Internet ska fungera (dvs idag DNS- och BGP-flororna av protokoll för användning av namn och nummer på Internet). Båda dimensionerna, de organisatoriska och tekniska, följer samma designprinciper, och generellt är det meningsfullt att se Internet som en ekologi av aktörer snarare än en organisation i strikt teoretiska termer (exempelvis finns ingen tydlig övergripande strategi, organisationsnummer eller löneutbetalare). Det är dessa designprinciper, som ligger väl i linje med systemarkitektursprinciper för datorsystem, som är orsaken till Internets lager-design där man (generellt) inte ska bry som om vad som händer på andra lager än sitt eget (beskrivet som "separation of concerns" eller i dubbel negation "high cohesion" i texten) samt att ha en minimalistisk ansatts till koordinering och enbart koordinera eller skapa beroenden mellan enheter (både tekniskt och organisatoriskt) när det verkligen behövs (beskrivet som "minimum coordination" eller "low coupling" i texten). Den andra delen fokuserar på hur Internet kan socialt påverkas eller förändras till något annat, eller till något med en annan funktion sett som en styrd organisation. Jag använder begreppet social robusthet, som motpol till teknisk robusthet som i hur man tekniskt kan förstöra Internet, för att diskutera dessa aspekter. Slutsatserna här mynnar ut i att Internets explicita bottom-up och problemsuppdelnings-design gör det märkbart svårt för någon att medvetet påverka Internet för att ändra dess beskaffenhet, och dessutom visar jag att även om man praktiskt lyckas ta över de formellt beslutande råden (exempelvis ICANNs och IETFs styrelser) så finns det inga formella eller praktiska hinder för att bara ignorera dem (dvs switching costs för just ICANN eller IETF är låga, om än tekniskt omständligt med att konfigurera om rötter och routing-tabeller, och betydligt enklare än att gå från IPv4 till IPv6 då utrustning kan behöva ersättas och därmed en betydligt högre switching cost). Med andra ord, det är enklare att byta ut Internets koordinerare än att byta ut Internet mot något som fungerar annorlunda. Däremot är den rådande politiska världsordningen ett hot mot Internet, eftersom den regelstyrda och koordinerade världsordningen inte längre är lika självklar som den varit tidigare. Den tredje och sista studien fokuserar på nätneutralitet, dvs rätten nätverksoperatörer har att fånga värde i andra dimensioner än trafikmängd, som en praktiskt effekt av hur Internet styrs och fungerar. Det primära praktiska bidraget är att nätneutralitet inte får ses som enbart en reglerings och lagstiftningfråga utan det är mer relevant att prata om i termer av nätneutralitet i praktiken. I den bemärkelsen är lagstiftningens vara eller inte vara mindre intressant än praktisk nätneutralitets vara eller inte vara och en tyngdpunktsförskjutning i den offentliga debatten hade fört diskussionen närmare hur Internet fungerar. Sammanfattningsvis ger Internets designprinciper att marknadskrafter, och ej direkt reglering, ska möjliggöra nätneutralitet. För att förtydliga, tanken är att det ska finnas konkurrens inom de flesta nivåer eller lager, och att det är av vikt att det finns konkurrens rakt igenom så att en kundvilja för paketneutralitet på tjänstenivå även påverkar nätägar- och infrastrukturnivå, så att det är användarnas efterfrågan som leder till nätneutralitet (om den användarviljan finns). Dock kan det mycket väl vara så att man som användare inte är intresserad av nätneutralitet och då ska tjänsteleverantörer, nätägare och infrastrukturoperatörer inte heller tvingas vara neutrala genom lagstiftning då det går stick i stäv med designprinciperna. Inte heller ska en grupps vilja kring nätneutralitet påverka andras möjligheter att välja. Genomgående identifierar jag två kolliderande världsbilder, den distribuerade regelstyrda och koordinerade ordningen i sitt perspektiv med sina förkämpar, och den mer integrerande och suveräna världsordningen med sitt perspektiv och sina förkämpar. Rent praktiskt uppfyller Internet en önskad funktion i den tidigare men ej i den senare, då Internet designmässigt är byggt för att tillåta snarare än kontrollera och bestämma. Exempelvis finns det inte inbyggda (tekniska) mekanismer i Internet för att till exempel möjliggöra statlig övervakning eller kontroll av material som finns tillgängligt, och då ligger det mer i statens intresse att ha kontrollerade telekommunikationstjänster, såsom kabel-TV, mobiltelefoni och liknande lösningar där man inte helt enkelt kan lägga på ett "extra lager" för att uppnå kryptering, anonymitet eller tillgång till andra tjänster. I texten använder jag perspektiven tillsammans med teknologi, marknader och byråkrati för att fånga upp dynamiken och strömningarna i Internet-ekologin och jämför med tekniska samhällsförändringar, som exempelvis järnvägsnät, postverk och finansiella marknader. Jag konstaterar att Internet har varit styrt av teknologiskt baserade värderingar, till skillnad från de andra exemplen som i huvudsak har utformats av dynamiken mellan byråkrati och marknad. I denna mån förelår jag att teknologi kan användas som strömning och motperspektiv till den klassiska uppställningen med byråkrati och marknad för att beskriva fenomen i digitaliseringens tidsålder. Avhandlingen sätter även pågående trender i ett bredare perspektiv mot både organisation och teknik, och trycker på vikten av att förstå delarna var för sig och tillsammans för att på ett rikare sätt måla upp helheten. ; The modern society is to a large extent Internet-dependent. Today we rely on the Internet to handle communication for smart doors, self-scanning convenience stores, connected cars, production robots, telephones and ERP-systems. The purpose of this thesis is to unbundle the Internet, its technology, its coordination, and practical and theoretical consequences. Earlier research has, in telecommunications, focused on the Internet as one of many potential telecommunications services, such as cellphones or cable-TV, and the management and information systems field has by and large treated the Internet as black-boxable infrastructure. This thesis explains the Internet from the combined perspectives of technology and coordination. This text contains three empirical studies. The first is focused on conceptualizing and discussing the Internet in a meaningful way using both technology and coordination frameworks. I unceremoniously conclude that the Internet is both a technological and a coordination phenomenon and neither of these aspects can be ignored. The Internet is technological in that it concerns digital packet switched digital communication (as opposed to circuit switched) or purely analog communications. The technological dimension of the Internet is similar in its constituency to classical telecommunications networks, and has best-effort mechanisms for packet delivery. In the other dimension, coordination, the Internet is an explicit bottom-up phenomenon minimally coordinated (or governed) by other ideals than classical telecommunications networks and systems. At its core this least necessary coordination concerns technical unique identifiers necessary for inter-network communication (in practice today manifested as naming with the DNS protocol suite, and numbering with the BGP protocol suite). Both dimensions follow similar design characteristics; the design of the technical Internet is similar to the design of the coordination of the Internet. These design principles, which are well aligned with software design principles, is the cause of the Internet's layered design ("separation of concerns" in practice) and minimal view of coordination (the "least coordinated Internet"). In general terms it is fruitful to view the Internet and involved actors as an ecology, rather than one organization or entity in need of governance or control. The second study looks at the social resilience of the Internet. That is, is it possible through social means to change what the Internet is or can be viewed as. I use social resilience as a counterpart to technical resilience, i.e. resilience to technical interference. In essence, the bottom-up and separations of concerns design of the coordination aspect of the Internet minimizes possible influence of actors intent on mission disruption. I also practically show that even a take-over of the central councils have little effect the constituency of the Internet, since these councils are not invested with formal powers of enforcement. This thesis suggests that the cost of switching from ICANN and IETF to another set of organizations is quite low due to the nature of the coordination of the Internet, compared to for example, switching all equipment to IPv6 capable equipment. However, the current political situation is a threat to the current Internet regime, since an international and rule-based world order is no longer on all states' agendas. The final empirical study focus on the practical and theoretical implications of the Internet on the case of net neutrality. The primary contribution is that de facto and de jure net neutrality differ in practice, and as such de facto net neutrality deserves more attention. Also, I suggest that any regulation, either for or against net neutrality, is problematic, since such regulation would interfere with the inherent coordination mechanisms of the Internet. As such regulation should focus on providing the necessary markets for Internet function given the coordination and design of the Internet. As a net neutrality example, net neutral Internet access options should exist as part of a natural service offering if wanted by customers, not due to direct regulation. Throughout the thesis I identify two colliding world orders, both in terms of digital communication networks and terms of organizing society in general: the rule-based and coordinating order with its champions, and the integrated or sovereign order with its champions. In practical terms, the Internet can be considered a want in the former (the distributed perspective), but not the later (the integrative perspective), since the Internet lacks inherent (technical) controls for surveillance and content control which are necessary in a world order where borders are important. Regardless of if that importance stems from state oversight or intellectual property rights legislation. I use these perspectives together with technology, markets and bureaucracy to catch the dynamics of the Internet ecology. I then compare these dynamics with other technological and societal phenomena, such as railway networks, postal services and financial markets. And conclude that the Internet (as conceptualized in this thesis) can best be explained by technological values, in opposite to the other examples which can best by explained by the dynamics of markets and bureaucracies without any real influence of the values of technology. As such, I suggest that the classical frame of markets and bureaucracy can fruitfully be expanded with technology to better explain the Internet and similar digitization phenomena. This thesis puts current trends in a broader perspective based on technology and organization, where the two perspectives together better can draw the full picture in a rich fashion.

Tese de doutoramento em Sociologia, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra ; La presente investigación se propone analizar cómo se configura la acción política por medio del activismo que se centra en el arte como práctica política. Discute en que medida se reinventa la acción política feminista con y a través del arte, las varias formas de entender y poner en práctica la relación entre el arte y la política, el lugar de las artes feministas comprendidas como prácticas políticas con sus propios repertorios y el lugar de los feminismos en el trabajo artístico. Las categorías de análisis que entrecruzan esta investigación son: arte y política, acción política, activismo feminista desde el arte, acción política artística, políticas feministas, renovación de la política, renovación del arte, y potencia política del arte. Como las preguntas que motivan esta investigación no se resuelven solo en el ámbito teórico sino que son los modos de hacer, las prácticas, las diferentes vivencias, las que pueden dar posibles respuestas, ampliar las miradas y hacer otras preguntas, fue importante hacer partícipes de esta investigación a quienes rompen justamente con formas tradicionales de las políticas feministas en Colombia. Dos colectivas feministas: La Tremenda Revoltosa Batucada Feminista y Féminas Festivas, dos grupos artísticos feministas: el grupo de teatro La Máscara y la banda de punk Polikarpa y sus Viciosas y dos artistas feministas: Ana María Villate y Diana Molina son las sujetas de esta investigación; coproductoras del conocimiento que de aquí se deriva desde sus activismos que potencian lo político en el arte constituyendo las expresiones artísticas en prácticas políticas feministas. Esta propuesta es un ejercicio de Investigación Activista Feminista, un trabajo de construcción colectiva de conocimiento situado desde y para la acción política con la metodología de las Producciones Narrativas. La construcción de las narrativas se realizó a partir de sesiones de trabajo colectivas e individuales, entrevistas y observación participante en las actividades que fue posible acompañar durante el trabajo de campo; las narrativas construidas se disponen y manejan en la tesis de tal manera que constituyen el eje articulador de los análisis aquí desarrollados. En cuanto a la estructura de la investigación se presentan los principales debates del movimiento feminista en Colombia, en relación con dicho movimiento en Latinoamérica y el Caribe para comprender las políticas feministas que lo caracterizan. Se parte de los estudios sociales del arte y sus diferentes miradas sobre la relación arte y política considerando la política en el arte, la estetización de la política, el arte político y el arte activista. Para abrir los límites de la política se aproxima a las propuestas que se encuentran sobre la política y su redefinición en los feminismos, a las prácticas políticas de las sujetas de la investigación y el reconocimiento de otras prácticas para pensar cómo se renuevan y se hacen otras políticas; asimismo se aproxima a los movimientos sociales y su apuesta por redimensionar la política, pensando la cultura como un hecho político, y la articulación de los feminismos con los movimientos sociales en la participación concreta de las sujetas de esta investigación en la vida política del país. Para ampliar la mirada sobre el arte, se retoman los aportes de la sociología en los territorios del arte y la cultura y se incluye el análisis decolonial, las lecturas de la crítica institucional y las experiencias de las artistas y activistas sujetas de la investigación en el mundo del arte. Asimismo, se aborda la potencia política del arte relacionado con la importancia política de lo simbólico. Se presenta la noción de acción política artística y feminista en relación con las artes feministas en los activismos analizados, además de los modos de hacer de cada colectiva, grupo artístico y artista que llevan a comprender como hacer del arte una práctica política feminista. Finalmente se presentan unas reflexiones metodológicas en cuando a las potencialidades y dificultades de las Producciones Narrativas y se problematiza la relación activismo-academia, presentando así los límites, aprendizajes, retos y propuestas suscitadas en esta experiencia de investigación. ; A presente investigação propõe-se analisar como se configura a acção política através do activismo que se centra na arte como prática política. Discute em que medida se reinventa a acção política feminista com e através da arte; as várias formas de entender e pôr em prática a relação entre arte e política; o lugar das artes feministas entendidas como práticas políticas com os seus próprios repertórios; e o lugar dos feminismos no trabalho artístico. As categorias de análise que atravessam esta investigação são: arte e política, acção política, activismo feminista a partir/através da arte, acção política artística, políticas feministas, renovação da política, renovação da arte e potencial político da arte. As perguntas que motivam esta investigação não se resolvem apenas em âmbito teórico, mas são os próprios modos de fazer, as práticas e as diferentes vivências que podem dar respostas, ampliar os ângulos de visão e formular outras perguntas. Por isso foi importante integrar nesta investigação quem rompe precisamente com as formas tradicionais das políticas feministas na Colômbia. Duas colectivas feministas: La Tremenda Revoltosa Batucada Feminista e Féminas Festivas; dois grupos artísticos feministas: o grupo de teatro La Máscara e a banda punk Polikarpa y sus Viciosas; e duas artistas feministas: Ana María Villate e Diana Molina são as sujeitas desta investigação; coprodutoras do conhecimento de aqui se deriva a partir dos seus activismos potenciadores do que há de político na arte e transformadores das expressões artísticas em práticas políticas feministas. Esta proposta é um exercício de Investigação Activista Feminista, um trabalho de construção colectiva de conhecimento situado desde e para a acção política, com recurso à metodologia das Produções Narrativas. A construção das narrativas realizou-se a partir de sessões de trabalho colectivas e individuais, entrevistas e observação participante nas actividades que me foi possível acompanhar durante o trabalho de campo. As narrativas construídas dispõem-se e são usadas na tese de forma a construírem o eixo articulador das análises aqui desenvolvidas. Quanto à estrutura da investigação, apresentam-se os principais debates do movimento feminista na Colômbia, em relação ao mesmo movimento na América do Sul e Caraíbas para compreender as políticas feministas que o caracterizam. Parte-se dos estudos sociais da arte e seus diferentes olhares sobre a relação arte-política, considerando a política na arte, a esteticização da política, a arte política e a arte activista. Para abrir as fronteiras da política aproxima-se às propostas encontradas sobre a política e a sua redefinição nos feminismos, as práticas políticas das sujeitas da investigação e o reconhecimento de outras práticas para pensar como se renovam e se fazem outras políticas; da mesma forma faz-se uma aproximação aos movimentos sociais e à sua aposta para redimensionar a política, pensando a cultura como um facto político, e a articulação dos feminismos com os movimentos sociais na participação concreta das sujeitas desta investigação na vida política do país. Para ampliar o nosso olhar sobre a arte, retomamos as contribuições da sociologia nos territórios da arte e a cultura e incluímos a análise descolonial, as leituras da crítica institucional e as experiências das artistas e activistas sujeitas da investigação no mundo da arte. Da mesma forma abordamos o potencial político da arte relacionado-o com a importância política do simbólico. Apresenta-se a noção de acção política artística e feminista em relação com as artes feministas nos activismos analisados, além dos modos de fazer de cada colectiva, grupo artístico e artista que leva a compreender como fazer da arte uma prática política feminista. Finalmente, apresentam-se reflexões metodológicas relacionadas com as potencialidades e dificuldades das Produções Narrativas e problematiza-se a relação activismo-academia, apresentando assim os límites, aprendizagens, desafios e propostas suscitadas nesta experiência de investigação. ; The present research analyses how political action is shaped in activist practices engaging in art as a political practice. It discusses to which extent feminist political action reinvents itself through art, and exposes different understandings and practices regarding the link between art and politics, feminist arts as political practices with their own specific languages, and the position of feminisms in artistic work. The categories of analysis in this study include: art and politics, political action, feminist activism through art, artistic political action, feminist politics, renovation of politics, renovation of art, political renovation of art. The questions triggering this research may not be solved only on a theoretical level. Rather, a range of modus operandi, practices, and experiences need to be taken into account so as to produce possible interpretations, amplify perspectives and generate further questions. Therefore, it was considered essential to involve in this investigation precisely those subjects who do not conform to the traditional forms of Colombia's feminist politics. The subjects of this investigation include feminist collectives: La Tremenda Revoltosa Batucada Feminista and Féminas Festivas; feminist artistic groups: theatre group La Máscara and punk band Polikarpa y sus Viciosas; and feminist artists: Ana María Villate and Diana Molina. These subjects are co-producers of the knowledge systematized in this study, which derives directly from their activisms, and the ways in which they strengthen political intervention with art by contributing to feminist politics through their artistic expressions. The proposed analysis is an exercise of Feminist Activist Research, based on a collective construction of knowledge situated in - and for- political action, using the methodology of Narrative Productions. The construction of narratives was based on individual and collective work sessions, interviews, and participant observation in the activities which were accessible during the field work; the constructed narratives are weaved in the thesis in such a way that they constitute the main pillars of the analysis developed here. Regarding the structure of the investigation, the principal debates of the feminist movement in Colombia are described and linked to similar movements in Latin America and the Caribbean, in order to appreciate their particular configurations within feminist politics. The research is based on social studies on art, in particular the range of perspectives on the relationship between political art and activist art. In order to transcend the borders of politics, this study builds on the theories regarding politics and its redefinition within feminist moments, and in the political practices of the research subjects, in order to reflect how other politics are renewed and created. This study approaches social movements and their struggles to redefine politics by understanding culture as a political issue, and by capturing the articulation between feminisms and social movements observing the active participation of the research subjects in the country's political life. A range of sources, including sociological inputs in the fields of arts and culture, as well as a decolonial analysis, the contributions of critical institutional studies and the experience of artists and activists involved in the research, have been used in order to widen the perspective on art. Additionally, the study explores the political power of art in connection with the political importance of symbols. The proposed analysis articulates the notion of political, artistic, and feminist action with feminist arts in the analysed activisms. Additionally, it observes the practices of each collective, artistic or activist group, which help us to understand how art may be transformed into a feminist political practice. Finally, the study presents some methodological reflexions regarding the potentialities and difficulties of Narrative Productions, problematizing the relationship between activism and academia, and presenting the limits, lessons, challenges and propositions which arose during the investigation experience.

Climate change is here and mitigation efforts will not be enough to stop it. We need to adapt to its unavoidable impacts. At the same time, increasing anthropogenic influence on urban climates is leading to worsening urban heat stress. Increased amounts of impervious area, dark surfaces, and the barrier effect of large buildings reduce the ability of especially dense, inner-city areas to cool themselves. The effects of climate change inside the city can vary greatly across different neighborhoods. This is due to the diverse micro- and macroclimates within a city and their unique ecological and meteorological conditions. Urban heat islands, for example, can exhibit temperatures up to four or five Kelvin hotter than surrounding regions and, therefore, threaten the health and the lives of urban citizens. Three quarters of Europeans live in cities. Nevertheless, despite intensifying attention to the issues of heat stress and climate adaptation, CO2 reduction remains the primary focus of public policy. Whether cities are ready to take on the challenge of responding to these threats is a significant concern for the future. Germany is known for having numerous regulations, laws, programs, and institutions; and the situation surrounding climate change is no different. Whether and how all these legal and organizational features are used in practice and to what extent they further the success of adaptation work needs more investigation. In the framework of the German Research Foundation Research program 1736 Urban Climate and Heat Stress in mid-latitude cities in view of climate change (UCaHS), this work focuses, specifically on the treatment of these efforts in urban planning, specifically related to landscape, environmental, and land-use planning. It remains the case that planning and public policy lack an adequate body of knowledge about how to tackle urban heat stress, both legally and in the built environment. The administrative structure, legal context, and actions of major stakeholders were analyzed to help identify possible heat stress prevention and adaptation strategies, as well as the driving forces for and obstacles to their implementation. The climate adaptation plans of all German major cities and cities with a population density of 2,000 residents/ km2 and a population of at least 200,000 were evaluated to help illuminate how adaptation measures for heat stress have been implemented. Results showed a clear trend: despite the advancements made through the recent adoption of so many climate-related plans and programs, the movement towards adaptation to climate change is still cutting its teeth. Mitigation is still favored over real adaptation. Among the adaptation strategies that were chosen, so called 'no regret' strategies like greening or unsealing were preferred, i.e. those that were economically, ecologically, and socially useful, independent of their connection to climate change. Our study area, Berlin, was chosen as the best city for a case study about the role of climate adaptation plans in the implementation of adaptation measures. Berlin is Germany's most populous city and is well-suited to the study because of its characteristic heterogeneity. To identify the driving forces and barriers for adaptation measures, we used Constellation Analysis and Bayesian Network methodologies. Constellation Analysis helps bridge interdisciplinary borders, incorporating all actors (persons or groups), symbols (laws or guidelines), institutions, and other elements (like green roofs or façade greening) in a system and depicting their relationships. To identify the set screws and the likelihood for the implementation of adaptation measures, we used Bayesian Networks. In order to gain the necessary knowledge for these methods, semi structured expert interviews and workshops were conducted in addition to document analysis. In order to investigate the role of adaptation plans at the various planning levels, the City Climate Development Plan of Berlin was analyzed as an example. Constellation Analysis showed that connections between the different actors, institutions, and tools involved in adaptation planning and implementation are still inadequate. It also highlighted the individual block level as the planning stage most relevant for the implementation of adaptation measures. In a further step and in cooperation with the Research Module 3.2 and 5.1 of the UCaHS Projekt, three scenarios were prepared using the constellation analysis. 1. A scenario with little political attention for the reduction of urban heat. 2. A scenario with political focus on the city center. 3. A scenario with political efforts for heat reduction for the entire city. The aim was to develop governance storylines in order to identify possible ways of dealing with urban heat. These enable decision-makers to look into the future and, thus, to adjust their behavior. In previous analyses, the local land-use plan level was seen as the most relevant for the implementation of adaptation measures. This leads to the question of whether adaptation concerns can successfully gain hold in urban planning and land-use plans. How will these measures be implemented? Urban and environmental planning play a vital role in this process. Bayesian Network analysis was used to explore the likelihood of the development of climate-adapted local land-use plans. This method depicts initial systems and the likelihood of certain outcomes in order to define networks of probabilities. The process relied on expert opinions gathered in numerous semi structured interviews at all levels with the Berlin stakeholders who are involved with implementation of the local land-use process. The analysis showed that the chances of the implementation of adaptation factors rely on a combination of different factors. These include the presence of investors and of an environmental assessment, as well as the individual and often very situational decisions made by the person responsible for the implementation of the plan. In order to make an environmental impact statement, and therefore the end assessment, mandatory, § 13a of the Federal Building Code would need to be changed. But it is important the keep in mind that the presence of rules in the Federal Building Code are not enough to drive adaptation – informed and dedicated stakeholders on all planning levels and in the population are also needed. In Berlin, adaptation has not been a significant part of formal city and regional planning documents and processes. These administrative tools do, however, contain measures that could address adaptation, though they do not directly mention it. Unlike the formal instruments, the informal City Climate Development Plan includes many comprehensive strategies to deal with the effects of climate change. The development of informal plans like the City Climate Development Plan, KONKRET, in summer 2016 which shows exact recommendations how to implement adaptation measures, or other programs like environmental justice studies and the climate planning details map also hint at progress. Such work to expand adaptation knowledge and strategies is still young. As long as an action is voluntarily, though, it will only be taken up by those who already understand its purpose and benefit from it. The others, who don't know about or are not interested in adaptation, need to be given concrete and binding guidelines. A new round of policies, including the Renewable Energy Sources Act, the amendments to the landscape planning programs in summer 2016, and the planned adoption of the Berlin Energy and Climate Protection Program, which are at least obligatory for the public authorities, will all show how Berlin intends to tackle urban heat stress adaptation in the future. ; Der Klimawandel ist ein Thema, das spätestens seit den aufsehenerregenden Berichten des Internationalen Klimarates IPCC im Jahre 2007 große Besorgnis auslöste. Unvermindert steigt die globale Durchschnittstemperatur, aber ebenso unvermindert wachsen auch die Emissionen der sogenannten Treibhausgase weiter, die für die Erwärmung ursächlich sind. Die Folgen des Klimawandels sind weltweit unübersehbar und fordern neben den Strategien zum Klimaschutz (Mitigation) auch eine Anpassung an dessen unvermeidbaren Folgen (Adaption). Die in den Städten zunehmende Bebauung von Freiflächen, sowie die Zunahme von dunklen Oberflächen und die Barrierewirkung von Gebäuden führen zu einer reduzierten Durchlüftung und reduzierten Abkühlung in der schon meist sehr verdichteten Innenstadt. Auch wirkt sich der Klimawandel innerhalb der heterogenen Stadtstrukturen räumlich sehr unterschiedlich aus. Dies liegt vor allem an den groß- wie kleinräumig verschiedenen biometeorologischen Bedingungen, die innerhalb einer Stadt wirken. Die sich so in Städten bildenden Hitzeinseln gefährden durch die im Vergleich zum Umland bis zu vier bis fünf Kelvin höheren Temperaturen die Gesundheit der Bevölkerung. Neben der erhöhten Sterblichkeit kommt es zur Einschränkung der Arbeitsproduktivität, die wir wirtschaftlich gar nicht beziffern können. Dreiviertel der Europäer leben in Städten – planerische Maßnahmen, um Hitzestress zu vermeiden, werden somit mehr und mehr gebraucht, um eine Entlastung der Bevölkerung zu erwirken und die Risiken und Gefahren einzugrenzen. Hierbei sind Städte wie beispielsweise Berlin gefragt, sich mit ihrer individuellen Betroffenheit auseinanderzusetzen. In Deutschland werden zahlreiche Gesetze, Richtlinien und Programme zum Klimawandel verabschiedet. Ob diese rechtlichen und organisatorischen Instrumente in der Praxis verwendet werden und in welchem Umfang, wurde hier untersucht. Zahlreiche Veröffentlichungen zu den Folgen als auch der Anpassung an den Klimawandel mit Hilfe von Planungsinstrumenten wurden publiziert. Ob die von den Städten verabschiedeten raumspezifischen Planungen insbesondere in Bezug auf das Instrumentarium der Landschafts-, Umwelt- und Stadtplanung diesen Erkenntnissen gerecht werden, ist jedoch unklar und lag deshalb, im Rahmen des DFG Forschungsprojektes 1736 Urban Climate and Heat Stress in mid-latitude cities in view of climate change (UCaHS), im Fokus dieser Arbeit. Es stellt sich die Frage, in welcher Weise deutsche Städte Anpassungsmaßnahmen in Bezug auf den urbanen Hitzestress implementiert haben. In einer Analyse mittels eines Kriterienkataloges wurden alle Anpassungspläne aus Städten ausgewertet, welche entweder Landeshauptstädte oder Städte mit über 200.000 Einwohnern und einer Bevölkerungsdichte ab 2.000 Einwohner pro km² sind. Die untersuchten Städte zeigten einen klaren Trend für Maßnahmen zum Klimaschutz, gegenüber Maßnahmen zur Anpassung an den Klimawandel. Bei den Anpassungsmaßnahmen zeichnete sich eine klare Tendenz zu so genannten No-Regret-Maßnahmen ab, wie beispielsweise Entsiegelung oder die Pflanzung von Gehölzen, die unabhängig vom Klimawandel ökonomisch, ökologisch und sozial auch auf lange Sicht sinnvoll sind. Im nächsten Schritt wurde der Stadtentwicklungsplan Klima von Berlin (StEP Klima) näher analysiert. An seinem Beispiel wurde die Rolle von Anpassungsmaßnahmen an den Klimawandel in den einzelnen Planungsebenen analysiert. Sowohl zur Analyse des Stadtentwicklungsplans Klima (StEP Klima) als auch zur Entwicklung von drei Szenarien wurde der Ansatz der Konstellationsanalyse verwendet. Die Konstellationsanalyse dient als interdisziplinäres Brückenkonzept, welches die Akteure (Personen und Gruppe etc.), Symbole (Gesetze und Leitfäden etc.), technische (Erhöhung des Albedo Wertes, Fassaden- und Dachbegrünung etc.) und natürliche Elemente (Klima und Hitzestress etc.) analytisch erfasst und in Beziehung zueinander setzt. Die Konstellationsanalyse besteht aus Beziehungen und Wechselbeziehungen zwischen den Elementen der Konstellation. Die für die Konstellationsanalyse erforderlichen Interviews zeigten, dass in Berlin noch keine hinreichenden Verbindungen zwischen den relevanten Akteuren, Instrumenten und Kontexten wie beispielsweise ein Wissensaustausch zwischen dem Senat und den Berliner Bezirken vorhanden ist. Anders als bei den formellen Instrumenten, wie dem Bebauungsplan, beinhaltet der informelle StEP Klima umfassende Maßnahmen, um auf die Auswirkungen des Klimawandels zu reagieren. Problematisch ist jedoch, dass der Plan kaum bis keine Beachtung findet und so immer noch keine Anpassung an den urbanen Hitzestress in Berlin stattfindet. Im Rahmen der Interviews zeigte sich, dass die Bebauungsplanung als die Relevanteste angesehen wird, um Maßnahmen zur Anpassung verbindlich umzusetzen. In einem weiteren Schritt, in Zusammenarbeit mit den Research Modulen 3.2 und 5.1 des UCaHS Projektes, wurden mit Hilfe der Konstellationsanalyse drei Szenarien erstellt. 1. Ein Szenario mit wenig politischer Aufmerksamkeit auf den urbanen Hitzestress und die Initiierung von Anpassungsmaßnahmen. 2. Ein Szenario mit Fokus auf die Innenentwicklung und der Implementierung der vorgeschlagenen Anpassungsmaßnahmen aus dem Stadtentwicklungsplan Klima. 3. Ein Szenario mit politischen Bestrebungen, Anpassungsmaßnahmen gegen den urbanen Hitzestress in der gesamten Stadt mit Hilfe des Stadtentwicklungsplans Klima umzusetzen. Hierbei war es das Ziel, politische Handlungsstränge zu entwickeln, wie beispielsweise eine gesetzliche Verpflichtung die Maßnahmen des StEP Klima umzusetzen, um so mögliche Wege aufzuzeigen, mit städtischen Hitzerisiken umzugehen. Die Ebene des Bebauungsplans wurde in den vorherigen Schritten als die für die Implementierung von Anpassungsmaßnahmen relevanteste gesehen. Hier stellt sich die Frage, ob diese Anpassungskonzepte des StEP Klima tatsächlich auf der Ebene der Bauleitplanung Eingang finden? Um die Erfolgswahrscheinlichkeiten für einen klimaangepassten Bebauungsplan oder auch die Umsetzung von Anpassungsmaßnahmen zu ermitteln, wurde die Methodik des Bayesschen Netzwerkes verwendet. Darunter sind Wahrscheinlichkeitsnetzwerke zu verstehen, die Ausgangssysteme, wie die Erstellung eines Bebauungsplanes, analytisch abbilden und Wahrscheinlichkeiten für die Erreichung gesetzter Ziele, der Umsetzung der Anpassungsmaßnahmen des StEP Klima, abzubilden helfen. Um die Tendenzen für die Umsetzung zu ermitteln, wurden zahlreiche halbstrukturierte Interviews mit allen am Bebauungsplanverfahren beteiligten Akteuren durchgeführt. Bei der Analyse zeichnete sich ab, dass die Chance Anpassungsmaßnahmen, wie beispielsweise die Fassadenbegrünung, zu implementieren von einer Kombination aus verschiedenen Faktoren abhängig ist: Dazu zählen sowohl das Vorhandensein eines Investors der ein Bauvorhaben umsetzen möchte, die oft situativ und im Einzelfall personengebundenen Entscheidungen der Planbearbeiter, der Öffentlichkeitsbeteiligung als auch das Vorhandensein eines Umweltberichtes. Die Öffentlichkeit kann politischen Druck auf die Entscheidungsträger ausüben und verweist auf eventuelle Defizite. Der Umweltbericht bildet die Grundlage für die naturschutzfachliche Einschätzung des Gebietes. Auch können in diesem Klimamaßnahmen verankert werden. Eine Barriere für Anpassungsmaßnahmen stellt laut den Interviews der §13a des Baugesetzbuches dar. Dieser hat dazu geführt, dass gesetzeskonform weniger Umweltprüfungen in der Innenstadt Berlins durchgeführt wurden. §13a BauGB soll eine Erleichterung von Planungsvorhaben für die Innenentwicklung der Städte sein. Wenn § 13a greift, muss kein Umweltbericht erstellt werden. Für einen klimawandelangepassten Bebauungsplan muss dieser Paragraph bei der Novellierung des BauGB entsprechend geändert werden. Jedoch wird ein klimaangepasster Bebauungsplan nicht allein durch das Vorhandensein der Vorgaben im Baugesetzbuch erstellt, sondern bedarf wacher Akteure in den Planungsebenen als auch in der Bevölkerung. Bisher spielt die Anpassung an den Klimawandel in den formalen Instrumenten und Abläufen der Umwelt-, Stadt- und Regionalplanung in Berlin keine große Rolle, obwohl der informelle Stadtentwicklungsplan Klima (StEP Klima) viele umfassende Strategien zur Bewältigung der Auswirkungen des Klimawandels enthält. Es zeigen sich allerdings Fortschritte in der Entwicklung von informellen Plänen, wie das Beispiel des Stadtentwicklungsplans Klima KONKRET (StEP Klima KONKRET) aus dem Sommer 2016 belegt. Dieser gibt erstmals Handlungshinweise wie eine Umsetzung von Anpassungsmaßnahmen konkret an einem Beispiel erfolgen kann. Ebenso ist die Fortführung von Planungshinweiskarten zum Thema Umweltgerechtigkeit und Klima als Fortschritt in diese Richtung zu werten. Aber noch stehen die Bemühungen, die Anpassungen an den Klimawandel umzusetzen, in den Kinderschuhen. Um die Anpassung an den Klimawandel auf allen Ebenen umzusetzen, muss diese verbindlich werden. Das Energiewendegesetz, die Novellierung des Landschaftsprogramms im Sommer 2016 oder die geplante Verabschiedung des Berliner Energie- und Klimaschutzprogramms (BEK) die zumindest behördenverbindlich sind, zeigen, welche Rolle die Anpassung in Berlin an den urbanen Hitzestress zukünftig in Berlin der Hauptstadt Deutschlands einnehmen wird. ; DFG, FOR 1736, Stadtklima und Hitzestress in Städten der Mittelbreiten in Anbetracht des Klimawandels (UCaHS)

Given the need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to decrease the risk of dangerous climate change, economists have often argued in favour of carbon pricing. Carbon pricing can essentially take two forms: an emissions trading system or a carbon tax. The European Union chose the former option and implemented the EU ETS in 2005, the first large scale carbon market. As a first mover in experimenting with such regulatory instruments, the EU ETS case offers qualitative and quantitative insights of foremost importance for emerging carbon markets worldwide. This thesis is divided into two parts. Part I provides ex-post learnings on the EU ETS price formation and policy design. Part II offers an ex-ante perspective by exploring the expansion of the European carbon market. Both parts pay particular attention to a central feature of the EU ETS: its political nature as a government created market. This institutional perspective on the EU ETS, which seeks to take into consideration the impact of politics and institutions on market functioning, is at the heart of this thesis. It brings a new lens to examine emissions trading as well as draws on the experience of other policy fields, notably monetary policy. Following the drop of permit prices in the EU ETS, intense discussions emerged on the need to and modality for reforming the market, which is the focus of Part I of this thesis. Yet, evaluating the need to reform first implies understanding the goals of the EU ETS and whether market outcomes are likely to deliver on their promises. Chapter 2 lays the groundwork for the remaining discussions of the thesis by clarifying the different implicit and explicit objectives expected from the EU ETS. Although cost-effectiveness is often proclaimed to be the main goal of the EU ETS, stakeholder opinions diverge regarding the appropriate time frame for this objective, some focusing on short-term while other having a long-term perspective. In addition, certain stakeholders have multiple objectives, for instance, addressing the social cost of carbon. Based on economic theory, Chapter 2 then provides a comprehensive review of the drivers of the price collapse in the EU ETS, classifying them into three categories: (i) exogenous demand shock, (ii) lack of policy credibility and (iii) market imperfections. From this classification, a new framework to map the reform option space is developed. It carefully examines which policy options represent potential solutions depending both on what drives the price as well as on the objective intended for the EU ETS. Drawing on the analogy to monetary policy, this mapping of the reform option space introduces the concept of delegation in the context of emissions trading. Delegation reflects the extent to which the governance of the market is relinquished to a rule-based adjustment mechanism or an independent body with varying levels of discretionary power. Complementing the qualitative analysis of Chapter 2, Chapter 3 offers an empirical analysis of price formation. It shows that, contrary to conventional wisdom, demand-related fundamentals such as fuel prices or the economic downturn only explain a fraction of the carbon price drop. Importantly, chapter 3 provides preliminary evidence that regulatory uncertainty and the lack of policy credibility played a much larger role than previously assumed in driving down the price. Chapter 4 is a direct follow-up, closing the gap on the influence of regulatory events in price formation. Using an empirical event study methodology, the chapter carefully investigates how the political process of the cap adjustment has shaped market outcomes in the European carbon market. The findings show that the tedious process of achieving reform unveiled the lack of political consensus on the EU ETS goals; thereby increasing political uncertainty and contributing to the price decline. These empirical findings have critical implications for the reform of the EU ETS – instruments that do not attempt to anchor long-term regulatory credibility are unlikely to be successful in bringing the price closer to its long-term, socially-optimal path. In this context, though delegation is unlikely to be a silver bullet, it could strengthen the credibility of political commitment by locating the governance of the market outside the political sphere. It could likewise reinforce the flexibility of responding to "unknown unknowns". Supplementing the previous chapters, Chapter 5 provides a comprehensive policy analysis of the specific reform option for the EU ETS proposed by the European Commission in 2014 following the price collapse: the Market Stability Reserve (MSR). It is argued that the MSR is unlikely to enhance long-term commitment credibility, raising doubt on its ability to trigger low carbon investments. This policy evaluation is embodied in a broader reform context taking both an ex-post and ex-ante perspectives. It thereby bridges Part I and II. The second half of this thesis, Part II, offers a forward-looking perspective on the expansion of carbon markets. Chapter 6 investigates the sectoral expansion of the EU ETS towards agriculture, which has often been perceived as challenging. Implementation barriers are regularly cited as impeding carbon pricing in the sector, in particular transaction costs stemming from sector specificities, risks of leakage and distributional impacts on farmers, often perceived as major veto-players. However, the importance of the barriers hinges critically on the precise policy design. Chapter 6 therefore offers the first synthesis of literature on the pricing of agricultural emissions with the rich body of literature on the design of carbon markets. The chapter provides a new perspective on carbon pricing in European agriculture by disentangling the key dimensions of policy design in the light of implementation barriers. In particular, it investigates the role of policy coverage, instrument choice and transfers to farmers in overcoming policy obstacles. First, it is shown that a policy coverage targeting large farms and few emission sources could include a significant share of agricultural emissions, while reducing transaction costs. Second, it is argued that the distributional impacts and leakage risks are contingent upon the policy being voluntary or mandatory. From this perspective, a voluntary instrument can be attractive, but comes at the cost of possible subsidy lock-ins and carbon price distortion. Third, the role of the Common Agricultural Policy and its potential interaction with carbon pricing is highlighted as being pivotal in determining political feasibility. Chapter 7 focuses on the other critical side of carbon pricing, going beyond jurisdictional borders. In principle, linking could lead to efficiency gains and reduce the cost of compliance for entities covered under a trading system. Taking the example of REDD+ offsets (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation), Chapter 7 investigates the trade-offs between the opportunities of allowing an import of cheaper offsets in carbon markets and the risks it entails in terms of investments. It is shown that a well-designed policy could provide a risk-hedging opportunity for compliance entities while having limited impact on low carbon investment. In sum, this thesis concentrates on investigating the conditions under which the EU ETS requires policy intervention. It offers an institutional view on the EU ETS reform. Drawing on empirical results, it demonstrates the role of political commitment in price formation. It then analyses the pros and cons of delegation in carbon markets to overcome time-inconsistency and lack of policy credibility (Part I). Part II delivers insights to broaden carbon pricing in the European Union and beyond in the future. Focusing on pricing agricultural emissions, it provides a framework to disentangle the different dimensions of policy design and conceptualize policies that reduce implementation barriers. Finally, Part II examines the trade-offs associated with various policy options to link carbon markets to a forestry offset scheme. ; In Anbetracht der Dringlichkeit, Treibhausgasemissionen zu reduzieren, um das Risiko eines gefährlichen Klimawandels zu senken, sprechen sich Ökonomen oft für eine Bepreisung von Kohlenstoff aus. Die Bepreisung von Kohlenstoff kann grundsätzlich zwei Formen annehmen: ein Emissionshandelssystem oder eine CO2-Steuer. Die Europäische Union hat die erste Option gewählt und 2005 das EU ETS (EU Emissions Trading System, Europäisches Emissionshandelssystem) eingeführt, den ersten großangelegten Kohlenstoffmarkt. Als Vorreiter in diesem regulatorischen Instrument bietet das EU ETS qualitative und quantitative Erkenntnisse von höchster Bedeutung für entstehende Kohlenstoffmärkte weltweit. Diese Doktorarbeit unterteilt sich in zwei Teile. Teil 1 stellt ex-post Lernerfahrungen hinsichtlich der Preisbildung und Politikgestaltung des EU ETS dar. Teil 2 bietet eine ex-ante Perspektive, indem es die Ausweitung des Europäischen Kohlenstoffmarktes erforscht. Beide Teile legen ein besonderes Augenmerk auf ein zentrales Merkmal des EU ETS: seine politische Natur als ein von Regierungen geschaffener Markt. Diese institutionelle Perspektive auf das EU ETS, die den Einfluss von Politik und Institutionen auf das Funktionieren des Marktes berücksichtigt, steht im Zentrum dieser Doktorarbeit. Sie bietet eine neue Perspektive, was die Untersuchung von Emissionshandel betrifft, und zieht Erfahrungen anderer Politikfelder, insbesondere der Geldpolitik, heran. Der Preisrückgang für Zertifikate im EU ETS führte zu intensiven Diskussionen über Bedarf und Modalitäten einer Reform des Marktes, was der Fokus von Teil 1 dieser Doktorarbeit ist. Doch eine Bewertung des Reformbedarfs verlangt zuerst ein Verständnis der Ziele des EU ETS und der Wahrscheinlichkeit, mit der der Markt seine Versprechen hält. Kapitel 2 leistet Vorarbeit für die weitere Diskussion der Doktorarbeit, indem es die verschiedenen expliziten und impliziten Ziele des EU ETS beleuchtet. Während Kosteneffizienz oft als Hauptziel des EU ETS angeführt wird, gehen die Meinungen der Stakeholder auseinander, was den angemessenen Zeitrahmen für dieses Ziel betrifft: Manche nehmen eine Kurzzeit-, andere eine Langzeitperspektive ein. Zusätzlich verfolgen einige Stakeholder mehrere Ziele, wie zum Beispiel die sozialen Kosten von Kohlenstoffemissionen zu minimieren. Basierend auf ökonomischer Theorie gibt Kapitel 2 eine umfassende Übersicht über die treibenden Kräfte des Preisverfalls im EU ETS, welche in drei Kategorien eingeteilt werden: (i) exogener Nachfrageschock, (ii) mangelnde Glaubwürdigkeit der Politiken und (iii) Marktverzerrungen. Auf Basis dieser Klassifikation wird ein neuer Rahmen entwickelt, um den Spielraum für Reformen aufzuzeigen. Es wird untersucht, welche Politikoptionen als Lösungen in Frage kommen, in Abhängigkeit verschiedener Preistreiber und Ziele des EU ETS. Analog zur Geldpolitik führt diese Darstellung des Spielraumes für Reformen das Konzept der Delegation im Kontext vom Emissionshandel ein. Delegation beschreibt das Maß, in demdie Governance des Marktes einem regelbasierten Anpassungsmechanismus oder einer unabhängigen Institution mit unterschiedlichen Graden an Weisungsbefugnis überlassen wird. Komplementär zur qualitativen Analyse in Kapitel 2 bietet Kapitel 3 eine empirische Analyse der Preisbildung. Sie zeigt, dass nachfragebezogene Faktoren wie die Rezession, im Gegensatz zur gängigen Meinung, nur einen (kleinen) Teil des CO2-Preisverfalls erklären. Kapitel 3 erbringt den vorläufigen Nachweis dafür, dass regulatorische Unsicherheit und mangelnde Glaubwürdigkeit der Politiken eine viel größere Rolle für den Preisverfall spielten als vorher angenommen. Kapitel 4 schließt direkt daran an, indem es die Wissenslücke bezüglich des Einflusses von regulatorischen Ereignissen auf die Preisbildung schließt. Unter Verwendung einer empirischen Event-Studie analysiert das Kapitel wie der politische Prozess der Cap-Anpassung den Europäischen Kohlenstoffmarkt beeinflusst hat. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der langwierige Prozess der Reformierung den Mangel an politischem Konsens bezüglich der Ziele des EU ETS offenbart und somit die politische Unsicherheit erhöht hat, was zum Preisverfall beitrug. Diese empirischen Ergebnisse bringen entscheidende Implikationen für die Reform des EU ETS mit sich: Instrumente, die keine langfristige regulatorische Glaubwürdigkeit erzeugen, warden voraussichtlich keinen Erfolg darin haben, den Preis näher an sein langfristiges soziales Optimum zu bringen. Wenngleich Delegierung keine Wunderwaffe ist, könnte sie in diesem Kontext doch die Glaubwürdigkeit des politischen Engagements stärken, indem sie die Governance des Marktes außerhalb der Politik ansiedeln würde. Auch könnte sie die Flexibilität stärken, auf "unbekannte Unbekanntheiten" zu reagieren. In Ergänzung zu den vorhergehenden Kapiteln bietet Kapitel 5 eine umfassende politische Analyse jener spezifischen Reformoption für das EU ETS, die 2014 nach dem Preissturz von der Europäischen Kommission vorgeschlagen wurden: die Marktstabilitätsreserve (MSR). Es wird argumentiert, dass es unwahrscheinlich ist, dass die MSR die langfristige Glaubwürdigkeit des verbindlichen politischen Engagements erhöhen wird, was Zweifel an ihrer Fähigkeit aufkommen lässt, die entsprechenden Investitionen in Gang zu setzen. Diese Politikbewertung bettet sich in den weiteren Reformkontext ein und nutzt sowohl eine ex-post als auch eine ex-ante Perspektive. Sie bildet damit die Brücke zwischen Teil 1 und 2. Die zweite Hälfte der Doktorarbeit, Teil 2, bietet eine vorausschauende Perspektive auf die Erweiterung von Kohlenstoffmärkten. Kapitel 6 untersucht die Ausweitung des EU ETS auf den Landwirtschaftssektor, die oft als Herausforderung wahrgenommen wird. Oft wird angeführt, dass zu viele Hürden einer Umsetzung der Kohlenstoffbepreisung in diesem Sektor im Wege stünden, insbesondere sektorspezifische Transaktionskosten, Leakage Risiken und Verteilungseffekte für Landwirte, deren Verbände oft als wichtige Veto-Mächte betrachtet werden. Die tatsächliche Bedeutung dieser Hindernisse hängt jedoch stark von der konkreten Ausgestaltung der Politiken ab. Kapitel 6 bietet daher die erste Synthese der Literatur zur Bepreisung von Landwirtschaftsemissionen und der Literatur zur Ausgestaltung von Kohlenstoffmärkten. Das Kapitel bietet eine neue Perspektive auf Kohlenstoffbepreisung in der europäischen Landwirtschaft in dem es die Schlüsseldimensionen der Politikgestaltung im Hinblick auf Umsetzungsbarrieren analysiert. Insbesondere untersucht es die Rolle des Anwendungsbereiches der Politiken, derWahl der Politikinstrumente und von Transfer an Landwirte für das Überwinden von politischen Hindernissen. Zuerst wird gezeigt, dass eine Anwendung auf große Betriebe und wenige Emissionsquellen einen beträchtlichen Anteil an landwirtschaftlichen Emissionen abdecken und gleichzeitig Transaktionskosten reduzieren könnte. Zweitens wird argumentiert, dass die Verteilungseffekte und Leakage Risiken davon abhängen, ob das Politikinstrument verpflichtend oder freiwillig ist. Aus dieser Perspektive kann ein freiwilliges Instrument attraktiv sein, jedoch auf Kosten eines möglichen Fortbestandes von Subventionen und Kohlenstoffpreisverzerrungen. Drittens wird die Rolle der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik der EU und ihrer möglich Wechselbeziehung mit Kohlenstoffbepreisung als entscheidend für die politische Machbarkeit hervorgehoben. Kapitel 7 betrachtet einen anderen entscheidenden Aspekt der Kohlenstoffbepreisung: die Ausweitung über Grenzen hinweg. Im Prinzip kann eine Verbindung von Kohlenstoffmärkten Effizienzgewinne mit sich bringen und die durch die Beachtung der Rechtsvorschriften entstehenden Kosten für die vom Handelssystem abgedeckten Einheiten reduzieren. Anhand des Beispiels der REDD+ Kompensation wägt Kapitel 7 die Chancen, die sich daraus ergeben, dass ein Import von preisgünstigeren Kompensationszertifikaten in Kohlenstoffmärkten erlaubt wird, mit den damit verbundenen Risiken für Investitionen ab. Es wird gezeigt, dass die richtige Politik eine Möglichkeit zur Risikoabsicherung für einbezogene Betreiber darstellen und gleichzeitig einen begrenzten Einfluss auf weniger emissionsintensive Investitionen haben könnte. Insgesamt konzentriert sich diese Doktorarbeit darauf, die Bedingungen, unter denen das EU ETS ein Eingreifen der Politik benötigt, zu untersuchen. Sie bietet eine institutionelle Perspektive auf die EU ETS Reform. Indem sie empirische Ergebnisse heranzieht, demonstriert sie die Rolle eines verbindlichen politischen Engagements für die Preisbildung. Sie analysiert dann die Vor- und Nachteile von Delegierung in Kohlenstoffmärkten, um zeitliche Inkonsistenzen und einen Mangel an politischer Glaubwürdigkeit zu überwinden (Teil 1). Teil 2 stellt Erkenntnisse zur zukünftigen Ausweitung der Kohlenstoffbepreisung in der Europäischen Union und darüber hinaus dar. Mit einem Fokus auf die Bepreisung von Agraremissionen bietet dieser Teil einen Analyserahmen um die verschiedenen Dimensionen der Politikgestaltung zu entflechten und Politiken zu konzeptualisieren, die Umsetzungshürden reduzieren können. Schließlich untersucht Teil 2 die Zielkonflikte verschiedener Politikoptionen, die eine Verbindung von Kohlenstoffmärkten mit waldbezogenen Kompensationssystemen anstreben.

A main reason for founding the European Union was to remove internal trade obstacles and to establish a Single Market within its borders. Along with the increasing integration of international markets, an ever-increasing diversification of firms in tandem with the development of multinational enterprises is observable. Legislative authorities of the European Union and its member states are faced with the challenge of ensuring that their corporate tax systems keep pace with this economic transformation of companies and markets. Hence, in order to meet the requirements of an integrated European market, in 2001 the European Commission proposed a switch from Separate Accounting to Formula Apportionment as the leading corporate income taxation system in the European Union. Basically, corporate income of multinational enterprises can be taxed according to these two different principles. At present Separate Accounting is applied at the international level, while some countries like the U.S., Canada, Germany and Switzerland use Formula Apportionment at the state or federal level. Under the current system of Separate Accounting each subsidiary of a multinational enterprise is treated as a separate entity subject to national tax law. For this reason multinationals have to value their intra-firm trade using internal transfer prices, which should meet an external standard of comparison, so-called arm's length prices. Because of the very nature of internal trade with firm-specific tangibles and intangibles evaluating adequate transfer prices proved difficult. Consequently, Separate Accounting was identified as one reason for manipulations in favor of profit shifting for tax saving purposes. That is why the European Commission regards the consolidation of profits including cross-border loss offset for calculating a multinational company's tax base as a more suitable approach in the economic union and advocates the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB). To allocate the consolidated tax base to the taxing countries a splitting mechanism is needed. Hence, the CCCTB proposal includes a system of Formula Apportionment. A formula apportions a share of the overall tax base depending on the multinational enterprise's geographical economic activity in the respective country. The European Commission favors a common three-factor apportionment formula containing assets, labor and sales to represent the production and consumption side. The European Commission's proposal has initiated a continuing politico-economic discussion about the efficiency and distributional consequences of the transition to Formula Apportionment in Europe. This doctoral thesis evaluates particular issues within this debate by presenting three theoretical articles to answer specific research questions. The articles are based on the methodological concept of a Nash tax competition model under perfect symmetry, where countries choose their corporate tax rates non-cooperatively. The non-cooperative behavior of one country may impose fiscal externalities on other countries and thereby renders the tax policy inefficient. This dissertation focuses on the derivation, explanation and interpretation of the resulting inefficiencies under Separate Accounting and Formula Apportionment. For this reason it contributes three papers to the theoretical literature of optimal tax policies in a non-cooperative equilibrium of tax rates. The work aims to compare and discuss the alternative policy options. The first article pertains to the public debate about the right taxation principle to apply in Europe. The article investigates the effect of fiscal equalization on the efficiency properties of corporate income tax rates chosen under the taxation principles of Separate Accounting and Formula Apportionment. Fiscal equalization ensures efficiency if the marginal transfer just reflects the fiscal and pecuniary externalities of tax rates. In contrast to previous studies, tax base equalization (Representative Tax System) does not satisfy this condition, but combining tax revenue and private income equalization does, regardless of which taxation principle is implemented. This finding implies that it does not matter whether MNEs are taxed according to Separate Accounting or Formula Apportionment if there is equalization of national income (i.e. private income plus tax revenues). Under Formula Apportionment, tax base equalization is superior to tax revenue equalization if the wage income externality is sufficiently large. Even though the European Union does not have an explicit equalization system, a part of the Unions's budget is financed by contributions from the member states. The implied income redistribution would indeed not be enough to ensure efficiency of corporate income taxation, since the budget is not an equalization system in the sense of our analysis. But the very existence of income redistribution in Europe might indicate that reforming the member states' contributions to the budget in a suitable way may politically be easier to achieve than replacing an implemented corporate tax system. The second article refers to the sales factor in the proposed three-factor formula under Formula Apportionment. The incorporation of a sales factor in the formula as well as the assignment of sales at the place of origin or destination are hotly debated issues. The CCCTB Working Group suggested in 2007 the inclusion of sales following the destination principle but also mentioned that ".most member states experts that would support the inclusion of sales as a factor would prefer sales measured 'at origin' ". With regard to the most recent proposal by the European Commission in 2011, the European Parliament advocated that the sales weight be lowered to 10%. The Committee of the Internal Market and Consumer Protection even called for the removal of the sales factor. In contrast, from Canada and the United States, the opposite development has been observed, namely the increasing importance of the sales factor. Taking a two-country Nash tax competition model with a sales-only formula and market power, we investigate (i) whether the transition from Separate Accounting to Formula Apportionment mitigates tax competition and improves welfare and (ii) whether tax competition is weakest when sales are measured with the origin principle. The driving force is a negative consumption externality that hampers the positive formula externality present for both the origin and destination principle. The third paper investigates the Commission's recommendation to implement a transition process to Formula Apportionment. During the change Formula Apportionment should be optional for multinational enterprises. Recent empirical literature proves that profit consolidation reduces multinational enterprises' involuntary costs for complying with different tax laws, but increases discretionary compliance costs incurred by tax planning activities. That is why the third article considers a two-country model with multinationals that are heterogeneous with respect to their involuntary compliance costs. Additionally, multinational enterprises using the Formula Apportionment system face higher discretionary compliance costs due to restricted tax base manipulation opportunities. Hence, multinational enterprises would prefer to be taxed under Formula Apportionment if and only if under Separate Accounting the involuntary compliance costs exceed the tax advantage due to better profit shifting possibilities. We show that a non-negative threshold value of involuntary compliance costs exists such that multinationals with costs above this level choose Formula Apportionment. We prove in a symmetric setting that starting from a pure Separate Accounting system with national revenue maximization, a transition from Separate Accounting to an optional Formula Apportionment increases the non-cooperative tax rates and national revenues for both countries ending up with the results of pure Formula Apportionment. This is because with identical tax rates the multinational enterprise cannot benefit from the better profit shifting opportunities under Separate Accounting but saves involuntary compliance costs. In our analysis the optional system of tax base consolidation promises an efficiency enhancement for the member countries. Hence, we deliver an additional argument in support of an international agreement on the CCCTB proposal. ; Einer der Hauptgründe für die Entstehung der Europäischen Union (EU) war das Ziel, interne Handelshemmnisse zu beseitigen, um innerhalb der Unionsgrenzen einen gemeinsamen Markt zu etablieren. Parallel zur zunehmenden Integration der internationalen Märkte ist eine vermehrte Diversifikation von Unternehmen zu beobachten, welche durch die Entstehung multinationaler Konzerne begleitet wird. Für die Gesetzgeber der EU und ihrer Mitgliedsstaaten bedeutet dies, ihre Körperschaftsteuersysteme laufend an diesen Transformationprozess anzupassen. Um dabei den Anforderungen des EU-Binnenmarktes gerecht zu werden, erachtet die Europäische Kommission eine umfassende Reform der Körperschaftsbesteuerung als notwendig. Im Jahr 2001 schlug die Kommission deshalb vor, für multinationale Unternehmen das Unternehmensteuersystem der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung durch eine formelbasierte Gewinnbesteuerung abzulösen. Aktuell wird die separate Gewinnbesteuerung vorwiegend auf der internationalen Ebene verwendet, während einige Länder wie die USA, Kanada, Deutschland und die Schweiz die Formelbesteuerung innerhalb ihrer förderalen Strukturen nutzen. Bei der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung wird jede Konzerntochter als eigenständiges Unternehmen behandelt, das der nationalen Steuergesetzgebung unterliegt. Der Wert des Zwischenhandels innerhalb der Unternehmensgruppe wird mit Hilfe von Transferpreisen ermittelt. Dabei sollen die firmeninternen Transferpreise dem sogenannten arm's-length-Prinzip folgen, so dass sie den Einkauf des Produktes oder der Leistung von einem Drittanbieter widerspiegeln. Es hat sich jedoch in der Praxis gezeigt, dass es sich bei den unternehmensintern gehandelten Gütern und Dienstleistungen oft um firmenspezifische Produkte handelt, für die kein externer Vergleichsmaßstab existiert und die Ermittlung und Kontrolle angemessener Transferpreise erschwert. Dies führt zu einer Manipulationsanfälligkeit bei dem Prinzip der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung, welche als eine Ursache für die internationale Gewinnverlagerung zum Zwecke der Steuervermeidung gesehen wird. Daher betrachtet die Kommission die Gewinnkonsolidierung einschließlich der grenzüberschreitenden Verlustverrechnung zur Bestimmung der Steuerbemessungsgrundlage eines multinationalen Unternehmens als geeigneteren Ansatz für den EU-Binnenmarkt. Sie schlägt dafür die Einführung der Gemeinsamen konsolidierten Körperschaftsteuer-Bemessungsgrundlage (GKKB) vor. Für die Aufteilung der GKKB auf die einzelnen steuerberechtigen Länder enthält der Vorschlag die formelbasierte Gewinnaufteilung. Eine EU-weit gültige Aufteilungsformel ordnet dabei die Steuerbemessungsgrundlage, gemäß der geschäftlichen Aktivität des multinationalen Unternehmens in jedem Land, den Mitgliedsstaaten zu. Die Kommission will mit Hilfe der Formelfaktoren sowohl Produktion als auch Konsum angemessen abbilden und favorisiert die drei gleich gewicheteten Faktoren Vermögenswerte, Arbeit und Umsatz. Der Vorschlag einer GKKB hat eine andauernde polit-ökonomische Debatte über die Effizienzwirkungen und die Verteilungsaspekte eines Übergangs zur formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung in Europa ausgelöst. Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit setzt sich mit speziellen Themen dieser Debatte auseinander. Dazu wurden drei Aufsätze entwickelt, die spezifische Forschungsfragen beantworten und sich in die theoretische Literatur der optimalen Steuerpolitik in einem unkooperativen Steuersatzgleichgewicht einordnen lassen. Die Artikel basieren auf dem methodischen Konzept eines Nash-Steuerwettbewerbsmodells bei vollständiger Symmetrie, wobei den Ländern die Souveränität über die Körperschaftsteuersätze obliegt. Da die einzelnen Staaten die Auswirkungen Ihrer Steuerpolitik auf die anderen Mitgliedsstaaten ignorieren, kann ihr Verhalten fiskalische Externalitätten auslösen, welche eine ineffiziente Steuersatzwahl kennzeichnen. Der Fokus der Papiere liegt auf der Ableitung, Erklärung und Interpretation der sich aus dem Steuerwettbewerb ergebenden Ineffizienzen unter der separaten und der formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, die verschiedenen Politikalternativen dahingehend zu vergleichen und zu diskutieren. Der erste Artikel bezieht sich auf die Diskussion über das "bessere" Körperschaftsteuersystem für Europa. Das Papier untersucht den Effekt eines Finanzausgleichsystems auf die Effizienzeigenschaften der Körperschaftsteuersätze, die unter dem Prinzip der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung bzw. der Formelbesteuerung gewählt werden. Ein Finanzausgleich sichert dann Effizienz, wenn der marginale Transfer die fiskalischen und pekuniären Externalitäten der Steuersätze widerspiegelt. Im Unterschied zu vorherigen Arbeiten erfüllt in unserem Modell der Steuerbasisausgleich diese Bedingung nicht. Stattdessen führt ein Ausgleich der Nationaleinkommen, das heißt der Kombination aus einem Ausgleich von Steueraufkommen und privatem Einkommen, unabhängig vom verwendeten Steuerprinzip zu Effizienz. Dieses Ergebnis weist darauf hin, dass es irrelevant ist, ob multinationale Unternehmen der separaten oder der formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung unterliegen, wenn parallel ein Finanzausgleichssystem der Nationaleinkommen existiert. Bei der Formelbesteuerung könnte der Steuerbasisausgleich zu effizienteren Ergebnissen als der Steueraufkommensausgleich führen, wenn die Lohneinkommensexternalität ausreichend groß ist. Obwohl in der EU kein explizites Finanzausgleichssystem exisitiert, das im Sinne unserer Analyse angelegt ist, wird ein Teil des EU-Budgets durch die Beiträge der einzelnen Mitgliedsstaaten finanziert. Die damit verbundene Einkommensumverteilung reicht zwar nicht zur Sicherstellung effizienter Körperschaftsteuersätze aus, jedoch könnte die Erweiterung eines bereits vorhandenen Systems durch die entsprechende Anpassung der Beiträge zum EU-Budget politisch leichter durchsetzbar sein als die vollständige Reform des Körperschaftsteuersystems. Der zweite Artikel beschäftigt sich mit dem Umsatzfaktor in der Aufteilungsformel. Die Aufnahme eines Umsatzfaktor als solches sowie die Frage, ob Umsätze dem Ursprungsland oder dem Bestimmungsland zugeschlagen werden, werden innerhalb der EU kontrovers diskutiert. Die GKKB-Arbeitsgruppe schlug im Jahr 2007 die Aufnahme der Umsätze nach dem Bestimmungslandprinzip vor, erwähnte aber gleichzeitig, dass eine Mehrzahl der Experten der Mitgliedsstaaten die Einbeziehung der Umsätze nach dem Ursprungslandprinzip bevorzugen würde. Zum Vorschlag der Europäischen Kommission zu diesem Thema aus dem Jahr 2011 wandte das Europäische Parlament ein, dass es die Gewichtung des Umsatzfaktors auf 10% absenken würde. Der Ausschuss für den Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz forderte sogar die vollständige Streichung des Umsatzfaktors in der Formel. Im Gegensatz zu diesen Forderungen stehen die Entwicklungen in Kanada und den USA, wo der Umsatzfaktor immer mehr an Bedeutung gewinnt. Wir zeigen in einem Nash-Steuerwettbewerbsmodell mit zwei Ländern, Marktmacht und einer umsatzbasierten Aufteilungsformel, dass (i) der Übergang von der separaten zur formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung den Steuerwettbewerb abschwächt und dieWohlfahrt erhöht und (ii) mit einem Umsatzfaktor nach dem Ursprungslandprinzip der geringste Steuerwettbewerb auftritt. Das zweite Ergebnis ist auf eine negative Konsumexternalität zurückzuführen, welche der sowohl beim Ursprungsland- als auch beim Bestimmungslandprinzip auftretenden positiven Formelexternalität entgegenwirkt. Das dritte Papier untersucht den Kommissionsvorschlag, eine Übergangsphase von der separaten zur formelbasierten Gewinnbesteuerung zu schaffen. Während dieser Phase soll die Formelbesteuerung den Unternehmen optional zur Verfügung stehen. Die empirische Literatur zeigt, dass sich durch die Gewinnkonsolidierung die unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten, die ein multinationales Unternehmens aufbringen muss, um die nationalen steuergesetzlichen Vorgaben zu erfüllen, verringern. Auf der anderen Seite steigen die diskretionären Kosten für Maßnahmen des Unternehmens, die der Gewinnverlagerung dienen. Der dritte Artikel bildet diese Erkenntnisse in einem Zwei-Länder-Modell ab, in welchem sich die multinationalen Unternehmen in der Höhe ihrer unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten unterscheiden. Zusätzlich sehen sich Unternehmen, die die Formelbesteuerung nutzen, höheren diskretionären Kosten gegenüber, weil hier die Möglichkeiten zur Manipulation der Steuerbemessungsgrundlage deutlich eingeschränkt sind. Folglich werden nur die Unternehmen für die Formelbesteuerung votieren, bei denen unter der separaten Gewinnbesteuerung die unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten den Steuervorteil durch die leichtere Gewinnverlagerung übersteigen. Wir leiten einen nicht negativen Schwellenwert der unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten ab, ab welchem sich Unternehmen mit höheren Kosten für die Formelbesteuerung entscheiden. Unter Annahme von Symmetrie zeigen wir, dass, ausgehend von einem System mit separater Gewinnbesteuerung und nationaler Steueraufkommensmaximierung, eine optionale formelbasierte Gewinnbesteuerung die unkooperativ gewählten Steuersätze und das nationale Steueraufkommen für beide Länder erhöht. Basierend auf den Modellannahmen wird sogar das Niveau der ausschließlichen Formelbesteuerung erreicht, da bei gleichen Steuersätzen der Vorteil der besseren Gewinnverschiebungsmöglichkeiten irrelevant wird und nur die Ersparnis der unfreiwilligen Befolgungskosten als Entscheidungskriterium wirkt. In unserer Analyse führt die Optionalität der GKKB zu einer Effizientverbesserung in den beteiligten Ländern. Somit können wir ein Argument für die Vorteilhaftigkeit des GKKB-Vorschlags innerhalb der EU beitragen. ; DFG, RU 1466/1, Alternative Systeme zur Besteuerung multinationaler Unternehmen in Europa

The virulent strain of nativist, anti-establishment, anti-corporatist and anti-immigrant sentiment is rocking the foundations of traditional party systems in all industrialized democracies. Its causes are many, but in broad terms it is safe to say they surfaced right after the 2008-09 economic collapse, an era that was characterized by intense polarization and confrontational approaches against governments, corporations and financial institutions which crossed party lines and traditional political cleavages. The sweeping changes brought about by globalized capital and corporate interests, and the blurring of national borders that accompanied them, have alienated big swathes of the population and given rise to new forms of strident populism everywhere.In the United States the main manifestation of this phenomenon is taking the form of a populist revolt, a singular form of class warfare inside the Republican Party, between the established party hierarchy and the Tea Party movement.As the next legislative election approaches, the internecine feud within the Republican Party continues to create challenges for its top candidates who must veer more right-wing to secure the nomination and then turn back to the center of American politics to win the general election. Before 2012, the GOP tried to co-opt the extreme right and used their rhetoric, but after the 2012 election losses, the party took uncertain steps to distance itself from the movement. Today, the movement rather than the establishment seems to be dictating the party line, so there is paralysis in Washington once again. The leadership will still have to govern and legislate on some central issues-increase the debt limit, fund the government, and renew the authorization charter of the Export-Import Bank, among other things, and in so doing, further alienate Tea Party voters. The Republican-dominated House will no doubt stay away from the avoidable taboos, such as considering immigration reform (for which the Senate already passed its own bill one year ago!) and in consequence, one more time unintentionally secure the Latino vote for the Democratic Party. They will continue blocking the minimum wage raise and the Fair Paycheck Act, thereby losing the minorities and women's vote. In this context, the 2016 presidential horizon looks brilliantly promising for Democrats and their two presidential hopefuls, Hillary Clinton and Elizabeth Warren.The defeat of Virginia Representative and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in the June 10th Republican primary for the seventh Congressional district is symptomatic of deep divisions not only within the Republican Partybut in the electorate at large. Eric Cantor, a Republican with impeccable conservative credentials who had been re-elected seven times and who was first in line for House Speaker,lost by ten solid points to a little known college professor who ran against him by portraying him as the pro-Wall Street, pro-K Street typical Washington insider, indifferent from Main Street needs and demands. This race is very significant for several reasons. For starters, the anti-Washington, anti "corporate welfare" and anti-Wall Street sentiment is widespread among independent voters and those GOP legislators that have been "pro-bailout, pro-Obama stimulus spending and pro-immigration," as articulated by Tea Party leaders, live in fear of being chastened by voters.That is why this week Republicans in Congress who were holding their breath, are exhaling with a sense of relief as Senator Thad Cochran wins the primary runoff against Tea Party challenger ChrisMcDaniels who ran on a promise to voters that he would add his voice to the fight against Obamacare and big government spending. It appears then that the anti-incumbent sentiment has not been strong enoughto become a sustained trend: so far, only two sitting representatives have not won re-nomination in the House and all 18 Senate races have been won by those holding the seats, including Lindsay Graham of South Carolina, who was a leader in favor of Immigration Reform in the Senate, but has been vocal in confronting Obama with his dismal record in foreign policy, from Benghazi to Syria to Ukraine, and now all the way back to Iraq. But even pollsters have been taken by surprise in most cases, whether as to the narrowness of results (such as the one is Mississippi, which required a runoff election) or to the unfathomable upsets (Cantor's represents a historical defeat: no Majority leader had been voted out in a primary election since the nineteenth century). There are many reasons why nobody saw this coming, first among them the constant problem of voter turnout, especially in primaries, followed by new strategies by candidates (David Bratt, the college professor that beat Cantor, did door -to -door canvassing, taking time to speak to prospective voters, and he beat a competitor who had outspent him 40 to 1) and by the strong commitment of a small group of activists that mobilized the grassroots against Cantor's pro-business stance. The outcome of these races is further complicated by the fact that many Democrats are taking part in open primaries, which makes them even more unpredictable. Democrats participated in both races, voting against the incumbent, Cantor, in Virginia (he was perceived as the main obstacle for bringing to the floor a vote on immigration bills that apparently would have had the votes to pass) and in favor of incumbent, veteranSenator Thad Cochran in Mississippi (he courted the African American vote, pointing out the amount of federal funds he had brought to the state in his 36 years as Senator, and they acquiesced, fearing Mc Daniels would be a worse choice for their interests in such a red state as Mississippi).These idiosyncratic variations and distortions should not distract us from the fact that the defeat of ultra-conservative House Majority leader from a white, affluent Richmond suburb is extremely significant and will have many ramifications in the near future. First and foremost, it has led to an immediate reshuffle of the party internal House leadership, as Cantorresigned his post as Majority leader. The first in line to fill his post, House whip Kevin McCarthy from California, used his insider skills to mobilize his contacts and call in his favors fast enough to pre-empt a challenge by a Tea Party congressman from Idaho, Raul Labrador, in a secret, internal party ballot. He has thus become Majority leader only eight years after he was first elected to Congress for California 23rd district. If re-elected in November, he will be first in line for House Speaker when Rep. Boehner gives up his post. This coveted position would have been Cantor's crowning achievement after a solid career of 14 years in Congress: he had hoped to become the first Jewish Speaker of the House.In spite of McCarthy's success in pre-empting challenges from outside the party leadership, the next one in line to move into McCarthy's whip position, deputy whip Peter Roskam from Illinois, lost the ballot to Tea Party challenger Steve Scalise from Louisiana, who mobilized the vote of Southern legislators and won, thereby establishing a presence for the movement inside the GOP hierarchy. Scalise, who was elected to Congress in 2008, has also risen rapidly through the ranks, as chairman of the ultra-conservative Republican Study Group and as a vocal advocate against big government.Party Whips in Congress are in charge of counting votes for and against legislation. They are enforcers, offering incentives and doling out punishments for votes among their caucus members. Their role becomes particularly important in close votes. The whip is also the main liaison between the party leadership and the rank and file.Primaries are proving to be much more dangerous for establishment Republicans than a prospective national election at the end of this year, in which they are poised to win both some Senate and House seats, mainly due to slow economic growth and low support for Obama, but more pointedly due to the opportunity created by the retirement of a significant number of long-serving senior legislators. Rather than the November election challenge against Democrats, primaries have become the main obstacle to surmount and the main focus of funding for incumbents and party establishment candidates. Memories of seats lost due to Tea party primary winners in the national 2010 and 2012 election still loom heavily in GOP minds. Karl Rove's words of advice to both the Tea Party activists and the GOP leadershipin February of 2010 still resonate in the halls of Congress:"If Tea party groups are to maximize their influence on policy, they must now begin the difficult task of disassociating themselves from cranks and conspiracy nuts. This includes 9/11 deniers, "birthers" who insist Barack Obama was not born in the U.S., and militia supporters espousing something vaguely close to armed rebellion.""The GOP is also better off if it foregoes any attempt to merge with the tea party movement. The GOP cannot possibly hope to control the dynamics of the highly decentralized galaxy of groups that make up the tea party movement. There will be troubling excesses and these will hurt Republicans if the party is formally associated with tea party groups" (Wall Street Journal, Feb. 18 2010).Because they are extremely vocal as well as media favorites (whether to disparage or to endorse them) and have made some undeniable inroads into the halls of power, the Tea Partiers have indeed made a splash in US politics, and they have re-shaped the agenda on issues of taxes and spending (with mixed success). But so far this term, 273 of 275 House incumbents and 18 out of 18 Senators have won re-nomination, even if in most House cases these contests were won by small margins. This is evidence that there is still somediscipline in party ranks, and newcomers are forced to follow the party leadership. For example in Kentucky, Sen. Rand Paul, largely recognized as the presidential candidate for Tea-Partiers and libertarians alike, did not campaign in favor of the Tea Party candidate who was running against Senate Minority leader Mitch McConnell, and gave the former only lukewarm support. Senator McConnell, a tough, seasoned veteran, was reported to have had a private, one-on-one, closed-doors conversation with Rand Paul before the primary campaign started…It then becomes clear that membership still has its privileges, and the Tea Partiers' disdain for insider politicking and the compromises required by politics in general won't take them very far. That is the stuff of politics, so now these political neophytes are getting into the fray, they will have to learn a few organizational lessons from the savvy insiders they are trying to replace. Nonetheless, one of the first comments made by Kevin McCarthy Fox News as he moved into Cantor's position was that "Yes, he would let the Export-Import Bank (reauthorization) to expire because it is something the private sector can do better". This represents a reversal from his 2012 position, and one that distances him from the business community and the party establishment, who want the Bank to remain. (Tea Partiers want to do away with the Ex-Im, the IRS and the Department of Education, among other institutions they find superfluous). In another interview, McCarthy asserted that the GOP had more to gain (politically) if it moved closer to libertarian ideas. So it has become apparent then, that the Tea Party as a movement and as a faction of the Republican Party is here to stay, at least for the near future. Its strength will depend on how they can accommodate their desires to the realities of governing the United States of America in the XXI century.María Fornella-Oehninger - Comparative Politics Professor, Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Virginia.

The November 3rd election for governor in Virginia is making headlines, as Obama rallies for Democratic candidate Creigh Deeds at Old Dominion University this week, in a last- ditch effort to close the gap that separates him from Republican candidate Robert McDonnell.Taking place in an "off" year, this race is considered a harbinger of next year's mid-term legislative elections, which in turn are a referendum on the popularity of the President himself. That is why it is being closely monitored by both parties and the media. The so-called "Old Dominion" has occupied a central role in the political history of the country since its early beginnings, through the Civil war and the Civil Rights movement of the 60s. Its state government, with the country's oldest legislature, has consistently been ranked first in effectiveness among all 50 states. Virginians are politically savvy and their voting trends are considered of national significance. For example, in 1989 Virginia was the first state to elect an African-American as governor. In the last eight years, while still remaining a red state that voted Republican in national elections, it chose two consecutive Democratic governors. In the historical 2009 election, as a reflection of important demographic changes in the age and diversity of its voters, Virginia became a swing state: Barack Obama carried the state, and today Virginia's two Senate seats are occupied by Democrats. In spite of its importance as a bellwether of national politics, the contest for Governor this year has been a lackluster race, characterized by two candidates with little or no charisma, one of which had a clear advantage from the beginning. Indeed, for Republican Bob Mc Donnell the race has been easier from the start, since he faced no opposition during the primary season. He has therefore had enormous financial support from his party and has used the national debate on government spending to his advantage, capitalizing on public discontent with the lack of tangible results of Obama's economic rescue plan on Main Street America. McDonnell has assailed his opponent aggressively as a tax-and-spend Democrat who, if elected, would run the state finances to the ground regardless of the cost to Virginians. Thanks to his party's financial support he has been able to conduct an overwhelming TV advertising campaign focused on his own and his daughter's military career (a smart decision in a state with large military bases and an even larger defense establishment), his concern for job creation programs and support for small businesses.In contrast to his opponent, Democratic candidate Creigh Deeds had to face a tough three-way primary election this past summer, against Terry McAuliffe, a prominent party man who headed Hillary Clinton's campaign last year, and Brian Moran, a county prosecutor and Virginia House delegate. In spite of running a poor campaign with sparse staff and minimum resources, and of being outspent by at least one of his opponents (McAuliffe) two-to-one, Deeds, who had trailed in the polls for most of the race, finally won by a surprisingly wide margin (50%-26%-24%). The current governor race is a re-match of the Attorney General race of 2005, which was very close and McDonnell finally won by a mere 320 votes. Asked about it, Deeds says that he holds no grudge against his opponent. Deeds, a state senator from Bath County with a strong Southern rural accent, is an honest but rather bumbling character, with tousled hair, a disheveled appearance, and a tendency to give muddled answers to questions. In contrast, Mc Donnell, a fit- looking former Army officer and prosecutor with strong ties to the Christian Right leader Pat Robertson, has run an orderly campaign, focusing mainly on issues that affect Virginians such as transportation and taxes, but also on the spending habits of national figures such as House and Senate leaders, Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid. Indeed, Deeds has complained in interviews that his campaign has been negatively affected by the spending plans of the Democrats inside the Beltway.In contrast to McDonnell's more general approach at attacking everything Democratic, Deeds has based his advertising campaign on more personal attacks, mainly aimed at McDonnell's 1989 master thesis in which he expressed ultra-conservative views on women, homosexuals and abortion. This is a tactic that may backfire as people are tired of negative advertising.In later ads, Deeds has tried to portray his opponent as telling "untruths" and changing his policy position belatedly and dishonestly, only in pursuit of votes (the "flip-flop" strategy). Although still negative, these were more tailored to issues that matter to Virginians. For example, in arguably the most important policy issue the next Governor will face, namely, that of changing the redistricting state laws, McDonnell clearly changed his opinion once he decided to run for governor and now supports reform. 2010 is a Census year, and based on the Census results, state legislatures will engage in the decennial process of re-drawing political borders. In Virginia, the present system is skewed in favor of incumbents. There has been an important movement led by the League of Women Voters to reform the process so that redistricting is carried out by a bipartisan commission and not by the party in power. Deeds supports this reform, as do most Virginians, but McDonnell was against it until this year. Thus, the flip-flop allegation may prove to be a better angle of attack for Deeds than McDonnell's 20-year-old thesis on the role of women in society, although those negative ads have certainly gotten the attention of many young and professional women who will now come out and vote for Deeds.Nonetheless, Deeds faces an up-hill battle for several reasons. Besides the advantage of an early start in fund-raising and campaigning, the whole Republican Party has rallied around McDonnell, who is perceived as a strong candidate that could initiate a much needed turnaround in the fortunes of the party. He has campaigned with McCain and will campaign with Mitt Romney next week. He is more articulate, better organized and a smoother debater than his opponent, and has known how to capitalize on the public discontent with Washington. He has run on a basic platform of job creation and lower taxes to favor small businesses, and would subsidize the urgently needed transportation projects by the novel idea of selling off state-owned liquor stores to private owners. (In Virginia, one can only buy hard liquor and spirits at state-owned dispensers called ABC stores, which are closed on Sundays).In contrast, Deeds, a cerebral policy wonk who does not shy away from intricate ideas and well thought out plans, and who does not speak in sound bites or buzz words, appears less eloquent and not as good a communicator. Although neither is a brilliant debater, during the live debates McDonnell looked more competent, less flustered and less tentative in his responses. In addition, Deeds has not been able to unite the party behind him. Former Virginia Governor Douglass Wilder, the first African-American to occupy that office in the United States, has refused to endorse Deeds in spite of a plea from Obama to do so. The two men disagree on tax policy and gun control. The Democratic candidate has acknowledged he would raise taxes to pay for the transportation projects, while Wilder denounces his plan as reckless, given the state of the economy. On a totally different issue, they are also at odds. Deeds (perhaps because he represents Bath County, a rural district of Virginia) supports the repeal of a state gun-law that restricts the amounts of guns Virginians can purchase. Wilder, as do most Democrats, would like that law to stand. This kind of contradiction –in favor of higher taxes (a fiscally progressive stance) but against gun control (a conservative position) sums up of the kind of candidate Deeds is and explains why he has not gained the support of all Democrats. Ironically, the Republicans have been hailing Wilder's refusal to endorse Deeds on account of his stand on higher taxes, but they avoid mentioning the gun control issue, on which they would be obliged to concur with Deeds.On Tuesday October 27th, exactly one week before the election, President Obama held a rally with Deeds at the Constant Center at Old Dominion University, in front of a crowd of 6,000. This represented a last effort by Obama to rescue Deeds by persuading the youth and African Americans to vote next Tuesday. It was only the second time the President campaigned for Deeds: he had done so once at the beginning of the campaign, in Northern Virginia. Clearly, Obama understands the difficulties his party will face in the 2010 mid-term elections. The man earns his paycheck: this past week alone he has raised money for Democratic congressional candidates in Miami, New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut. He then rallied for incumbent Governor Corzine who faces a tough re-election battle in New Jersey and finally for Deeds in Southeastern Virginia. Some say that by spending so much time on the road doing the bidding for his party, the President loses credibility as an agent of change. But no one should underestimate Obama's capacity to handle many issues at the same time. As his meteoric rise in politics proves, he is methodical, disciplined and always focused on a long-term strategy.Obama is quite aware that if his party loses seats in the 2010 elections, his own agenda and indeed, his own chances at re-election in 2012 will be in jeopardy. And as an avid student of political history, he knows that since the 1930s there were only two cases in which the sitting President's party did not lose seats in a mid-term election, so the odds are unmistakably against the Democrats. In the case of Virginia's gubernatorial races, a similar phenomenon has been unfolding: in the last eight consecutive elections, governors have been elected from the party opposite to the one in the White House. To these historical precedents, one must add the state of the economy today, the fact that unemployment is running at 10% and that public opinion is showing high levels of discontent with political parties and politicians in general. (The president is still exempt from this malaise, at least for now, with last week's polls showing his support at 57%). Also, another factor that will weigh in on next year elections is that those independents in traditionally Republican-leaning districts who voted for Democratic candidates in 2006 and 2008 as a result of the anti-Bush backlash may very easily reverse that trend by voting Republican next year.Very mindful of these challenges, Obama is exerting himself to the utmost to reap at least some early wins that would give new direction to the public mood. In health care reform he seems to be very close to victory. A win in the gubernatorial races would certainly reinforce that trend and give some positive signals for 2010.In Virginia, this election will also test the depth of that transformation from red state to swing state. The main trial for Democrats is to get people energized enough to go to the polls next Tuesday. After eight years out of the Governor's mansion in Richmond, this time Republicans are much more attuned to the gubernatorial race than Democrats, and they are also much more enthusiastic about their candidate than Democrats are about Deeds. All eyes are therefore on Virginia. The last Rasmussen Reports taken a few hours after Obama's visit, found McDonnell at 54% to 41% for Deeds, with 4% undecided. Creigh Deeds has run as the underdog before and recovered in time to win. He may still surprise us again, but this time he needs a miracle.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF SCIENTIFIC UNIONS - ICSU SCIENCE INTERNATIONAL Newsletter No.65 August 1997 Code Number:NL97009 Sizes of Files: Text: 100.8K Graphics: No associated graphics files MEETING REPORTS ADVISORY COMMITTEE FOR THE ICSU'S PROGRAMME ON CAPACITY BUILDING IN SCIENCE Julia Marton-Lefevre, Executive Director, ICSU The first meeting of the Advisory Committee for the newly launched ICSU Programme on Capacity Building in Science (PCBS) took place in Paris at the end of June. The Members of the Advisory Committee are listed. The meeting was also attended by a number of invited observers from UNESCO and the U.S. National Academy of Sciences. The Advisory Committee reviewed plans for launching a Programme organized around the previously identified themes of Primary Level Education; Public Understanding of Science, and the Organization of Actions to Reduce the Isolation of Scientists. It was agreed that the Programme should initially concentrate on a few highly visible pilot projects in each of the areas and that some of these should begin immediately. FIRST MEETING OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE ON RESPONSIBILITY AND ETHICS IN SCIENCE (SCRES) Oslo, Norway, 19-22 June 1997 Kathinka Evers, Executive Secretary, SCRES The recently established Standing Committee on Responsibility and Ethics in Science (SCRES) held its first meeting 19-22 June 1997 at the Norwegian Academy of Science in Oslo, Norway. The main task of the meeting was to establish the precise role that SCRES should play in the future: what are its main goals? what does SCRES aim to produce? who is the intended audience? The first discussion focused on how the committee intends to operate, and how it should communicate with other ICSU members. ICSU PRESS ACTIVITIES: ELECTRONIC PUBLISHING IN SCIENCE Sir Roger Elliott, Chairman ICSU Press When the General Assembly in Washington received the report of the UNESCO/ICSU Press Expert Conference on Electronic Publishing in Science it charged the ICSU Press Committee with the task of undertaking the follow-up activities which derived from the recommendations of the Conference. SPOTLIGHTS ON SCIENCE WORLD CLIMATE RESEARCH PROGRAMME (WCRP): Further Strategic Steps in Internationally Coordinated Climate Research: a report of the eighteenth session of the Joint Scientific Committee (JSC) for the WCRP H. Grassl, Director, WCRP The WCRP is jointly sponsored by ICSU, the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission (IOC) of UNESCO. Overall scientific guidance for the programme is provided by the ICSU/WMO/IOC Joint Scientific Committee (JSC), consisting of eighteen scientists selected by mutual agreement between the three sponsoring organizations and representing the atmospheric, oceanographic, hydrological and polar science communities. At the kind invitation of the Atmospheric Environment Service of Canada, the eighteenth annual session of the Committee was held in Toronto from 17 to 21 March 1996. IGCP: INTERNATIONAL COLLABORATIVE PROGRAMMES CENTRAL TO THE IGCP ENVIRONMENTAL DEBATE Edward Derbyshire Chairman IGCP What's in a name? Seen from outside, a programme with the title of "international Geological Correlation Programme" might appear rather narrow and prescriptive. in particular, the word "correlation" could even be construed as indicating that the IGCP is concerned with ensuring that national programmes conform to some kind of scientific norm. in fact, neither of these two impressions could be farther from the truth. It may not be generally known that the IGC]? is widely regarded as the most successful international collaborative programme of its type. Jointly sponsored by UNESCO and the international Union of Geological Sciences (lUGS), it brings together researchers in all aspects of the study of the solid earth sciences. It is open to scientists from any nation, and may be led by geoscientists of any nationality. This is vitally important for, after all, geological boundaries do not stop at national borders! THREAT TO FULL AND OPEN ACCESS TO DATA Ferris Webster, Chairman, ICSU Group on Data and Information New intellectual property laws may have potential adverse effects on the conduct of science and education. That was the principal concern of the Group on Data and Information of the International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU) and the Commission on Data Access of the Committee on Data for Science and Technology (CODATA), which met jointly at ICSU Headquarters in June. At issue is the protection of databases that lack creativity in the selection, arrangement, or presentation of the information even though they may require a substantial amount of time, effort, or financial investment to produce. The creative elements of databases are already protected under copyright. The proposed sui generis right would in addition protect the contents (i.e., the facts themselves) of databases. Thus, all. sorts of compilations of data or datasets that have traditionally been in the public domain for lack of sufficient "originality" (to make them copyrightable) will now be protected against unauthorized uses and would enable the database owners to charge at whatever level they chose for authorized use. ENVIRONMENT EARTH COUNCIL: RIO+5 - FROM AGENDA TO ACTION Rio de Janeiro, 13-19 March 1997 Sophie Boyer King, Environmental Science Officer, ICSU The Earth Council was set up in 1992, with ICSU's sponsorship, and is principally aimed at encouraging non-governmental bodies to be involved in environment and development issues. The culmination of these activities led to a series of events in Rio de Janeiro in March 1997, five years after the Earth Summit: Rio+5, from Agenda to Action. ICSU agreed to contribute to the Earth Council's Rio+5 activities, providing inputs before the conference, and playing an important facilitator and participatory role during the March events. As part of preliminary reporting activities, ICSU conducted a survey among its members regarding the progress and difficulties in the implementation of ASCEND 21 (Agenda of Science for Environment and Development into the 21st Century). Responses received were incorporated into a Special Focus Report, one of the many documents which shaped the Rio+5 agenda. DIALOGUE SESSION ON SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNOLOGICAL COMMUNITIES Fifth Session of the Commission on Sustainable Development, United Nations, April 1997 Sophie Boyer King, Environmental Sciences Officer, ICSU ICSU was invited by the UN Commission on Sustainable Development (UN CSD) to participate in and facilitate a dialogue session of scientific and technological communities with UN government delegates, as part of the Fifth session of the CSD. Each Major Group had three hours in which to make presentations and respond to questions from the floor, in a first-time event at a UN session. JOINT SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL COMMITTEE FOR GLOBAL OCEAN OBSERVING SYSTEM (J-GOOS) Sophie Boyer King, Environmental Sciences Officer, ICSU The fourth meeting of J-GOOS took place in Miami on the 23-25 April 1997. During the two days preceding J-GOOS IV, the JGOOS ad hoc planning group had met to discuss the progress and direction of the J-GOOS plan, GOOS 1998. J-GOOS was informed of a proposal to merge the Strategic Sub Committee (SSC) of the Intergovernmental Committee of GOOS (I-GOOS), with J-GOOS to form a GOOS Steering Committee. This committee would have more executive functions than the present J-GOOS and would include members from operational organisations to reflect this. After some discussion, J-GOOS endorsed the proposal for a restructured GOOS. The new director of the GOOS Project Office, Dr Colin Summerhayes, updated participants on the activities of the office, including increasing coordination with the various communities which contribute to the development of GOOS. IGBP AT UNGASS EXHIBITION During the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Rio+5 (UNGASS), an exhibition was held showing "Sustainable Development in Action". The IGBP was part of this exhibition and presented posters that were specially developed for this event. In addition, the homepage was made available for browsing and a selection of IGBP Reports and Newsletters was displayed. ENVIRONMENT OCEAN CIRCULATION AND CLIMATE: The 1998 WOCE Conference, Halifax, N.S. Canada, 24-29 May 1998 World Ocean Circulation Experiment: WOCE is a component of the World Climate Research Programme investigating the role played by the ocean circulation in the earth's climate system. Its aim is to develop improved ocean circulation models for use in climate research. The WOCE observational phase from 1990-1997 has used satellites and in-situ physical and chemical measurements to produce a data set of unprecedented scope and precision. WOCE is now entering its phase of Analysis, interpretation, Modelling and Synthesis (AIMS) which will continue until the end of WOCE in 2002. The reconciliation of model results and observations, and ultimately the assimilation of ocean data into models, presents the ocean science community with a novel set of challenges. HOUSE NEWS NEW EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF ICSU Jean-Francois Stuyck-Taillandier has been appointed to replace Julia Marton-Lefevre and will become Executive Director of ICSU, for an initial 2-year period, as of 1 September. NEW EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF SCRES Kathinka Evers, a native of Sweden, graduated in Philosophy at the Lund University and later obtained a doctorate in philosophy of science and logic in 1991. NEW CHAIRMAN OF IGBP Dr. Berrien Moore III was recently appointed to replace Dr Peter Liss as the Chair of the SC-IGBP and will start his term at the beginning of 1998. Moore is a mathematician from the USA and is Director of the Institute for the Study of Earth, Oceans and Space at the University of New Hampshire. NEW EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF IGBP IGBP and ICSU are happy to announce the appointment of the new Executive Director of IGBP. Will Steffen, an Australian national, is due to replace Chris Rapley in January 1998. SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY FOR DEVELOPMENT SCIENCE IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES G.Thyagarajan, Scientific Secretary, COSTED-IBN EXCERPTS FROM THE PRESENTATION AT THE 25TH ICSU GA, WASHINGTON D C The Global Science & Technology Scenario Threat of Scientific and Technological Marginalisation Special Problems of Small States INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS During the last five years no other issue has engaged the attention of national governments, politicians, scientists and technologists, industrialists, trade leaders, the media and the wider public, as the Uruguay Round, GATT, the Marrakech Agreement and the arrival of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Reactions have ranged from complete faith in the new order to its abject rejection. The issues generated are complex and have the potential to have far-reaching implications because, unlike the original GATT (which concerned international trade rules in the goods sector only) the 'Final Round' entered three new areas namely, Investment, Intellectual Property Rights and Services. It also extended to the sensitive areas of agriculture and textiles. 32ND COSPAR SCIENTIFIC ASSEMBLY and Associated Events - 40th Anniversary Nagoya, Japan, 12 - 19 July 1998 Preliminary Program CALENDAR Details of forthcoming events from August 1997 to November 1997. PLANS TO FOLLOW UP TO THE REPORT ON THE ASSESSMENT OF ICSU Members of the ICSU family received a memorandum sent from Paris on 4 July with information pertaining to the preparation of the Extraordinary General Assembly of ICSU to be held in Vienna, Austria on 25 April 1998 and with the Executive Board's proposals to follow up the recommendations contained in the Report on the Assessment of ICSU. The Extraordinary General Assembly, was called for by a Resolution at the 25th General Assembly of ICSU which requested "that the Executive Board formulate a strategy for responding to the recommendations of the Assessment Panel Report and present its suggestions for approval by an Extraordinary General Assembly.". Summary of Executive Board's proposals to follow up the Report on the Assessment of ICSU LIST OF MEMBERS OF THE ICSU GENERAL COMMITTEE FOR THE PERIOD 1996-1999 EUROPEAN RESEARCH CONFERENCES Co-sponsored by the European Science Foundation and the Euroconferences Activity of the European Union Space-Time Modelling of Bounded Natural Domains: Virtual Environments for the Geosciences near Kerkrade The Netherlands, 9-14 December 1997 GLOBAL CHANGE SCIENTIST The Global Analysis, Interpretation and Modelling task force (GAIM) of the lnternational Geosphere Biosphere Program (IGBP) invites applications and nominations for a Science Officer to begin in September, 1997.

Land and property rights, migration, and citizenship are complex issues that cut across all social, economic, and political spheres of West Africa. This paper provides an overarching scoping of the most pressing contemporary issues related to land, migration, and citizenship, including how they intersect in various contexts and locations in West Africa. The way issues are analytically framed captures structural challenges and sets them against the regional and global meta-trends of which policy makers and practitioners should be aware for conflict-sensitive planning. The paper points to some of the effective practices in managing and mitigating these issues and also raises several questions on areas for future research. Part one lays out the migratory context in West Africa. It points to the type, nature, and extent of mobility that characterizes the region. Part two sets out West Africa's land tenure and management systems, including structural challenges, general management policies, and key issues related to land tenure and migrants. Part three frames the key land and migration meta-trends in the context of fragility. Part four concludes with an overall exploration of the paper's results and puts forward a series of research questions that are necessary in order to discern the most effective and realistic operational approaches.

A decade ago, trade and investment liberalization dominated the global economic policy agenda. The World Trade Organization (WTO) had recently been created, the United States, Mexico and Canada were implementing North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and much of Southeast Asia and South America were near the peak of an economic boom that was driven in part by greater openness to inflows of foreign capital. In bilateral and multilateral discussions of economic integration, global migration was often missing from the docket entirely. The growth in labor flows from low-income to high-income countries has not been greeted with universal enthusiasm, either by policy makers or academics. In theory, international migration increases economic efficiency by shifting labor from low-productivity to high-productivity environments. As workers move from Central America to the United States, North Africa to Europe, or Southeast Asia to Australia, the global labor supply shifts from labor abundant to labor-scarce economies, compressing international differences in factor prices and raising global gross domestic product (GDP). Migrants enjoy large income gains family members at home share in these gains through remittances, and non-migrating workers in the sending country enjoy higher wages thanks to a drop in local labor supply (Aydemir and Borjas, 2007).

President Tyler talks about the state of the union including the annexation of Texas and protests by the Mexican government regarding annexation ; The U.S. Serial set is a specially bound, consecutively numbered version of all House and Senate reports and documents. Many of the government documents in the Americas archive come originally from the U.S. Serial set, although were bound together at some later point into the collection that is now represented in this collection.

Security Council 8236th Meeting (Pm) ; 5/24/2018 Humanitarian Response in Syria Must Be Urgently Boosted, Emergency Relief Coordinator Tells Security Council | Meetings Coverage and Press Relea… https://www.un.org/press/en/2018/sc13302.doc.htm 1/5 SC/13302 17 APRIL 2018 MEETINGS COVERAGE SECURITY COUNCIL > 8236TH MEETING (PM) Humanitarian Response in Syria Must Be Urgently Boosted, Emergency Relief Coordinator Tells Security Council Casting a spotlight on the pressing needs of civilians in Raqqa and Rukban, the Security Council met this afternoon to hear a brie􀃒􍉮ng on recent developments and discuss ways forward. While people in those cities comprised 1 per cent of those requiring help, their needs were no less important than the remaining 99 per cent, said Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian A􀃗􍝡airs and Emergency Relief Coordinator. In Raqqa, where 100,000 people had returned since October when Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL/Da'esh) had been forced out, conditions were not conducive for returns because of high levels of unexploded ordinances and improvised explosive device contamination. In addition, there were scant basic services, a lack of electricity and mobile communications and food insecurity. Describing other concerns, he said in Rukban some 50,000 people were in need of sustained humanitarian assistance. Those remaining in the town of Douma and other areas of eastern Ghouta required urgent assistance after years of deprivation, he said, adding that the humanitarian community had not yet been able to provide help. On 25 March, the United Nations had requested permission from the Government of Syria to deploy an interagency surge team to scale up the United Nations operational capacity, he said, adding that he could not overstate the importance of sustaining and scaling up the international response. Council members underscored the need for sustained aid deliveries, with some calling on all Member States to make substantial commitments at the upcoming Brussels pledging conference and to swiftly disburse pledges. Some delegates said mine clearing should be a priority to ensure safe returns of displaced persons, while many members urged parties to return to negotiations to 􀃒􍉮nd a political solution to end the con􀃓􍍩ict. Echoing a common call, China's representative appealed to all parties in Syria to comply with Security Council resolution 2401 (2018) by ceasing hostilities and coordinating with United Nations humanitarian e􀃗􍝯orts. Any unilateral action would violate the basic norms of international law while complicating a settlement of the Syrian issue, he said, urging all sides to refrain from moves that would further escalate the situation. The representative of the Russian Federation, noting that Raqqa's destruction had been due to a United States-led coalition 􀃒􍉧ght against ISIL, criticized coalition members for their lack of reconstruction in that area. Civilians were regularly killed by landmines and no assessment of humanitarian needs had occurred until the Russian Federation had insisted on it. In addition, no practical steps had been taken to provide humanitarian assistance to the population of Rukban, which was located near an American airbase. Urging the Council and the humanitarian community to address the situation of those two cities, he said coalition members should outline how they themselves were implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Meanwhile, the United States delegate said that while the 75 members of the Global Coalition against Da'esh had targeted ISIL and liberated civilians, the Syrian Government had bombarded its own people. United Nations humanitarian convoys were welcome at any time in Raqqa and Rukhban, with any delays being the result of the Syrian Government and its failure to allow deliveries. Condemning the Russian Federation for its "cynical, thinly disguised diversions", she said it was clear that it had requested the Council meeting as a distraction from the atrocities committed by the Bashar Al-Assad regime. Providing another perspective, Syria's representative said three Council members continued to search for microscopic dust while ignoring the enormous "elephant in the room", which was the aggression they had launched against his country. Raqqa was a martyr city that had been destroyed by those very States, he said, adding that the coalition had never sought to combat terrorism. Indeed, the point had been to block the Syrian Government and its allies as they attempted to combat ISIL. Turning to the situation in the Rukban camps, he said coalition forces had prevented the Government from delivering aid. Moreover, he asserted that the situation in Syria did not require draft resolutions or semi-daily meetings. Instead, the Council must stand against the occupation of Syria by the United States, Israel and Turkey and aggressions carried out by the United States, France and the United Kingdom. Drawing attention to the e􀃗􍝥ects of the crisis on the Syrian people, Equatorial Guinea's representative said the situation in Raqqa required the international community's urgent attention. Calling for sustained humanitarian access and the intensi􀃒􍉣cation of e􀃗􍝯orts to reach a political solution, he reminded Council members that "the Syrian people have su􀃗􍝥ered enough." 5/24/2018 Humanitarian Response in Syria Must Be Urgently Boosted, Emergency Relief Coordinator Tells Security Council | Meetings Coverage and Press Relea… https://www.un.org/press/en/2018/sc13302.doc.htm 2/5 Also speaking were the representatives of Kuwait, Sweden, France, United Kingdom, Kazakhstan, Poland, Côte d'Ivoire, Netherlands, Bolivia, Ethiopia and Peru. The meeting began at 4:48 p.m. and ended at 6:38 p.m. Brie􀃒􍉮ng MARK LOWCOCK, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian A􀃗􍝡airs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, briefed the Council on the situation in Syria, including in Raqqa and Rukban. While people in those cities totalled 1 per cent of those requiring help, their needs were no less important than the remaining 99 per cent. After a United Nations assessment mission on 1 April in Raqqa, where 100,000 people had returned since October when Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL/Da'esh) had been forced out, reports showed that conditions were not conducive for returns because of high levels of unexploded ordinances and improvised explosive device contamination. Every week, 50 casualties had been reported due to the remnants of war. Also, an estimated 70 to 80 per cent of all buildings had been destroyed or damaged. While public services were slowly resuming, the city lacked electricity and mobile communications while water was being pumped at a very limited capacity to the outskirts. Meanwhile, up to 95 per cent of households that had returned to Raqqa were food insecure and health services were lacking. Some schools had reopened, but lacked supplies. United Nations agencies were planning deliveries of humanitarian assistance and programmatic interventions to support the work of humanitarian agencies already active in those areas. In Rukban, some 50,000 people were in need of sustained humanitarian assistance, he continued, noting that there was a pressing need for better service provision and medical help. Humanitarian agencies were working closely with the United States, Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent to facilitate deliveries. At the same time, those remaining in the town of Douma and other areas of eastern Ghouta, under control of the Government of Syria, required urgent assistance after years of deprivation. The humanitarian community had not yet been able to provide that, he said, adding that access to reach the people of eastern Ghouta was critical. Of the 155,000 who had been displaced, he said, approximately 63,000 had moved north to Idlib and Aleppo, resulting in a 25 per cent increase in Idlib's displaced population. That situation placed incredible pressure on host communities and humanitarian actors working to provide assistance and services. Those remaining in Afrin were also in dire need of aid. Despite some positive developments, humanitarian partners were still struggling to gain sustained access to Afrin and freedom of movement for internally displaced persons remained severely limited. On 25 March, the United Nations requested permission from the Government of Syria to deploy an interagency surge team to scale up the United Nations operational capacity. Overall, he could not overstate the importance of sustaining and scaling up the international response. Statements VASSILY A. NEBENZIA (Russian Federation), noting that some delegations were constantly calling on his country to provide updates on its implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), said signi􀃒􍉣cant e􀃗􍝯orts had been undertaken to improve the situation in eastern Ghouta, where armed groups had long held populations hostage. "A bloodbath was prevented," he said, adding that some 60,000 people had also been helped to return to their homes. Joint work was ongoing between the Russian military police and Syrian law enforcement o􀃕􍕣cials, including debris clearance, re-establishment of services and food deliveries. However, the international community's attention was also required, he said, calling for additional support from other Member States. In contrast, he said, Raqqa — which had been destroyed by United States-led coalition air strikes — had seen no reconstruction e􀃗􍝯orts. Civilians were regularly killed by landmines, and no assessment of humanitarian needs had taken place until the Russian Federation had insisted on it. Buildings were in ruins, thousands of corpses remained buried and no school, hospital or basic services remained operational. No practical steps had been taken to provide humanitarian assistance to the population of the similarly damaged city of Rukban, located near an American airbase whose very existence constituted a blatant violation of Syria's sovereignty. Urging the Council and the humanitarian community not to ignore the situation of those two cities, he said members of the coalition should be courageous enough to outline how they themselves were implementing resolution 2401 (2018) in those cases. Events over recent days had revealed the hypocrisy of the "troika" — namely, the United States, United Kingdom and France, he said. By their acts of aggression, those countries and their supporters had taken sides in the Syrian con􀃓􍍩ict. The Russian Federation was instead working with all sides, committing to implementing Council resolutions and supporting the parties in making progress in the Geneva talks, which must resume without preconditions and especially without demands for a regime change. Given current developments, it was hard to imagine that the Government of Syria would want to talk about the situation in its country with any members of the troika, who sought to declare its President a war criminal. Indeed, before any progress could be made, "you 􀃒􍉲rst need to undo the damage that you yourself have created", he said, noting that the opposition must step back from its destructive position while embracing Council resolutions, and their patrons must end their militant rhetoric against the legitimately elected President of Syria. Meanwhile, he said, the establishment of a mechanism to attribute responsibility for the use of chemical weapons in Syria made no sense, as Washington, D.C., and its allies were already acting like self-appointed executioners on that matter. Attempts to push the Russian Federation to change its position using air strikes and the threat of sanctions had never 5/24/2018 Humanitarian Response in Syria Must Be Urgently Boosted, Emergency Relief Coordinator Tells Security Council | Meetings Coverage and Press Relea… https://www.un.org/press/en/2018/sc13302.doc.htm 3/5 worked in the past nor would they work in the future. The United States and its allies must end its threats to use force against Syria, as such actions 􀃓􍍯outed international law and only drove peace farther away. Warning against attempts to maintain foreign occupation in parts of Syria, loot its resources and stoke divisions between its people, he said military groups must also separate themselves from terrorists and Western parties should stop manipulating the humanitarian situation for political purposes. BADER ABDULLAH N. M. ALMUNAYEKH (Kuwait) said resolution 2401 (2018) had addressed the humanitarian situation across Syria, demanding a pause in hostilities for 30 days to ensure the delivery of humanitarian assistance and allow for the evacuation of the sick and wounded. Voicing frustration that it had not yet been implemented, he reiterated the call on parties to the con􀃓􍍩ict to allow the entry of weekly convoys and for an immediate end to all attacks against civilians, civilian infrastructure and medical facilities. Urging the Astana guarantors, in particular, to continue to support talks. Welcoming the O􀃕􍕣ce for the Coordination of Humanitarian A􀃗􍝡airs preparations of plans for providing humanitarian assistance in Raqqa, he underscored the need to maintain sustained aid delivery to internally displaced persons camps in Rukban. OLOF ORRENIUS SKOOG (Sweden) said a greater e􀃗􍝯ort must be made to ensure full and immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) throughout Syria, with the Astana guarantors living up to their commitments. He called on the Syrian authorities to immediately grant facilitation letters for humanitarian convoys to Douma and to facilitate sustained United Nations access to camps housing internally displaced persons. Referring also the situations in Raqqa, Rukban, Idlib and Afrin, he said the humanitarian community was undertaking a Herculean task. However, the acute lack of funding for United Nations humanitarian operations in in Syria was deeply troubling, he said, calling on all Member States to make substantial commitments at the upcoming Brussels conference and to swiftly disburse pledges. KELLEY A. ECKELS-CURRIE (United States) said the 75 members of the Global Coalition against Da'esh that had fought the terrorist group in Iraq had continued its eradication campaign in Syria. While the coalition had targeted ISIL and liberated civilians, the Syrian Government had bombarded its own people. Noting that United Nations humanitarian convoys were welcome at any time in Raqqa and Rukban, the United States stood ready to support deliveries. Any delays stemmed from the Bashar al-Assad regime and its failure to allow convoys to move. The United States had already provided assistance, clearing 3,000 remnants of war and contributing 300,000 pounds of food. Pointing out that the Russian Federation had called the Council meeting as part of a messaging campaign to distract the international community from the atrocities committed by the Assad regime, she reiterated that in addition to a cease􀃒􍉲re, the Council had called for unhindered access for humanitarian assistance. Yet, the regime had only allowed six convoys. Such calls by the Council needed to be implemented on the ground, but that required the Syrian Government's cooperation, she said, condemning the Russian Federation for its "cynical, thinly disguised diversions". FRANÇOIS DELATTRE (France) said the humanitarian situation in Syria screamed for attention, including those 􀃓􍍥eeing safe areas, the bureaucracy preventing access to camps and conditions in Raqqa, where 90,000 people had returned. Humanitarian actors needed access to provide much-needed basic services and e􀃗􍝯orts must continue to remove landmines. For its part, France was helping with landmine clearance and had contributed €10 million for projects easing civilian returns to Raqqa. Concerning Rukban, he reiterated an urgent appeal to guarantee unimpeded humanitarian access. In that context, he supported the draft resolution that his country, United Kingdom and the United States had tabled on 14 April with a view to making progress on the humanitarian front, put a de􀃒􍉮nite end to the Syrian chemical programme and begin conclusive political negotiations. That draft had sought areas of convergence to create conditions of real diplomatic progress in Syria and open the way for true negotiations. KAREN PIERCE (United Kingdom), regretting to note that some members had used the humanitarian situation to score political points, recalled that the United Kingdom had contributed a total of $3.5 billion to date for humanitarian assistance. Her Government continued to provide humanitarian support to Raqqa and surrounding areas and had aided with landmine clearance. Raising several concerns, she drew attention to the plight of displaced persons in Rukban and urged the regime to facilitate access to the United Nations and its partners to deliver aid to Douma and eastern Ghouta. She called on the Council to use recent events to get the political process back on track and was looking forward to the upcoming retreat in Sweden, which the Secretary-General would also attend. KANAT TUMYSH (Kazakhstan), welcoming the O􀃕􍕣ce for the Coordination of Humanitarian A􀃗􍝡airs assessment mission to Raqqa in April, raised concerns that an estimated 100,000 people had returned to their homes in that city despite the wide presence of unexploded ordnances. Highlighting the signi􀃒􍉣cant destruction of Raqqa and the precarious fate of the Rukban and Hadalat refugee camps, he warned the Council of a dangerous tendency for those camps to become havens for foreign mercenaries. Kazakhstan supported the Russian Federation's proposal to establish humanitarian corridors for withdrawing refugees from El Tanf and the Rukban camp, based on the example provided by Russian and Syrian military troops during the assault on Aleppo. Calling on all parties immediately suspend hostilities, implement resolution 2401 (2018) and report periodically on those e􀃗􍝯orts, he said the questions of boundaries and territories following Syria's prolonged war should be addressed in line with that country's Constitution in order to prevent the re‑emergence of extremist groups. PAWEL RADOMSKI (Poland), raising concerns about new internally displaced persons reaching Idlib, said the military con􀃓􍍩ict in north-west Syria had further complicated the situation on the ground. He called on all parties, especially the Russian Federation and Iran, to take action towards a cessation of hostility and to comply with all their obligations under 5/24/2018 Humanitarian Response in Syria Must Be Urgently Boosted, Emergency Relief Coordinator Tells Security Council | Meetings Coverage and Press Relea… https://www.un.org/press/en/2018/sc13302.doc.htm 4/5 international law. He also urged the Russian Federation, Iran and Turkey to ful􀃒􍉬l their responsibility as guarantors of the Astana process. There could be no military solution to the con􀃓􍍩ict, in Syria, he said, underlining that a political agreement remained the only sustainable solution. ANATOLIO NDONG MBA (Equatorial Guinea) said Council members had recognized the very high number of people 􀃓􍍥eeing Syria when they had adopted resolution 2393 (2017). In the former ISIL stronghold of Raqqa, military o􀃗􍝥ensives had led to signi􀃒􍉣cant destruction. Commending World Health Organization (WHO) e􀃗􍝯orts, he said Raqqa's residents continued to be deprived of aid because there were no nearby o􀃕􍕣ces of humanitarian agencies and local authorities were incapable of providing assistance. The situation required the international community and the Council's urgent attention, he said, calling for the provision of sustained access allowing humanitarian convoys to reach Raqqa. "The Syrian people have su􀃗􍝥ered enough," he said, calling for the intensi􀃒􍉣cation of e􀃗􍝯orts to reach a political solution centred on the needs of the Syrian people and in full respect for Syria's territorial integrity. THÉODORE DAH (Côte d'Ivoire), echoing expressions of regret that resolution 2401 (2018) remained unimplemented, called on all parties to ensure its full implementation across Syria including in Raqqa and Rukban. In the former, signi􀃒􍉣cant destruction, a dearth of basic services and the presence of unexploded ordnance posed serious obstacles for safe returns of civilians. Calling on the international community to address those situations, he said a needs assessment was urgently required to better understand the extremely precarious living conditions in Rukban's internally displaced persons camps. Such work must be part of a global e􀃗􍝯ort to reach a negotiated political solution based on inclusive dialogue and in line with resolution 2254 (2015). LISE GREGOIRE VAN HAAREN (Netherlands) emphasized the urgent need for access to Douma for humanitarian convoys and for the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) fact-􀃒􍉮nding mission. Calling for a humanitarian surge to address the urgent needs of internally displaced persons, she emphasized the situation of more than 180,000 people displaced by hostilities in Afrin, adding to the strain felt by host communities. Clearing improvised explosive devices was a priority in Raqqa, while in Rukban, both food and medical aid must reach the remaining displaced persons via the fastest and easiest route. Resolution 2401 (2018) must be implemented across Syria and e􀃗􍝯orts must succeed in ensuring humanitarian access and the protection of civilians, in line with international humanitarian law. MA ZHAOXU (China) appealed to all parties in Syria to comply with resolution 2401 (2018), cease hostilities and coordinate with United Nations humanitarian e􀃗􍝯orts. Equal attention must be paid to the humanitarian situation and to helping displaced persons to return to their homes. Emphasizing China's adherence to the peaceful settlement of disputes and its rejection of the use of force in international regulations, he said any action taken must comply with the United Nations Charter. Any unilateral action would violate the basic norms of international law while complicating a settlement of the Syrian issue, he said, urging all sides to refrain from moves that would further escalate the situation. PEDRO LUIS INCHAUSTE JORDÁN (Bolivia) underscored the pressing need to pursue mine clearing and to remove improvised explosive devices and remnants of war. Such work was vital for reconstruction and the return of basic services. Expressing regret that violence had continued unfettered in major cities, he said it was even more repugnant that schools, hospitals and residential areas were being targeted. Bolivia called on all stakeholders to spare no e􀃗􍝯ort to implement resolution 2401 (2018) and for all parties to allow for unconditional humanitarian access. He went on to reiterate that the Syrian people should decide their political future through an inclusive process, free from external meddling. DAWIT YIRGA WOLDEGERIMA (Ethiopia) said the destruction of infrastructure and limited public services remained major challenges in Syrian cities. Demining e􀃗􍝯orts should be strengthened and aid must be delivered to all parts of Syria via safe and unhindered humanitarian access. Underscoring the importance of fully implementing resolution 2401 (2018), he said the Council should restore its unity through genuine and productive dialogue. GUSTAVO MEZA-CUADRA (Peru), Council President for April, speaking in his national capacity, welcomed e􀃗􍝯orts to clear "deadly booby-traps" laid by Da'esh in Raqqa and other areas. Recommendations from the O􀃕􍕣ce for the Coordination of Humanitarian A􀃗􍝡airs mission to Raqqa would contribute to the safe return of displaced persons. While acknowledging the legitimate right of States to protect their borders, he said there should be unfettered access to Rukban, given the humanitarian situation there. It was vital that needs in Syria be met on a consistent basis, regardless of location, he said, adding that politicizing humanitarian assistance was unacceptable and a contravention of resolution 2401 (2018), which must be applied holistically throughout Syria. BASHAR JA'AFARI (Syria) said three Council members continued to search for microscopic dust while ignoring the enormous "elephant in the room", which was the aggression they had launched against Syria. His counterpart from the United States had declared that her country's forces had rid Raqqa of 3,000 landmines. Yet, the United States had also assisted 4,000 terrorists to safely leave the city without holding them accountable for planting them. While Sweden's representative had called out the Syrian Government many times, he had failed to call for an end to the United States, Turkish and Israeli occupation of Syria and to mention State-sponsored terrorism. Addressing France's delegate, he said Médecins Sans Frontières, like ISIL, had entered Syria without the Syrian Government's approval, behaving instead like "terrorists without borders". 5/24/2018 Humanitarian Response in Syria Must Be Urgently Boosted, Emergency Relief Coordinator Tells Security Council | Meetings Coverage and Press Relea… https://www.un.org/press/en/2018/sc13302.doc.htm 5/5  Providing an update on the OPCW fact-􀃒􍉮nding mission in Douma, he said the Syrian Government had facilitated the arrival today of a United Nations security team, which had entered the city around 3 p.m. local time. If the team found the situation to be secure, the OPCW fact-􀃒􍉮nding team would begin its work 18 April. Claims that the mission had been blocked had only intended to distract the international community from reality, he said, expressing regret that countries launched cowardly attacks against Syria still failed to understand the Syrian people's desire to determine their own destiny. "The days of hegemony are gone," he said, adding that no threat of force or support for terrorists would change the fact that the world's people were tired of seeing big Powers continue to disregard international law with impunity. He said Raqqa was a martyr city that had been destroyed by those very States, with the O􀃕􍕣ce for the Coordination of Humanitarian A􀃗􍝡airs declaring the destruction to be "100 per cent complete". Hundreds of thousands of people had 􀃓􍍥ed Raqqa and no basic services or operating hospitals remained, except for Médecins Sans Frontières facilities. The coalition had never sought to combat terrorism, he said, recalling its bloody massacres of civilians in various towns and villages across Syria. Indeed, the point had been to block the Syrian Government and its allies as they attempted to combat ISIL. On 8 February, United States forces had killed dozens of members of a popular force that had been 􀃒􍉧ghting ISIL along the Euphrates River. Meanwhile, terrorists had been spared and even armed so they could wreak further havoc. Turning to the situation in the Rukban camps, he said coalition forces had prevented the Government from delivering aid. The United States was using the area as a place to train terrorist forces, who would then be used to 􀃒􍉧ght other battles in the region. The situation in Syria did not require draft resolutions or semi-daily meetings. Instead, what was needed was for the Council to stand against the occupation of Syria by the United States, Israel and Turkey, aggressions carried out by the United States, France and the United Kingdom and the imposition of coercive measures against the Syrian people. For information media. Not an o􀃕􍕣cial record.