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Machine Translation denotes the translation of a text written in one language into another language performed by a computer program. In times of internet and globalisation, there has been a constantly growing need for machine translation. For example, think of the European Union, with its 24 official languages into which each official document must be translated. The translation of official documents would be less manageable and much less affordable without computer-aided translation systems. Most state-of-the-art machine translation systems are based on statistical models. These are trained on a bilingual text collection to "learn" translational correspondences of words (and phrases) of the two languages. The underlying text collection must be parallel, i.e. the content of one line must exactly correspond to the translation of this line in the other language. After training the statistical models, they can be used to translate new texts. However, one of the drawbacks of Statistical Machine Translation (SMT) is that it can only translate words which have occurred in the training texts. This applies in particular to SMT systems which have been designed for translating from and to German. It is widely known that German allows for productive word formation processes. Speakers of German can put together existing words to form new words, called compounds. An example is the German "Apfel + Baum = Apfelbaum" (="apple + tree = apple tree"). Theoretically there is no limit to the length of a German compound. Whereas "Apfelbaum" (= apple tree") is a rather common German compound, "Apfelbaumholzpalettenabtransport" (= "apple|tree|wood|pallet|removal") is a spontaneous new creation, which (probably) has not occurred in any text collection yet. The productivity of German compounds leads to a large number of distinct compound types, many of which occur only with low frequency in a text collection, if they occur at all. This fact makes German compounds a challenge for SMT systems, as only words which have occurred in the parallel training data can later be translated by the systems. Splitting compounds into their component words can solve this problem. For example, splitting "Apfelbaumholzpalettenabtransport" into its component words, it becomes intuitively clear that "Apfel" (= "apple"), "Baum" (= "tree"), "Palette" (= "palette") and "Abtransport" (= "removal") are all common German words, which should have occurred much more often in any text collection than the compound as a whole. Splitting compounds thus potentially makes them translatable part-by-part. This thesis deals with the question as to whether using morphologically aware compound splitting improves translation performance, when compared to previous approaches to compound splitting for SMT. To do so, we investigate both translation directions of the language pair German and English. In the past, there have been several approaches to compound splitting for SMT systems for translating from German to English. However, the problem has mostly been ignored for the opposite translation direction, from English to German. Note that this translation direction is the more challenging one: prior to training and translation, compounds must be split and after translation, they must be accurately reassembled. Moreover, German has a rich inflectional morphology. For example, it requires the agreement of all noun phrase components which are morphologically marked. In this thesis, we introduce a compound processing procedure for SMT which is able to put together new compounds that have not occurred in the parallel training data and inflects these compounds correctly – in accordance to their context. Our work is the first which takes syntactic information, derived from the source language sentence (here: English) into consideration for our decision which simple words to merge into compounds. We evaluate the quality of our morphological compound splitting approach using manual evaluations. We measure the impact of our compound processing approach on the translation performance of a state-of-the-art, freely available SMT system. We investigate both translation directions of the language pair German and English. Whenever possible, we compare our results to previous approaches to compound processing, most of which work without morphological knowledge. ; Der Begriff Maschinelle Übersetzung beschreibt Übersetzungen von einer natürlichen Sprache in eine andere unter Zuhilfenahme eines Computers oder Computerprogramms. In Zeiten des Internets und zunehmender Globalisierung sind maschinelle Übersetzungssysteme allgegenwärtig geworden. Man denke nur an die Europäische Union, mit ihren 24 offiziellen Amtssprachen, in welchen jedes offizielle EU-Dokument vorliegen muss. Die Übersetzungen offizieller Dokumente wären ohne computer-gestützte Systeme kaum zu bewältigen, vor allem aber wären sie unbezahlbar. Heutige maschinelle Übersetzungssysteme basieren zumeist auf statistischen Modellen. Diese werden auf einer zweisprachigen Textmenge trainiert um Wortentsprechungen beider Sprachen zu "lernen". Die zugrundeliegende Textmenge, bestehend aus Millionen von Sätzen, muss in paralleler Form vorliegen, d.h. der Inhalt jeder Zeile muss genau der Übersetzung dieser Zeile in der anderen Sprache entsprechen. Nachdem die statistischen Modelle trainiert wurden, können sie dann auf die Übersetzung von neuen Texten angewandt werden. Ein entscheidender Nachteil der Statistischen Maschinellen Übersetzung (SMÜ) ist, dass nur Wörter und Konstrukte übersetzt werden können, die zuvor in der großen Trainingstextmenge vorgekommen sind. Dies gilt insbesondere für SMÜ Systeme, die für die Übersetzung von und nach Deutsch konzipiert sind. Die deutsche Sprache ist weitgehend bekannt für ihre produktiven Wortbildungsprozesse. Sprecher des Deutschen können jederzeit durch Zusammensetzung bereits vorhandener Wörter neue Wörter bilden, sogenannte Komposita. Ein Beispiel hierfür ist "Apfel+Baum = Apfelbaum". Deutsche Komposita können theoretisch unendlich lang werden. Wohingegen "Apfelbaum" ein recht gebräuchliches und dadurch häufig vorkommendes Kompositum ist, ist "Apfelbaumholzpalettenabtransport" eine spontane Neubildung, für die es (vermutlich) noch keine Belege gibt. Durch die Produktivität deutscher Komposita, kommt es zu einer sehr hohen Anzahl an verschiedenen Komposita-Typen, von denen wiederum viele nur selten (oder auch gar nicht) in Texten vorgekommen sind. Diese Tatsache macht deutsche Komposita problematisch für SMÜ Systeme, da nur Wörter, die in den Trainingstexten vorgekommen sind, auch von den Systemen übersetzt werden können. Die Zerlegung von Komposita in ihre Einzelwörter kann hierbei Abhilfe schaffen. Wenn man z.B. "Apfelbaumholzpalettenabtransport" in seine Bestandteile zerlegt, wird schnell klar, daß "Apfel", "Baum", "Holz", "Palette," und "Abtransport" alles gewöhnliche deutsche Wörter sind, die eher in den Trainingstexten vorgekommen sind als das Kompositum an sich. Die Zerlegung von Komposita macht sie also potentiell Wort für Wort übersetzbar. Diese Dissertation befasst sich mit der Frage ob durch Zerlegung deutscher Komposita mithilfe morphologischen Wissens die Übersetzungsqualität eines SMÜ Systems verbessert werden kann, im Vergleich zu früheren Methoden zur Kompositazerlegung. Wir untersuchen hierfür beide Übersetzungsrichtungen des Sprachpaares Deutsch und Englisch. Wohingegen es schon einige verfügbare Ansätze zur Kompositazerlegung für SMÜ Systeme von Deutsch nach Englisch gibt, ist das Problem für die entgegengesetzte Übersetzungsrichtung von Englisch nach Deutsch bisher weitgehend ignoriert worden. Man bedenke zum einen, dass bei einer Übersetzung vom Englischen ins Deutsche die deutschen Komposita nicht nur vor der Übersetzung zerlegt werden müssen, sondern sie müssen auch anschließend wieder korrekt zusammengefügt werden. Zum anderen verfügt das Deutsche über eine reiche Flexionsmorphologie, die z.B. die Übereinstimmung aller morphologisch markierten Merkmale innerhalb einer Nominalphrase verlangt. Wir stellen in dieser Dissertation erstmals ein Werkzeug zur Kompositabehandlung in SMÜ vor, das bei Bedarf Komposita zusammenfügen kann, die in den Trainingstexten nicht vorgekommen sind und außerdem diese Komposita – in Abhängigkeit ihres unmittelbaren Kontextes – mit einer korrekten Flexionsendung versehen kann. Die Entscheidung darüber, welche Einzelwörter nach der Übersetzung zu Komposita zusammengefügt werden sollen, treffen wir erstmals unter Berücksichtigung von syntaktischen Informationen, die aus dem zu übersetzenden Satz aus der Quellsprache (in diesem Fall: Englisch) abgeleitet wurden. Wir überprüfen die Qualität unseres morphologischen Ansatzes zur Kompositazer-legung einerseits anhand manueller Evaluierungen, andererseits messen wir den Einfluß unserer Kompositabehandlung auf die Übersetzungsqualität eines aktuellen, frei verfügbaren, SMÜ Systems. Wir untersuchen beide Übersetzungsrichtungen des Sprachpaares Deutsch und Englisch. Wo immer möglich, vergleichen wir unsere Ergebnisse mit früheren Ansätzen zur Kompositabehandlung, die zumeist ohne morphologisches Wissen auskommen.

AbstractThe Mid-Atlantic: Fantasmatic Genealogies of the French and American New WavesbyJonathan E. HaynesDoctor of Philosophy in Film & MediaUniversity of California, BerkeleyProfessors Kaja Silverman and Kristen Whissel, Co-ChairsThis dissertation re-imagines the contexts for the paradigmatic film movement of the sixties. The French New Wave, I argue, was made and remade in translation, as texts circulated among French and American scholars, critics, and filmmakers. Subtending this circulation was a genealogical fantasy, with deep roots in the 19th century of Charles Baudelaire and Edgar Allan Poe. The Baudelaire-Poe liaison has become the defining symbol of la rencontre franco-américaine and is often invoked to characterize the transformative effects of Truffaut's and Godard's politique des auteurs on the reputations of key American filmmakers, like Howard Hawks and Nicholas Ray. Ambiguously connected to official traffic between the two nations, and manifest in a decades-long labor of translation that Baudelaire himself compared to prayer, l'affaire Baudelaire-Poe illuminates the degree to which French-American exchange was transferential. In Poe, Baudelaire saw the reflection of his own desire, and he spent the last years of his life making Poe's work his own. In so far as the Nouvelle Vague belongs to this lineage, the film movement cannot be confined to France and the early sixties; nor are the texts of the Nouvelle Vague (the films and the criticism) fully answerable to the exigencies of post-War phenomena, such as the Marshall Plan and generation gaps. Rather, these designators of historical specificity mediate a more complex, even subversive, family drama, in which French authors write themselves into the history of American art, while American authors re-invent French works in their own image. To capture the Oceanic qualities of a cultural exchange in which transnational logics are subordinate to intersubjective ones, I produce a new term - The Mid-Atlantic. The Mid-Atlantic refers to the actual space between France and America, where planes and boats crossed, transferring materials between the two nations. But the Mid-Atlantic has its own history, independent of its status as a shipping route. In the dissertation's introduction, I examine how the Mid-Atlantic has been figured by authors like Herman Melville, Gilles Deleuze, and Jean-Luc Godard, in order to make the case that the Mid-Atlantic constitutes a fantasmatic origin for the Nouvelle Vague. In Chapter One ("Beyond the Zero: Jacques Rivette on Fritz Lang") I argue that la politique des auteurs re-tailored film history in the image of desire. Through a close reading of Jacques Rivette's 1957 review of Fritz Lang's Beyond a Reasonable Doubt (1956), the German emigré's last Hollywood film, I attempt to show the devious ways in which Rivette assumes "authorship" of Fritz Lang through an act of critical exegesis that re-doubles and sublates the film it describes. Beyond a Reasonable Doubt and its author dissolve into Rivette's poetic description (which is also a depiction, the "stylo" transformed into the "caméra"). For the contemporary reader, who can only read this article in the foreknowledge of the legendary Nouvelle Vague films soon to appear, the article is doubly prophetic. It augurs the author Rivette - Paris nous appartient (1961) - as well as the future history of the Auteur "Lang," who ever-after would belong to the past of the Nouvelle Vague. Chapter Two, "Corresponding Vessels: Truffaut-Hitchcock" develops the larger argument about Franco-American transference through a close analysis of François Truffaut's legendary book of interviews with the master of suspense. In Truffaut's "Hitchbook," each auteur plays a part in the other's film: Hitchcock becomes a character in Baiser volés (Stolen Kisses 1968), while Truffaut, his merciless interlocutor, adopts the prosecutorial features of the detectives from The Wrong Man (1956). Like its literary ancestor, Baudelaire's Histoires Extraordinaires , which spawned a great deal of 20th century modernist art (from Symbolist poetry to le policier), I argue that the "Hitchbook" was the Big Bang of modern film studies in France and America. Published almost simultaneously (in 1967) on both sides of the Atlantic, this classic text was the root of New Hollywood, as well as gaze theory - here, Hitchcock becomes an Absolute Cinematic Value. In "Downtown Godard," my third chapter, I examine Amos Poe's 1976 "No Wave" film, Unmade Beds . Poe's film restages Godard's A bout de souffle (1959) on the bombed-out streets of New York's Lower East Side, and discloses unexpected affinities between the American Underground of Andy Warhol and Jack Smith and the Nouvelle Vague of Godard and Truffaut. I argue that the eponymonous "unmade beds" refer to one unmade bed - the ransacked hotel mattress in Godard's first feature, around which Jean-Paul Belmondo and Jean Seberg orbited, like twin galaxies of French-American connotation. A Mid-Atlantic figure par excellence, the unmade bed stands for the primal scene of sixties and seventies experimental film. My fourth and final chapter ("The Resurrection and the Life") examines the preponderance of the "death of the cinema" metaphor in current film and media discourse, in order to bring into focus how this crucial Nouvelle Vague concept (la fin de cinéma) operates in Mid-Atlantic terms. I read two "post-cinematic" films - Luc Moullet's 1971 "western," A Girl is a Gun: Une aventure de billy le kid and Alexandre Aja's shocking 2003 horror film, Haute tension - in parallel. Both films occupy the modality of le cinéma mort, as emblematized by important films like Godard's Weekend (1967) and Pier Paolo Pasolini's Salò (1975), which put "revolt" under the sign of revulsion. Yet, both also demonstrate the degree to which the "death of the cinema," however taken - as a militant call (Death to Cinema!) or as a simple fact of the mediatic society (the totemistic "cinema" of digital culture) - necessitates the appearance of a new kind of image, which will form the mythological basis for a New Cinema. In the dissertation's conclusion ("The Embryonic Image"), I extrapolate the consequences of this "new image" for film historiography and theory. Here I turn to Godard's Histoire(s) du cinéma (1988-1998), in particular a sequence from that work in which a portrait of a young woman overlays a scene from Charles Laughton's Night of the Hunter (1955). Godard's image, I argue, brings Mid-Atlantic figuration to a late-20th century apotheosis. It invokes the prayerful mood of Baudelaire's Poe translations ("Le voyage" is read on the soundtrack), and it postulates that the Cinema Itself was born in a single spasm of recognition: a French poet seeing his own features reflected in the words of an American poet.

I mange lande I Europa og resten af verden står el-systemer ved overgangen til en ny æra: De omdannes fra at være centraliseret og baseret på fossile brændsler til at blive bæredygtige og mere integreret. Politiske beslutningstagere har en vigtig rolle i denne process: Ambitiøse mål for at øge andelen af vedvarende energikilder skal realiseres gennem tilsvarende investeringer i nye teknologier. Forståelsen for energipolitikkens virkning samt effekten af støtteinstrumenter på investeringer, især med henblik på risiko, er af helt afgørende betydning for udviklingen af hensigtsmæssige politiske rammebetingelser til energisystemer med en høj andel af vedvarende energikilder. Denne afhandling bidrager til forskningen på området om politisk støtte til vedvarende energi. Med særlig fokus på investeringsrisiko, undersøges forskellige støtteinstrumenters økonomiske konsekvenser, både fra et investorsynspunkt og fra et samfundsmæssigt perspektiv. Afhandlingen evaluerer energipolitik og især støtteinstrumenter til vedvarende energi med hensyn til forskellene i incitamentet til at investere, effektiviteten ved etablering af vedvarende teknologier, omkostningseffektiviteten (i form af de nødvendige støtteniveauer) og velfærds-økonomiske effekter. Fokus ligger på økonomiske incitamenter til elproduktion fra vedvarende energikilder, som har væsentlig indflydelse på risikoprofilen i investeringer (såsom kvoteordninger og faste tariffer). Konsekvenserne evalueres for forskellige politiske valgmuligheder. Vi viser, både kvalitativt og kvantitativt, at politiske beslutningstagere ikke kan negligere effekter fra risikoeksponering, når der bestemmes hvilke støtteinstrumenter der skal bruges, og hvordan de skal bruges uden at det går udover effektiviteten. De centrale forskingsspørgsmål er: Hvordan kan risikoeksponering fra støtteinstrumenter integreres i energipolitikken, således at der ydes passende incitamenter til at investere i vedvarende energi? Og kan hensyntagen til konsekvenserne a disse risici føre til en overordnet mere succesfuld energipolitik? Disse spørgsmål bliver besvaret i syv forskningsartikler (fire videnskabelige tidsskriftsartikler, to konferenceartikler og et arbejdspapir), der er baseret på en kombination af mikroøkonomisk teori og analyse af virkemidler. Der benyttes økonomisk teori til kvantitative analyser af inverstingsmuligheder under usikkerhed, herunder portefølje-teori, realoptions-analyse, Monte-Carlo-simuleringer og tidsserieanalyse af de underliggende data. Modellering af stokastiske prisprocesser spiller en vigtig rolle i analysen. Vi viser at støttesystemer der bruger pristillæg, kræver, på grund af en højere risikoeksponering, strukturelt højere støtteniveauer end systemer der er baseret på faste tariffer. Vi kvantificerer forskellen i flere konkrete eksempler for offshore-vindenergi i Danmark og Tyskland og estimerer den til at være mellem 4,3-10 EUR/MWh, saverende til 40% af støtteomkostningerne i særlige tilfælde. Den lavere risikoeksponering ved faste tariffer fører også til hurtigere udbredelse af vedvarende energi og, i nogle tilfælde, mindre projektstørrelser. Resultaterne for kvoteordninger er mere tvetydige og afhænger af karakteristika i de underliggende stokastiske processer. Vi viser tilmed at en reduktion af risikoen for investorer kan hjælpe med til at få en succesfuld overgang til et bæredygtigt energisystem. Dette kræver dog at visse betingelser er opfyldt, og politiske sikkerhedsforanstaltninger bliver overholdt. Samlet set bidrager denne afhandling til modeludvikling med henblik på analysen af støtteordninger og den relaterede risikoeksponering ved at bruge flere partielle modeller der er udviklet på en innovativ måde, og således nemt og hurtigt frembringer anvendelige resultater. Der er herved udviklet værktøjer som kan bruges af politiske beslutningstagere i processen om udvikling af ordninger til vedvarende energikilder, for eksempel når der skal vælges et støtteinstrument eller der skal fastlægges støtteniveauer. ; In many countries in Europe and the rest of the world, electricity systems are on the verge of a new era: they are transforming from begin CO2-intensive and centralised towards becoming sustainable and more integrated. The role of policy makers in this transition is evident: ambitious targets of abandoning the use of fossil fuels and increasing the use of renewable energy sources (RES) need to become reality through respective investments in new technologies. Understanding the effects of energy policy and support instruments on investments, especially in terms of risks, is crucial for developing an adequate policy framework in energy systems with high shares of renewable energies. This dissertation contributes to the research area of RES policy support. With a special focus on risk implications of policy, the economic consequences of different RES support instruments are investigated, both from an investor's perspective and from a societal point of view. This dissertation assesses energy policy and especially renewable support instruments with regard to their differences in investment incentives, effectiveness of deploying renewable technologies, cost-efficiency (in terms of required support levels) and welfare economic effects. Focus lies on policy incentives for electricity generation from renewable energies that have significant influence on the risk profile of investments (such as renewable quota systems and fixed feed-in tariffs). The consequences of different policy portfolios are evaluated. We show, both qualitatively and quantitatively, that policy makers cannot neglect risk implications when designing RES support instruments without compromising either on effectiveness or cost-efficiency of energy policy. The central research questions are: how can risk implications of RES policy instruments be integrated into policy design, so that the policies provide adequate investment incentives? And can the consideration of such risk implications in policy design make overall energy policy more successful? These questions are answered in seven research papers (four journal papers, two conference papers and a working paper), based on a combination of micro-economic and policy analysis. Financial theory is used for the quantitative analysis of investment problems under uncertainty, including mean-variance portfolio theory, real option analysis, Monte Carlo simulations and time series analysis of the underlying data. Modelling of stochastic price processes plays an important role in the analysis. Using concrete cases for offshore wind in Denmark and Germany, we show that feed-in premiums structurally require higher support levels than feed-in tariffs due to the higher risk exposure. We quantify this effect for several cases, and obtain differences of 4.3-10 EUR/MWh, corresponding to up to 40% of the support payments in particular cases. Lower risk exposure under feed-in tariffs also leads to faster deployment and in some situations smaller project sizes. The results for tradable green certificate schemes are more ambiguous, depending on the characteristics of the underlying stochastic processes. We also show that policies that reduce risk for investors can trigger more successful energy transitions, if certain conditions are fulfilled and policy safeguards are put in place for later phases of the development. Overall, this dissertation contributes with model development in the area of support scheme analysis, using several innovative approaches for partial models that produce easily and quickly applicable results. Thus, tools are provided that help in the design of RES support policies, e.g. when deciding between support instruments and when determining adequate support levels.

Das Tibet-Plateau mit seinen angrenzenden Gebirgszügen (TP) ist eines der markantesten geologischen Merkmale auf der Erde. Es spielt eine wesentliche Rolle als beeinflussender Faktor der globalen atmosphärischen Zirkulation, auf ihm entspringen mehrere der größten asiatischen Flüsse und große Mengen Eis, Schnee und Permafrost sind auf ihm gespeichert. Das Klima auf dem TP unterliegt sowohl dem Einfluss der Westwinde der mittleren Breiten, als auch des asiatischen Monsuns. Allerdings ist die Interaktion dieser beiden Faktoren und ihr jeweiliger Beitrag zu regionaler Klimavariabilität und Klimawandel noch ungenügend verstanden. Der beobachtete Rückgang von Gletschern und Seespiegelschwankungen deutet auf einen möglichen Klimawandel hin, aber die starke räumliche Variabilität dieser Phänomene erschwert die Interpretation bezüglich klimatischer Antriebe. Trotz dieser Relevanz ist das Wissen über Klima und Wasserkreislauf des Tibet-Plateaus stark begrenzt. Aus geschichtlichen und politischen Gründen sind direkte Messdaten aus der Region spärlich und für die hohen Lagen des Tibet-Plateaus kaum vorhanden. In dieser Arbeit stelle ich einen Lösungsansatz für dieses Problem vor: einen neuen hochaufgelösten atmosphärischen Datensatz, die High Asia Reanalysis (HAR). Die HAR wurde mittels dynamischem Downscaling globaler Analysedaten unter Verwendung des Weather Research and Forecasting (WRF) Modells für die Periode 2001-2011 generiert. Dieser neue Datensatz liefert bodennahe und atmosphärische Variablen in hoher räumlicher (bis zu 10 km) und zeitlicher (stündlich) Auflösung. Um eine geeignete Modellkonfiguration zur Erstellung der HAR zu ermitteln, wurden verschiedene Konfigurationen getestet und mit Beobachtungen während eines Starkniederschlagsereignisses auf dem TP verglichen. Dies ging mit der Entwicklung neuer Evaluierungsmethoden einher, um die unbekannte Genauigkeit und die mangelhafte räumliche Repräsentation der Verhältnisse auf dem TP durch Beobachtungen zu berücksichtigen. Zusätzlich wurde eine automatische Wetterstation (AWS) auf dem Zhadang-Gletscher (südzentrales TP) in 5600 m ü.NN installiert. Diese AWS liefert einmalige Daten aus großer Höhe für diese Region. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass HAR bekannte räumliche Niederschlagsmuster und deren Saisonalität reproduziert. Zudem liefert sie im Vergleich zu bereits existierenden Datensätzen auf Grund ihrer hohen Auflösung wichtige Zusatzinformationen im Bereich der Schneefalleigenschaften, Niederschlagsfrequenzen oder orographischen Niederschläge. Die Muster der Niederschlagssaisonalität auf dem TP sind komplex und durch ein Winterregime im Westen, ein Frühlingsregime im nördlichen und südlichen TP und ein Sommerregime in den übrigen Regionen bestimmt. Zusammenhänge zur Interpretation der Gletscherveränderungen werden durch eine neue Klassifikation von Gletscherakkumulationsregimen veranschaulicht. Zusätzlich treten Regionen mit höherer interannueller Variabilität und Anfälligkeit für Starkniederschlagsereignisse hervor. Ein weiteres Ziel der HAR ist die Bereitstellung von Antriebsdaten für Wirkmodelle (z.B. hydrologische und glaziologische Modelle). Daher wird das Potenzial der HAR als "Ersatz" für Beobachtungen am Beispiel der komplexen räumlichen Begebenheiten am Zhadang-Gletscher gezeigt. Es ist von besonderem Interesse die starke räumliche Variabilität des Niederschlags und seiner Charakteristika im Hinblick auf sowohl (i) großskalige Antriebsfaktoren des Klimasystems wie die Westwinde und den Asiatischen Monsun, als auch (ii) lokale Einflüsse wie Seen und Topographie zu analysieren. In diesem Zusammenhang präsentiert die Arbeit interdisziplinäre Projekte, die neue Herangehensweisen entwickeln und die HAR mit Feldmessungen, Fernerkundungsmethoden und glaziologischer Modellierung kombinieren. Aus Satellitenbildern gewonnene Flächenänderungen zeigen, dass der Zhadang Gletscher mindestens seit 1976 zurückgeht. Eine physikalisch basierte Modellkette ermöglicht es, die Massenbilanz am Zhadang mit der Dynamik des Asiatischen Monsuns in Verbindung zu bringen. Sie zeigt, dass der Zeitpunkt des Monsunbeginns einen deutlichen Fußabdruck auf dem Gletscher durch den Albedoeffekt hinterlässt. Je später im Jahr sich die Monsunzirkulation einstellt, desto höher ist der resultierende Massenverlust auf dem Gletscher. Unter Verwendung der HAR und idealisierter Modellexperimente wurde der nahegelegene Nam Co See als ein weiterer wichtiger Faktor identifiziert, der den lokalen Niederschlag durch Abschwächung der Konvektion im Sommer und Verstärkung des Schneefalls im Herbst beeinflusst. Die meisten Seen auf dem TP frieren im Winter zu. Der Zeitpunkt des Zufrierens und weitere Eisphänologiemaße enthalten nützliche Informationen zur Klimavariabilität. In diesem Sinn bringt eine weitere Studie die HAR Temperaturdaten mit satellitengestützten Eisphänologiemaßen in Zusammenhang. Die vorliegende Arbeit bietet ein solides wissenschaftliches Gerüst für ähnliche Projekte, die sich mit regionaler Reanalyse befassen. Der HAR Datensatz ist für die wissenschaftliche Community frei verfügbar und schafft eine neue Grundlage zum besseren Verständnis von atmosphärischen, kryosphärischen und hydrologischen Prozessen auf dem TP. ; The Tibetan Plateau and adjacent mountain ranges (TP) is one of the most prominent geological features on Earth. It plays a significant role in influencing global atmospheric circulation, is the source of several major Asian rivers, and stores large amounts of ice, snow and permafrost. The climate on the TP is described as being under the influence of both the mid-latitude westerlies and the Asian Monsoon, but their contributions to regional climate variability and change, as well as their interactions, are not yet understood in detail. Observed glacier retreat and lake level fluctuations are indicators of climate change, but the strong spatial variability of these indicators make interpretations difficult in terms of climatic drivers. Despite its crucial importance, knowledge about the TP's climate and hydrology is still limited. For historical, political and logistical reasons, in situ observations are scarce and biased towards lower elevations. To address this issue, I present a new high-resolution atmospheric dataset: the High Asia Reanalysis (HAR), generated by dynamical downscaling of global analysis data using the Weather Research and Forecasting (WRF) model for the period of 2001-2011. The new dataset provides three-dimensional meteorological variables at high spatial (up to 10 km) and temporal (hourly) resolution. In order to find a suitable design for HAR, several model designs and configurations were tested and compared to observations during a strong precipitation event on the TP. New methods of evaluation were developed to address issues related to the unknown accuracy and the low spatial representativeness of available observations. Additionally, an automatic weather station was installed at 5600 m a.s.l. on Zhadang Glacier, south-central TP, which provides exceptional observations of a high-altitude environment. Results show that HAR reproduces previously reported spatial patterns and seasonality of precipitation. The high resolution of HAR adds value to existing datasets regarding snowfall retrieval, precipitation frequency and orographic precipitation. Precipitation seasonality patterns on the TP are complex and characterised by a winter regime in the west, a spring regime in northern and southern TP, and a summer regime elsewhere. Implications for the interpretation of glacier changes are illustrated with a new classification of glacier accumulation regimes. Additionally, regions with higher inter-annual variability and/or that are prone to severe precipitation events are identified. Since an additional goal of HAR is to provide forcing data for impact models (e.g. hydrological or glaciological models), the potential of HAR as a "replacement" for observations is demonstrated, focusing on the Zhadang Glacier. The strong spatial variability of precipitation features is of particular interest, in light of (i) large-scale drivers of the climate system like the westerlies and the Asian Monsoon, as well as (ii) local influences, such as lakes and topography. In this respect, multidisciplinary projects are presented, which develop new approaches combining HAR with field measurements, remote sensing techniques and glaciological modelling. Area changes acquired from satellite imagery show that the Zhadang Glacier is retreating since at least 1976. A physically based modelling chain permits the mass balance at Zhadang to be linked to Asian Monsoon dynamics, and reveals that the timing of monsoon onset leaves a clear footprint on the glacier through the albedo effect. The later the monsoon is established in a particular year, the higher the resulting mass loss on the glacier. Using HAR and idealised model experiments, the nearby Nam Co lake is identified as another important factor affecting local precipitation, by weakening convection in summer and enhancing snowfall in autumn. Most lakes on the TP freeze in winter. The timing of freezing and other ice phenology metrics hold useful information about climate variability, as shown in a further study linking HAR temperature data with ice phenology metrics obtained from satellite observations. This thesis provides a robust scientific framework for related regional reanalysis projects at TU Berlin or elsewhere. The HAR dataset, which is freely available to the scientific community, provides a valuable basis for improving our understanding of atmospheric, cryospheric and hydrospheric processes on the TP.

Allereerst willen we opmerken dat het ons goed doet dat het boek goed (en kritisch) gelezen wordt, zoals nu door Ronald Hoekstra. We vinden het ook een uitstekend idee van KWALON om op deze manier de discussie over praktijkgericht onderzoek te stimuleren. Het stimuleren van de dialoog over praktijkgericht onderzoek was voor ons een van de belangrijke redenen om het boek te schrijven.We beginnen bij het eind, waar Hoekstra verzucht: 'Laten we (...) gewoon van "toegepast onderzoek" (...) spreken.' In toenemende mate wordt er in kringen van reflectieve professionals gesproken van praktijkgericht onderzoek en met goede redenen. Ook de HBO-raad pleit expliciet voor het gebruik van de term praktijkgericht onderzoek. Meer dan de inmiddels wat sleetse term 'toegepast onderzoek' geeft die benaming aan dat de professionele praktijk het uitgangspunt én richtpunt is van dit onderzoek. De methodologische logica op zichzelf is niet anders dan die van andere 'soorten' wetenschappelijk onderzoek, alleen deze principiële oriëntatie, deze inbedding, is kenmerkend en onderscheidend. En daarmee wordt het ook een belangrijke identiteitsbepaler van hogescholen, waar zich thans in rap tempo een onderzoekstraditie vestigt met een eigen gezicht, die geen aftreksel wil zijn van wat er op universiteiten gebeurt, maar zelfbewust een eigen niche definieert. De term 'toegepast onderzoek' past bij een andere traditie, waarbij we – terzijde – voorstanders van deze benaming graag uitdagen om aan te geven wat er nu eigenlijk op wat wordt toegepast. Onderzoek 'toegepast' op de praktijk? Maar dat is nu juist het soort dichotomie waar we vanaf willen.Dan de kwestie van de paradigma's en het standpunt dat praktijkgericht onderzoek vooral zal plaatsvinden vanuit het interpretatieve en/of emancipatorische paradigma. We wilden ons daarmee niet bekennen tot één richting onder uitsluiting van andere. We willen in die zin uitdrukkelijk pluralistisch zijn. Het boek legt daar ook uitgebreid getuigenis van af. Naast de interpretatieve, kwalitatieve benadering wordt er uitgebreid aandacht besteed aan bijvoorbeeld positivistische, kwantitatieve benaderingen. Er wordt relatief veel plaats ingeruimd voor kwantitatieve analyse en statistische technieken. Het boek omvat een uitgebreide discussie over dit onderwerp, laat argumenten zien van voor- en nadelen van evidence-based praktijkonderzoek, introduceert de term practice-based evidence en presenteert de effectladder van Van Yperen (p. 146-148) als een graduele tussenweg in deze discussie en een zinvol instrument om haalbare effecten vast te stellen en te meten. Dus wij delen niet de opvatting dat het positivistische paradigma er bekaaid af komt, integendeel. Maar wie zich de werkelijkheid van de professional in zijn dagelijkse praktijk tracht voor te stellen – met name in de praktijk van onderwijs, zorg, hulp- en dienstverlening en dergelijke, een belangrijk referentiekader voor deze auteurs en hun studenten – begrijpt dat in de meeste situaties de interpretatieve/emancipatorische benadering het meest voor de hand ligt. Daar zal het vaak gaan om de persoonlijke interactie met leerlingen, cliënten of collega's en ligt een empirisch-analytische toetsing van de nulhypothese minder voor de hand. Maar we sluiten die ook weer niet voor eens en voor altijd uit. Omgekeerd pleiten wij ervoor dat praktijkgerichte onderzoekers die menen te moeten kiezen voor een positivistisch paradigma die keuze evenzeer verantwoorden.Opmerkelijk is dat Hoekstra's werkervaring op de universiteit hem doet besluiten dat het boek te hoog gegrepen zou zijn voor studenten van het hbo. Dat is niet onze ervaring. In de evaluaties die wij hebben gehouden, blijkt dat het boek hogelijk gewaardeerd wordt door deze doelgroep en door hun docenten. 'De student' die ons voor ogen stond bij het schrijven (en die wij ook uit eigen ervaring jarenlang kennen) is de hbo-masterstudent. Dat zijn bijna allemaal mensen die al enige jaren in de praktijk werkzaam zijn en die een bacheloropleiding hebben afgerond. Bij de Hogeschool Utrecht wordt het boek bijvoorbeeld gebruikt in de masteropleiding Leren en Innoveren, de reguliere masteropleidingen en bij de Leergang van de Academische Opleidingsscholen. Studenten en docenten werken er met veel plezier mee en geven aan er goed mee uit de voeten te kunnen.Een punt van onderlinge discussie voor ons was wel of we moesten beginnen met een – inderdaad wat theoretische – relatief uitgebreide uiteenzetting van de verschillende paradigma's die in het sociaalwetenschappelijk onderzoek opgeld doen. Enerzijds waren we bang dat de student die het boek van voor naar achter als studieboek zou gaan doorlezen hierdoor mogelijk ontmoedigd zou raken. Anderzijds is er de logische noodzaak om de verschillende onderzoeksstrategieën en -methoden van meet af aan uit te bouwen vanuit hun diepere filosofische wortels waarnaar regelmatig terugverwezen kan worden. We zijn van mening dat er voor het onderwijs in methoden en technieken van onderzoek voor het hbo te veel how-to, hands-on boeken bestaan, die aan die diepere gelaagdheid voorbijgaan en daarmee uiteindelijk hun lezers geen dienst bewijzen. Het doet denken aan het door Rang gemunte concept uitsluiting door participatie. We hebben getracht dit 'dilemma' te ondervangen door in de inleiding aan te geven dat het boek goed als naslagwerk te gebruiken is en niet per se van kaft tot kaft doorgewerkt dient te worden. De begeleidende docent kan daarin een gidsende rol spelen.We nemen Hoekstra's opmerkingen over de doorwerking van onderzoek ter harte. We zouden ons ervan af kunnen maken door te wijzen op het gegeven dat in veel van de door ons besproken onderzoeksstrategieën, zoals met name bij actieonderzoek en ontwerponderzoek, deze 'doorwerking' een inherent en onontkoombaar onderdeel is van het proces. Bij onze bespreking van actieonderzoek wordt expliciet ingegaan op veranderingsprocessen en de aspecten die daarin belemmerend dan wel faciliterend kunnen werken. Bij praktijkgericht onderzoek en de reflectieve professional zoals wij die voor ogen hebben, vormen praktijk, onderzoek, evaluatie, ontwikkelen, innovatie en feedback van de betrokkenen één geheel. Misschien is het juist inherent aan 'toegepast onderzoek' dat onderzoeker en onderzochte gescheiden zijn, verschillende belangen vertegenwoordigen en derhalve betrekkelijk weinig boodschap hebben aan elkaar. Maar ook voor ons kan het geen kwaad om nog eens goed te kijken naar wat Hoekstra 'doorwerking' noemt.Het is in zekere zin wel jammer dat Hoekstra zo kapitaliseert op het positivisme en toegepast onderzoek. Relevanter in onze ogen zijn de vele schakeringen die in het boek zijn aangebracht, zoals de wisselwerking tussen de regulatieve en de empirische cyclus, de mogelijkheid om in een onderzoek je niet alleen te richten op wat observeerbaar is, maar ook op wat zich onder het zichtbare niveau afspeelt en de behandeling van de keuzes die de onderzoeker moet maken en verantwoorden om tot een eenduidig, voorlopig ontwerponderzoek te komen. Dan hebben we het nog niet over de bespreking van de ethische kanten van praktijkonderzoek en de verschillende rollen die de onderzoekers in dit verband dienen te spelen.In elk geval zijn we erkentelijk voor de kritische bespreking van ons werk. We werken aan een nieuwe druk en kunnen elk serieus commentaar goed gebruiken.

This historical research traces the evolution of the French schools in Vietnam from 1945 to 1975, drawing from archives and interviews with former students and teachers. In colonial Indochina, under the guise of the "civilizing mission", the French established an educational system designed to produce only subordinates, as they feared that a better education would create individuals likely to threaten the colonial order. Yet, in spite of the resistance of colonial authorities, Vietnamese elites always managed to send their children to the local French schools that were, in principle, open only to Europeans.After World War II, Vietnam embarked on the path of independence, forcing the French to rethink their educational policy in a country that was no longer a colony. After believing for a while that France would remain "the educator of Indochina", the French accepted to play a supporting role in Vietnamese education through the creation of a cultural mission. There was no longer question of limiting access to French schools: rather, those schools opened their doors wide to Vietnamese students to offer them a high-quality education. The French defeat of Ði?n Bien Phu in 1954, which resulted in France's political withdrawal from Vietnam, accelerated the transformation of the former colonial education system. Passing under the tutelage of Foreign Affairs, the French schools in Vietnam became an instrument of cultural diplomacy. The French hoped that their continuing cultural presence, and particularly their prestigious lycées, would grant them a decisive influence in Vietnamese affairs. In the North, in the pro-Soviet Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the Lycée Albert-Sarraut became the only western school to operate in a communist nation, allowing the French to maintain a special relationship with a country that the West considered as an enemy. This unique experience was terminated in 1965 due to lack of agreement between the French and the North Vietnamese on the nature of the school. In the South, in the nationalist, pro-American Republic of Vietnam, the situation remained favorable to the French. Vietnamese elites rushed the gates of French schools, which promise them a quality education and a better future for their children in a war-torn country. For the French, the attractiveness of their schools and of French culture allowed them to counter the growing influence of the United States, who were then pushing ahead with reform, especially in the Vietnamese educational system. Nevertheless, the South Vietnamese government, for political reasons, decreed in the late 1960s the gradual nationalization of the French school system. After the Reunification of April 1975, all French schools were returned to the Vietnamese state. As told by the "official" history described in the archives, the story of the French educational system in Vietnam ends in failure. In both North and South Vietnam, French efforts in cultural diplomacy in Vietnam came to naught. Not only the Vietnamese elites did not concur with the French political positions, but the prominence of French language and culture actually decreased in Vietnam from the 1950s onwards.However, the hundred or so alumni we have interviewed about this period of their lives have described the French school system as a success. ; Ce travail de recherche historique retrace l'évolution de l'école française au Vietnam de 1945 à 1975, en s'appuyant à la fois sur les archives et sur les témoignages d'anciens élèves et professeurs. Dans l'Indochine coloniale, sous couvert de la « mission civilisatrice », les Français instaurent un système éducatif destiné à produire des subalternes, leur crainte étant de créer des « déclassés » menaçants pour l'ordre colonial. Pourtant, en dépit des résistances officielles, les élites vietnamiennes font entrer leurs enfants dans les lycées français réservés en principe aux Européens, s'appropriant en partie ces établissements.Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le Vietnam s'engage dans la voie de l'indépendance, obligeant les Français à repenser leur doctrine scolaire, qui, après avoir cru un moment que la France resterait « l'éducatrice de l'Indochine », se résolvent à un rôle d'accompagnement via la création d'une mission culturelle. Il n'est plus question de limiter l'accès des Vietnamiens aux lycées français mais au contraire de leur ouvrir les portes pour leur proposer un enseignement de haut niveau. La défaite française de Ði?n Biên Ph? en 1954, qui voit la France se désengager du Vietnam, accélère la mutation de l'ancien système éducatif colonial. En passant sous la tutelle des Affaires étrangères, l'enseignement français au Vietnam devient un instrument de la diplomatie culturelle. Les Français espèrent qu'une présence culturelle assurée notamment par leurs prestigieux lycées leur garantira une influence déterminante. Au Nord, dans la République Démocratique du Vietnam pro-soviétique, le Lycée Albert-Sarraut devient la seule école occidentale à fonctionner dans un État du bloc communiste, et permet aux Français de conserver en pleine Guerre froide un lien privilégié avec un pays considéré en Occident comme un ennemi. Cette expérience unique s'achève en 1965 faute d'entente entre Français et Nord-Vietnamiens sur la nature du lycée. Au Sud, dans la République du Vietnam nationaliste et pro-américaine, la situation reste plus longtemps favorable aux Français. Les élites vietnamiennes se pressent aux portes des lycées français, gages d'un enseignement de qualité et d'un meilleur avenir pour leurs enfants dans un pays en guerre. Pour les Français, cette attirance pour leurs écoles et pour la culture française leur permet de contrer l'influence grandissante des États-Unis, qui investissent lourdement dans la réforme de l'État sud-vietnamien et notamment dans celle du système éducatif. Cependant, les gouvernements sud-vietnamiens, pour des raisons politiques, décrètent à la fin des années 1960 la nationalisation progressive de ces écoles. Après la réunification en avril 1975, tous les établissements français sont rendus au Vietnam. Telle qu'il est raconté par l'histoire « officielle » des archives, le parcours du système d'enseignement français au Vietnam se termine donc par un échec. Au Nord comme au Sud, les satisfactions qu'en retirent les dirigeants français sont minimales. Les élites vietnamiennes ne se sont pas ralliées aux positions françaises. Culturellement, la francophonie au Vietnam régresse dès les années 1950.En revanche, pour la centaine d'anciens élèves que nous avons interrogés sur cette période de leur vie, le système d'enseignement français est décrit comme un véritable succès, en dépit de parcours familiaux et scolaires particulièrement tourmentés. Leur perception de l'école française est unanimement positive. Ils ont étudié au sein de ces établissements dans une ambiance pacifique, studieuse et égalitaire.

Welcome to the last issue of the IJEI for 2013. It has been an exciting year with numerous conferences and research on academic integrity around the world. Auckland University of Technology kicked off the year with the Fraud, Fakery and Fabrication: Academic and research integrity conference, the International Center for Academic Integrity held their annual conference in San Antonio on 28 February, the National Roundtable and Australian National Speaking Tour for the Exemplary Academic Integrity Project was also held in late February and early March, the 3rd World Conference on Research Integrity was held in Montreal in May, the Plagiarism across Europe and Beyond Conference shared the results of the 'Impact of policies for plagiarism in higher education across Europe' project in Brno, Czech Republic in June, and the 6th Asia Pacific Conference on Educational Integrity showcased the work of Australian Office for Learning and Teaching commissioned projects on academic integrity in Sydney in October. With so much interest and research on this topic across a range of countries and contexts, it is perhaps not surprising that the current issue is an eclectic mix of reflective, conceptual, empirical and case study work from researchers spanning six countries, including the United Arab Emirates, Norway, Australia, Sweden, Indonesia and the UK. The issue covers diverse topics extending from the development of academic skills, to motivations and predictors of student plagiarism, systems to reduce plagiarism and the responsibility of universities to provide marketing information based on ethical principles of honesty and trustworthiness. Student groups represented include secondary school, undergraduate and postgraduate. Radhika Iyer-O'Sullivan, formerly of the British University in Dubai, analyses faculty feedback, samples of student writing and Turnitin Similarity Reports to determine if teaching critical reading as a threshold concept results in critical thinking and subsequently improved critical writing skills. While the sample was small and the results inconclusive, Iyer-O'Sullivan makes the case that teaching critical reading assists students to understand the importance of using supporting evidence to develop a convincing academic argument. Håvard Skaar and Hugo Hammer from Oslo and Akershus University College, Norway use a mixed-methods approach to explore secondary school students' plagiarism of internet sources in essay writing. The survey of 67 students indicated that 75% of students reported plagiarising from online sources and that plagiarism accounted for 25% of the total amount of text. Students with a higher grade in written Norwegian plagiarised less than those with a lower grade, and students more conversant with appropriate citation practices plagiarised less than those students less familiar with referencing conventions. Qualitative feedback from interviews with 29 students indicated that the students wanted to spend as little time and effort as possible on the assessment task and that plagiarism was chosen as a writing strategy, with little reflection on the moral aspects on this decision. In contrast, Rebecca Awdry, from the University of Canberra, and Rick Sarre, from the University of South Australia, found that the university students in their study expressed strong ethical positions in relation to plagiarism, arguing that it was cheating and dishonest. Awdry and Sarre explored students' motivations to plagiarise using a mixed methods approach, and analysed the data through the prism of criminological theory. The authors conclude that while rational choice theory provides some insight into student breaches of academic integrity, there is an apparent disconnect between the way that academics view students' behaviour and how students themselves express their motivations. In agreement with key writers in the field (Bertram Gallant, McCabe, Bretag et al.), Awdry and Sarre conclude that higher education providers should focus less on detection and punishment and more on developing a values-based culture of integrity. Based on a sample of 362 undergraduate psychology students, and in the context of the Indonesian government's position that any form of plagiarism "is a serious offense that may even be classified as an illegal action", Ide Bagus Siaputra, from Universitas Surabaya, explores the proposition that "regardless of the presence or absence of opportunities and the severity of the potential sanctions, some individuals seem to be prone to plagiarism". Siaputra builds on the work of Williams, Nathanson and Paulhus (2010), to propose five variables as predictors of plagiarism, including procrastination, performance, personality, perfectionism, and achievement motivation, and names the model 'the 4PA of plagiarism'. Findings from the author's study indicate that procrastination was the key predictor of plagiarism, followed by achievement motivation. Looking to provide a multi-pronged response to student plagiarism, Ken Larsson and Henrik Hansson from Stockholm University, Sweden share the results of an innovation at their university. The digital system called SciPro was developed to support independent student thesis work, decrease the burden on supervisors for feedback on basic skills, and reduce plagiarism. The system includes a number of modules which facilitate management, communication and learning. According to the authors, SciPro works to prevents plagiarism by providing: 1) clear instructions about rules and regulations for students and supervisors; 2) an online peer-review system; 3) transparent online communication and file storage of accumulated manuscripts; and 4) a final seminar module enabling automatic generation of originality reports from Turnitin when students upload their final thesis manuscripts. Larsson and Hansson report that the implementation of SciPro has resulted in substantial improvements in policy development, successful integration of anti-plagiarism software, and an increased awareness of plagiarism issues. The final paper in the issue reminds us that academic integrity is an issue which underpins every aspect of the educational enterprise and goes well beyond plagiarism in student assessment. Educational psychologist, John Bradley, from the UK, offers a typology of nine misleading data-based marketing claims based on his examination of UK university prospectuses. Bradley's analysis leads him to assert that marketing of higher education should aspire to higher ethical standards than marketing in general because of the high stakes involved for a potentially vulnerable group, and because the reputation of the university is founded on having high standards of scholarship. Rather than rely on external regulators to ensure the authenticity of marketing claims, the author advocates a system of voluntary peer review of university marketing prospectuses based on the principles of research and publication ethics. I trust you will enjoy this varied issue which will interest teachers, researchers, policymakers, administrators and marketers of education, in both secondary and tertiary contexts. Volume 10(1) of the IJEI, to be published in June 2014, will include the best reviewed papers from the Plagiarism Across Europe and Beyond Conference, Czech Republic 2013, along with appropriate papers submitted via the IJEI platform. Tracey Bretag, IJEI Editor Email: tracey.bretag@unisa.edu.au

Background and Aim: About one-third of Iranian children mortality is caused by injuries from which 36% occur due to road traffic injuries. Using child restraint embedded in vehicles can reduce road traffic fatalities by 71% for neonates and 54% for children. Based on its effectiveness in reduction of fatality and prevention of injury severity, child restraint usage mandatory law is a priority. Therefore, this study was conducted to assess opportunities and threats to mandatory law of child restraint usage in Iran. Materials and Methods: Initially, a mixed methods research is carried out by a phenomenological qualitative study, a discussion session by traffic injuries' stakeholders was performed to assess & discuss the opportunities and threats to mandatory law of child restraint usage in Iran, by brain storming method to find the themes in the related topic. A structured questionnaire is later prepared and completed by the stakeholders in the area of road traffic injuries. Assigned scores of 0-100 were considered for each response and analysis of results was performed according to target themes & the total score of the filled questionnaires.Results: Overall, 28 stakeholders participated in the study. According to the stakeholders, traffic police department obtained the highest score of 90 (from 0-100) as an organization to establish the mandatory law of child restraint usage, and acquired the score of 100 for future enforcement and monitoring. As threats and obstacle to the mandatory law of child restraint usage, lack of television and media campaigns and child restraint law and legislation, obtained the highest scores of 85 & 70 respectively. And family sensitivity to their children's health, officials' support and national facilities for broadcasting, and community awareness to use child restraints had the highest scores among existing opportunities and facilities in the country, by scores of 83, 69 and 68 respectively.Conclusion: Due to sensitivity of the family about their children's health & safety, and officials' support to safety establishment through media campaigns, implementation and applicability of child restraint usage laws and legislations, and subsequent enforcement and monitoring seem practical. ReferencesIsna.ir/fa, 13th May 2012.National Center for Statistics and Analysis. 2003, www.nhtsa.dot.gov.Global status report on road safety: time for action. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2009. (www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/road_safety_status date of access 12 September 2012.Jacobs G, Aaron­Thomas A, Astrop A. Estimating global road fatalities. 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Archives of Pediatric Adolescent Medicine 2007; 161:270-275.NHTSA. Preliminary Data Indicate That Booster Seat Laws Increase Child Safety Seat Use.Traffic Safety Facts. Traffic Tech, 331. Washington, DC: National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, 2007.Robertson L. Automobile seat belt use in selected countries, states and provinces with and without laws requiring belt use. Accid Anal and Prev 1978; 10:5-10.Stulginskas J V, Pless B. Effects of a seat belt law on child restraint use. Am J Dis Child 1983; 137:582-585. Wagenaar A C, Webster D W. Preventing Injuries to Children Through Compulsory Automobile Safety Seat Use, Pediatrics 1986; 78 (4) : 662-672.Decina LE, Lococo KH, Ashburn W, William B, Rose H J. Identifying Strategies to Improve the Effectiveness of Booster Seat Laws, Draft Final Report, May 2008, www.nhtsa.dot.gov.Connell P M M. An evaluation of the Virginia 2002, Child passenger safety law: determining if the law reduced motor vehicle crash injuries and fatality. Virginia Common wealth University Richmond April, 2009.Seat-belts and child restraints: a road safety manual for decision-makers and practitioners London, FIA Foundation for the Automobile and Society, 2009.Istre G R, Stowe M, McCoy M A, Moore B, Culica D, Womack K N, Anderson R J. Anna B. Preventing unintentional injuries in Indigenous children and youth in Canada .Paediatr Child Health 2012; 17(7):393.

История возникновения Крымского ханства все еще слабо изучена. Также мало известно о молодых годах первого крымского хана Хаджи Гирея, предки которого правили в Крыму и Золотой Орде. Великий князь литовский Витовт активно вмешивался в дела Крыма в 20-х гг. XV века, пытаясь установить свой суверенитет в г. Каффа и в Золотой Орде, где старался посадить зависимых от себя ханов. Но в конце своего правления он уже не мог оказать серьезного военного давления, поскольку вплоть до смерти он был занят своей коронацией. Границы Крымского тумена простирались от р. Днестр на Западе до Волги на Востоке, от среднего течения р. Днепр и Южный Буг на Севере до приморских городов Крымского полуострова на Юге. В причерноморских степях в первой половине XV в. еще сохранились многие стационарные поселения татар. Таким образом, тумен занимал большую территорию. Но, обладая большим военным потенциалом, правители Крыма не отделяли Крымский улус от Золотой Орды, а использовали полуостров как плацдарм для захвата власти в столице государства г. Сарае. Татарская знать на Крымском полуострове тоже искала возможность поставить ханов в зависимость от себя. Одним из самых сильных ее представителей был Тегене-бей, который имел резиденцию в г. Солхат. Он уговорил Витовта дать им ханом Улуг-Мухаммеда. В ответ хан сделал Тегене-бея своим наместником в Крыму. Через несколько лет Улуг-Мухаммед поссорился с Тегене-беем и литовским правителем Свидрыгайло. Великий князь литовский помог хану Сеид-Ахмету расколоть Золотую Орду и захватить власть на Правобережье Днепра в 1433 г. По мнению многих исследователей, в 1434 г. Хаджи Гирей захватил власть в Крыму и разбил военный отряд генуэзцев. Но это не подтверждается письменными источниками и нумизматическими данными. Предположение некоторых историков, что Хаджи получил власть в Крыму с помощью великого князя литовского Жигимонта Кейстутовича, также не имеет подтверждения. До 1441 г. Крымским полуостровом владел хан Улуг-Мухаммед, а потом, короткое время, хан Сеид-Ахмет. Где в 30-е гг. пребывал Хаджи Гирей, точно неизвестно, но в начале 40-х гг. он был в Литве. Весной 1442 г. Тегене-бей с посольством крымской знати опять приехал в Литву и уговорил нового литовского правителя Казимира дать согласие, чтобы ханом Крыма стал Хаджи. Возможно, что действия великого князя литовского по отношению к Крыму были согласованы с его старшим братом королем Польши и Венгрии Владиславом III. От имени Владислава III летом 1442 г. к Хаджи Гирею ездил посол Т. Буцацкий, который вернулся в Венгрию с послом татарского хана. Анализ источников позволяет сделать вывод, что Хаджи Гирей стал ханом в марте-апреле 1442 г. Хаджи Гирей пребывал под покровительством Великого княжества Литовского. Это подтверждают мирные договора, заключенные в феврале-июне 1442 г. между великим князем литовским Казимиром и правителем Молдавии Ильей. ; The history of the Crimean Khanate's foundation still remains poorly studied. Also, little is known about the early years of the first Crimean khan Haci I Giray whose ancestors ruled in the Crimea and the Golden Horde. In the 20s of the 15 th century the Grand Duke of Lithuania Vytautas actively intervened in the affairs of the Crimea and the Golden Horde trying to establish his sovereignty in the city of Caffa, where he strove to nominate subordinated Khans. However, at the end of his reign, he could not exert a serious military pressure because until the death he was occupied with his coronation. The boundaries of the Crimean tumen extended from the river Dniester in the West to the Volga River in the East, from the mean flow of the Dnieper and Southern Bug River in the North to the coastal cities of the Crimean Peninsula in the South. In the first half of 15 th century there were many stationary settlements of Tatars in the Black Sea steppes. Thus, the tumen occupied a large territory. Having a great military power, the Crimean rulers did not separate the Crimean Ulus from the Golden Horde, but used the peninsula as a staging area for the seizure of power in the state capital city of Sarai. The Tatar nobility also sought to enthrone those Khans that would be dependent on them. One of their strongest representatives was Tehene-bey who had a residence in Solkhat on the Crimean peninsula. He persuaded Vytautas to give them Ulugh Muhammad as a Khan. In response, the Khan nominated Tehene-bey as his deputy in the Crimea. Few years later, Ulugh Muhammad quarreled both with Tehene-bey and the Lithuanian ruler Švitrigaila. In 1433 the Grand Duke of Lithuania helped Khan Sayid Ahmad II both to split the Golden Horde and to seize power on the right bank of the Dnieper. According to many historians, Haci Giray seized power in the Crimea and defeated Genoese military detachment in 1434, but this statement is not confirmed by the written sources and numismatic data. The assumption of some historians that Haci Giray took power with the help of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Sigismund Keystutovich, has no confirmation. Crimean peninsula had been owned by Ulugh Muhammad Khan before 1441, and thereafter by Sayid Ahmad II for a short time. It is not known exactly where Haci I Giray had been staying in the 30s, but in the early 40''s he resided in Lithuania. In the spring of 1442 Tehene-bey arrived to Lithuania with the Embassy of the Crimean nobles and convinced the new Lithuanian ruler Casimir to allow that Haci Giray to become the Khan of Crimea. The analysis of sources leads to the conclusion that Haci Giray appeared as a Khan in March-April 1442. Possibly the actions of the Lithuanian Grand Duke in relation to Crimea were agreed with his elder brother Władysław III, King of Poland and Hungary. The Ambassador T. Buczacki visited Haci Giray in the summer of 1442 on behalf of Władysław III. He returned to Hungary together with the Ambassador of the Tatar khan. Haci I Giray remained under the patronage of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This is confirmed by the peace agreements signed in February and June 1442 between the Grand Duke of Lithuania Casimir and ruler of Moldavia Iliaş I. Using the patronage of the Lithuanian ruler, Haci Giray quickly established his authority on the Crimean peninsula.

This historical research traces the evolution of the French schools in Vietnam from 1945 to 1975, drawing from archives and interviews with former students and teachers. In colonial Indochina, under the guise of the "civilizing mission", the French established an educational system designed to produce only subordinates, as they feared that a better education would create individuals likely to threaten the colonial order. Yet, in spite of the resistance of colonial authorities, Vietnamese elites always managed to send their children to the local French schools that were, in principle, open only to Europeans.After World War II, Vietnam embarked on the path of independence, forcing the French to rethink their educational policy in a country that was no longer a colony. After believing for a while that France would remain "the educator of Indochina", the French accepted to play a supporting role in Vietnamese education through the creation of a cultural mission. There was no longer question of limiting access to French schools: rather, those schools opened their doors wide to Vietnamese students to offer them a high-quality education. The French defeat of Ði?n Bien Phu in 1954, which resulted in France's political withdrawal from Vietnam, accelerated the transformation of the former colonial education system. Passing under the tutelage of Foreign Affairs, the French schools in Vietnam became an instrument of cultural diplomacy. The French hoped that their continuing cultural presence, and particularly their prestigious lycées, would grant them a decisive influence in Vietnamese affairs. In the North, in the pro-Soviet Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the Lycée Albert-Sarraut became the only western school to operate in a communist nation, allowing the French to maintain a special relationship with a country that the West considered as an enemy. This unique experience was terminated in 1965 due to lack of agreement between the French and the North Vietnamese on the nature of the school. In the South, in the nationalist, pro-American Republic of Vietnam, the situation remained favorable to the French. Vietnamese elites rushed the gates of French schools, which promise them a quality education and a better future for their children in a war-torn country. For the French, the attractiveness of their schools and of French culture allowed them to counter the growing influence of the United States, who were then pushing ahead with reform, especially in the Vietnamese educational system. Nevertheless, the South Vietnamese government, for political reasons, decreed in the late 1960s the gradual nationalization of the French school system. After the Reunification of April 1975, all French schools were returned to the Vietnamese state. As told by the "official" history described in the archives, the story of the French educational system in Vietnam ends in failure. In both North and South Vietnam, French efforts in cultural diplomacy in Vietnam came to naught. Not only the Vietnamese elites did not concur with the French political positions, but the prominence of French language and culture actually decreased in Vietnam from the 1950s onwards.However, the hundred or so alumni we have interviewed about this period of their lives have described the French school system as a success. ; Ce travail de recherche historique retrace l'évolution de l'école française au Vietnam de 1945 à 1975, en s'appuyant à la fois sur les archives et sur les témoignages d'anciens élèves et professeurs. Dans l'Indochine coloniale, sous couvert de la « mission civilisatrice », les Français instaurent un système éducatif destiné à produire des subalternes, leur crainte étant de créer des « déclassés » menaçants pour l'ordre colonial. Pourtant, en dépit des résistances officielles, les élites vietnamiennes font entrer leurs enfants dans les lycées français réservés en principe aux Européens, s'appropriant en partie ces établissements.Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le Vietnam s'engage dans la voie de l'indépendance, obligeant les Français à repenser leur doctrine scolaire, qui, après avoir cru un moment que la France resterait « l'éducatrice de l'Indochine », se résolvent à un rôle d'accompagnement via la création d'une mission culturelle. Il n'est plus question de limiter l'accès des Vietnamiens aux lycées français mais au contraire de leur ouvrir les portes pour leur proposer un enseignement de haut niveau. La défaite française de Ði?n Biên Ph? en 1954, qui voit la France se désengager du Vietnam, accélère la mutation de l'ancien système éducatif colonial. En passant sous la tutelle des Affaires étrangères, l'enseignement français au Vietnam devient un instrument de la diplomatie culturelle. Les Français espèrent qu'une présence culturelle assurée notamment par leurs prestigieux lycées leur garantira une influence déterminante. Au Nord, dans la République Démocratique du Vietnam pro-soviétique, le Lycée Albert-Sarraut devient la seule école occidentale à fonctionner dans un État du bloc communiste, et permet aux Français de conserver en pleine Guerre froide un lien privilégié avec un pays considéré en Occident comme un ennemi. Cette expérience unique s'achève en 1965 faute d'entente entre Français et Nord-Vietnamiens sur la nature du lycée. Au Sud, dans la République du Vietnam nationaliste et pro-américaine, la situation reste plus longtemps favorable aux Français. Les élites vietnamiennes se pressent aux portes des lycées français, gages d'un enseignement de qualité et d'un meilleur avenir pour leurs enfants dans un pays en guerre. Pour les Français, cette attirance pour leurs écoles et pour la culture française leur permet de contrer l'influence grandissante des États-Unis, qui investissent lourdement dans la réforme de l'État sud-vietnamien et notamment dans celle du système éducatif. Cependant, les gouvernements sud-vietnamiens, pour des raisons politiques, décrètent à la fin des années 1960 la nationalisation progressive de ces écoles. Après la réunification en avril 1975, tous les établissements français sont rendus au Vietnam. Telle qu'il est raconté par l'histoire « officielle » des archives, le parcours du système d'enseignement français au Vietnam se termine donc par un échec. Au Nord comme au Sud, les satisfactions qu'en retirent les dirigeants français sont minimales. Les élites vietnamiennes ne se sont pas ralliées aux positions françaises. Culturellement, la francophonie au Vietnam régresse dès les années 1950.En revanche, pour la centaine d'anciens élèves que nous avons interrogés sur cette période de leur vie, le système d'enseignement français est décrit comme un véritable succès, en dépit de parcours familiaux et scolaires particulièrement tourmentés. Leur perception de l'école française est unanimement positive. Ils ont étudié au sein de ces établissements dans une ambiance pacifique, studieuse et égalitaire.

Capitalism manages to enact environments in the midst of its centres by means of keeping other environments out. The fundamental practice which allows for this contradictory and generative move is that capitalist agents enact environments. Capitalism does not require a clear, neat, distinct, singular environment. Multiple, fluid, dynamic environments allow far better the tactical and strategical project of staging capitalism as having its destructive environmental impacts in control. That control is a decisive fiction sustaining the unsustainable. These theses are the result of an ethnography, reported in this book, that scrutinised corporate carbon accounting practices as a site at which we are able to simultaneously explore two significant issues for the management of environments: on the one hand studying practices of corporate environmental accounting allows us to engage with agents' practical work reality by which capitalism seeks to render itself 'green' and 'sustainable'; on the other hand the focus on precisely how accountants achieve taking carbon into account is able to sharpen our understanding of how quantifying practices perform in a non-substantial area of business, such as engaging with climate change. In the received view, corporate carbon accounting is about providing the facts and figures about the emissions which a company produces. Accounting for these emissions is supposedly a condition to take carbon into account – economists would call this process internalisation. The discourse which assumes that 'if only capitalist society is able to internalise its environmental problems' (like carbon emissions which are identified as the culprit of global warming and, in consequence, climate change) 'then capitalist society will be able to solve environmental crises' – this discourse is called ecological modernisation. Within environmental sociology arguments over whether that discourse is actually materially reflected abound. Ecological modernisation theory proposes that capitalist organisations do get green(er). In the midst of debate, little attention, if at all, has been paid to those agents who are, supposedly, implementing the programmes of ecological modernisation, such as environmental management systems (EMS) and carbon accounting. This study contributes to understanding how capitalism organises its relation to environments by means of scrutinising the work practices of these agents. To conduct that study, I have carefully avoided to make assumptions about whether a particular organisation would be conducting greenwash. Much rather, the intentionally open question was: what do agents of ecological modernisation do and how do they achieve it? With this orientation, this study turned to sociological theory and methodology which does not presume any overarching structure as determining agents. Instead, by means of methodological triangulation between ethnomethodology, actor-network theory (ANT) and Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of field and habitus, this study reconstructs by which specific practices and discursive action agents manage to make greening more central to capitalism. The decisive finding is that while agents do manage to bring environmental data into the heart of the corporation – the centre of capitalism – what that data is about (the things this data is related and presumably representing, the material hinterland of that data) is simultaneously distanced from the corporate core. This study, thus, shows how capitalism manages to enact a epicentral movement of 'environment' and, in parallel, to ensure that environmental issues and concerns do not challenge orinterfere in that centre. It manages by means of keeping the largest degrees of environments out. The overarching thesis of this study is, thus, that environments, such as carbon, are not existing – for all practical purposes of corporate agents – out-there but, rather, they are carefully crafted and enacted into corporate, social and, eventually, economic reality. Environments are enacted. The plural matters. Within the organisational practices of capitalism, agents may imagine to refer to 'the' environment. Their everyday practices of taking environments into account, however, relate to specific materials, such as spreadsheets, pieces of papers, flip-charts. Environments exist through these multiple materials, in multiple versions; ontologically, thus they do not exist in the singular but they are staged as such. If the carbon emission fact of a company is established, that fact may well be out-dated a few micro-seconds or years later; it may differ several kilometres off or in a neighbouring storage unit in a computer. Any global fact is enacted in particular located situations. Emissions facts are not stable but fluid, flowing in and between myriads of situations. They are hold together by means of humans' material-discursive performances. And they shift with agents' practices just like with the dynamics in-built into materials, like a database. These processes produce artefacts, versions of environments. And these versions matter. What a society is dealing with when encountering a corporate emission fact is not Nature but a version of an environment. Next year, the same fact (as in, signifying the same imagined out-there) may have changed. Vis-à-vis Science and Technology Studies (STS), my analysis of the effects of enacting environments is indicative of a potentially general characteristic in digital quantification practices – whether in offices or in laboratories: data flows are not that clean and under control. While workers may achieve staging being in control, in practice parallel versions of realities may proliferate – for the better or worse. What we find is that the reality of corporate carbon emissions is enacted as mutable, mobile and multiple. In the practical work of corporate fact finders, it is not necessary, albeit it is deemed required, that facts are singularised and immutablised. In consequence, social and economic reality is confronted with diverse carbon emission accounts, all implying universal truths. Societies and politics which resist engaging with parallel realities and insist on singular ones may not be well equipped to manage those crises that may be co-constituted by these parallel realities. Ethnographic work underlying this argument involved participant observation over a period of twenty months as well as document analysis. The study took place at a Fortune 50 financial services provider positioned in a legitimising network involving one of the largest international environmental NGO's and one of the four largest auditing firms. The findings of this study are, thus, considered to point to practices indicative of widely organisationally accepted and shared realities within hegemonic modern capitalist culture.

Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Birinci Dünya Savaşına Almanya'nın yanında katılmıştı. Ağır ve yorucu savaşlardan çıkmış Osmanlılar savaş sırasında kahramanca çarpışmalarına rağmen, düşman kuvvetlerinin tüm yurdu işgal etmelerine engel olamamışlardı. Bu sıralarda imzalanan Mondros ateşkes Antlaşması, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nu tamamen yok etmeye ve Türk yurdunu parçalamaya yönelik hazırlanmıştı. Bu antlaşmanın 7. maddesi, galip devletlere istedikleri her yeri istedikleri zaman işgal etme hakkını tanıyordu. Böylelikle işgaller bu antlaşmanın arkasına sığınılarak yapılabilecekti. İşgallere ilk tepki işgale uğrayan bölgelerde yaşayan halktan gelmiştir. İzmir'de Hasan Tahsin işgale karşı ilk kurşunu atarak halkın bu haksız işgallere sessiz kalmayacağını göstermişti. Mustafa Kemal Paşa ise İstanbul'daki kurtuluş çarelerinin hiçbirine itibar etmeyerek 19 Mayıs 1919'da Anadolu'ya geçmiş ve topyekûn bir kurtuluşun ateşini yakmıştır. Düzenlenen Amasya, Erzurum ve Sivas Kongreleri ile tam bağımsız Türkiye idealinin temelleri atılmış, halkta milli bilinç uyandırılmıştır. Mustafa Kemal Paşa ve arkadaşlarının çalışmaları sonucunda İstanbul Hükümeti, Anadolu hareketine yakınlaşmış ve Amasya Görüşmeleri ile de Mebus 'an Meclisinin açılması kararlaştırılmıştır. 2 Ocak 1920'de Osmanlı Meclis-i Mebus 'an son kez toplanır. Bu meclisin verdiği en önemli karar, taslağı Mustafa Kemal tarafından mebuslara Ankara'da verilen ve sonraları Misak-i Milli olarak adlandırılacak olan Ulusal And'ın 28 Ocak 1920'de kabul edilmesi olmuştur. Meclisin ve İstanbul Hükümeti'nin çalışmalarından ve Anadolu'da artan direniş hareketlerinden rahatsızlık duyan İtilaf Devletleri 16 Mart 1920'de İstanbul'u işgal ettiler. İstanbul'un işgaliyle beraber Meclis-i Mebusan'ında basılması ve birçok mebusun tutuklanması ve sürgüne gönderilmesi üzerine Heyet-i Temsiliye 19 Mart 1920 tarihinde bir beyanname yayımlayarak, Meclisin Ankara'da tekrar toplanabilmesi için seçimlerin yapılmasını istemiştir. Yapılan seçimler sonucunda Ankara'da TBMM açılır. 23 Nisan 1920'de açılan Meclis, Osmanlı Devleti'nin elinden bir takım yetkileri alarak Anadolu'nun kaderine el koymuştur. Bundan sonra milletin ne şekilde yasayacağına, milletin kendi seçtiği mebuslar karar verecektir. İtilaf Devletleri mütareke sonrası Mersin ve Tarsus'u işgal etmiştir. İçel Vilayeti işgal edilmese de, Silifke ve Silifke'den Mersin'e kadar İçel'e bağlı kasaba ve köyler Fransızların Anadolu'dan çekilmesine kadar işgal tehdidi ile karşı karşıya kalmıştır. İçel'de kurulan Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyetleri ve bunlara bağlı müfrezeler, İçel'i işgalden korumaktan öteye düşman işgalindeki Mersin ve Tarsus'u kurtarmak amacıyla da faaliyette bulunmuşlardır. Mustafa Kemal'in 19 Mart 1920 tarihli genelgesi doğrultusunda İçel'de 29 Mart 1920 Pazartesi günü, Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti İdare Heyeti'nin, mutasarrıfın ve halkın iştirakiyle hükümet konağında seçimler yapılmıştır. Bu seçimlerde yirmi bir aday arasından Ahmet Şevki Bey, Naim Efendi, Hacı Ali Efendi, Haydar Lütfi ve Sami Bey milletvekili seçilmişlerdir. Meclis-i Mebusan'a seçilen Ali Rıza Efendi'nin de Ankara'ya gelmesi ile İçel vilayetinin milletvekili sayısı altıya çıkacaktır. Birinci dönem İçel milletvekillerinden Sami Bey, Haydar Lütfi Bey ve Ali Sabri Efendi( Hacı Ali) mecliste II. Grupta yer almışlardır. Yukarıda ismi zikredilen altı milletvekilinden beş tanesi bir daha meclise giremezken sadece Haydar Lütfi Bey VIII. Dönemde Demokrat Parti'den Meclise girebilmiştir. ; Ottoman Empire joined The First World War with Germany.Despite struggling and fighting bravely during the battle , The Ottomans, having lived through severe wars, couldn't stop the enemy forces to occupy the whole country.The peace armistice of Moudros signed on in the meantime was prepared with a wiew to completely terminating the Ottoman Empire and comminuting the Turkish homeland. The 7th clause of this armistice gave the victorious states the right to occupy any place any time.The occupations hereby were suppose to be realised on the grounds of this clause. The first reaction to the occupations aroused from the residents of the occupied regions.Hasan Tahsin in Izmir who fired the first bullet to the enemy proved that the Turkish people wouldn't keep silent against the unjust occupations.Mustafa Kemal Pasha ,in the meantime,ignored all the propositions of salvation in Istanbul and went down to Anatolia on May 19, then lit the fire of an overall salvation of the nation.With the congresses held in Amasya,Erzurum and Sivas cities , the fundamentals of fully independent Turkey ideal was set up and the national consciousness was awakened among the people .As a result of Mustafa Kemal's and his fellows' efforts , The Government of Istanbul came closer to the Anatolian movement ; and with the negotiations in Amasya, it is agreed to open a national assembly. On October 2, 1920, The Ottoman Parliament gathered last time.The most important decision of this parliament was to accept The National Oath on January 28 ,1920 whose drafts had been given to the members of the parliament in Ankara by Mustafa Kemal ,and which would later be called as the National Treaty.The Allied Powers , upon getting annoyed by the operations of the Parliament and the Istanbul Government and by the increasing resistance movements in Anatolia,occupied Istanbul on March 16,1920.With the occupation of Istanbul , when the Parliament was assaulted and a number of members of Parliament were arrested and forced to exile, the representative committee,issuing a declaration on March 19,1920, requested to hold new elections for the parliament to gather again in Ankara After the elections, The Turkish grand national Assembly opened in Ankara.The Parliament ,starting on April 23 ,1920 , took over a number of competences from the Ottoman State and took the initiative on behalf of the Anatolia .Henceforth, it would be the members of the Parliement elected by the people themselves to decide the way of life that the people would live. The Allied Powers occupied Mersin and Tarsus cities after the armistice.Much though İçel province was not occupied , Silifke, the villages and towns between Silifke and Mersin faced the threat of occupation until the withdrawal of the French from Anatolia. Associations for the Defence of The National Rights and the battalions dependent on these associations ,beyond saving İçel from enemy occupation,had operations with the aim of rescuing Mersin and Tarsus which were under the occupation of enemies. Based on Mustafa Kemal's notice dated March 19,1920, the elections were held in the government Office with the participation of executive board of Association for the Defence of The National Rights ,the governor and the people.Among 21 candidates, Mr Ahmet Şevki, Mr Naim, Mr Hacı Ali,Mr Haydar Lütfi and Mr Sami were elected as the members of the parliament. With the election of Mr Ali Rıza to the Parliament , the number of the memers of İcel in the parliament would increase to six. The first term members of the Parliament Mr Sami,Mr Haydar Lutfi, and Mr Ali Sabri (Haci Ali) took place in the second group.While five of the above mentioned members of the parliament couldn't be elected again,only Mr Haydar Lutfi was re-elected from the Democrat Party in the eight legislation term. …

2010/2011 ; The present thesis was developed for the characterization of the risk associated to palytoxins as seafood contaminants. To this aim, an integrated approach between in vitro and in vivo studies was chosen. Palytoxin and its analogues are known seafood contaminants that can accumulate in several edible species of shellfish, fish, crustaceans and echinoderms. Generally, primary symptoms associated to the ingestion of contaminated food involve the gastro-intestinal apparatus and later develop with the involvement of the muscular tissue. For a better comprehension of the mechanism of action of this family of biotoxins, the effects of PLTX have been studied on primary culture of mouse skeletal muscle cells. The myotoxic insult triggered by PLTX was described in detail with the definition of the cytotoxicity together with the description of the morphologic alterations and functional impairment caused by the toxin. Moreover, the influence of the ionic composition of the extracellular medium on the effects of the toxin was elucidated. Primary cultures of skeletal muscle cells, that presents in vitro many of the peculiarities of the adult muscle fiber, allowed the investigation of the membrane mechanisms that regulate the intracellular calcium increase triggered by the toxin. It was possible to discriminate the difference between calcium release from intracellular stores and the calcium entrance from extracellular compartment both elicited by the toxin, and to understand the importance of the latter in relation to the toxic event. Moreover, the involvement of the main membrane channels and transporters that may be related to the entrance of calcium was investigated and the crucial role of stretch-activated channels in the mechanism of toxicity was demonstrated. Once defined the crucial molecular mechanisms of action of PLTX, experiments were also performed with two of its analogue: the 42-hydroxyl-palytoxin and the ostreocin-D. In parallel to in vitro studies, the effects of repeated oral administration of PLTX in mice were also investigated. In fact, in vitro studies are not sufficient for the complete comprehension of the real hazard associated to a food contaminant, since molecules once in contact with the body may undergo adsorption, distribution and metabolism before reaching the target tissue. Short-term (7 days) administration of the toxin revealed toxicity at all the doses tested and lethality was recorded in the treated animals already from the dose of 30 µg/kg. Histological analysis highlighted alterations in several tissues: severe inflammatory processes and even foci of necrosis were observed in lungs. Alteration of the muscular tissues was visible as fiber separation and degeneration in the heart and increased cellularity between fibers in skeletal muscle. Moreover, depletion of glycogen content of hepatocytes and moderate alterations of the spleen were also observed. Data collected in the present project revealed, for the first time, toxicity of PLTX at doses much lower than that currently used by European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) for the estimation of limit values for presence of these compounds in seafood. For this reason, these results are likely to have a considerable impact at regulatory level and to have crucial importance for the protection of the consumers. ; Il presente lavoro di tesi è stato sviluppato con lo scopo di caratterizzare il rischio associato alla presenza delle palitossine quali contaminanti dei prodotti ittici destinati ad uso alimentare. A tal fine, è stato scelto un approccio integrato tra studi in vitro e in vivo. La palitossina e i suoi analoghi sono noti contaminanti dei prodotti ittici e possono accumularsi in diverse specie edibili di molluschi, pesci, crostacei ed echinodermi. Generalmente, i primi sintomi associati all'ingestione di cibo contaminato coinvolgono l'apparato gastro-intestinale e poi si sviluppano con l'interessamento del tessuto muscolare. Per una migliore comprensione del meccanismo d'azione di questa famiglia di biotossine, gli effetti della PLTX sono stati studiati mediante colture primarie murine di cellule muscolari scheletriche. L'insulto miotossico indotto dalla PLTX è stato descritto nel dettaglio con la definizione della citotossicità assieme alla descrizione delle modifiche morfologiche e delle alterazioni funzionali causate dalla tossina. Inoltre, è stata caratterizzata l'influenza della composizione ionica dell'ambiente extracellulare negli effetti della tossina. Le colture primarie di cellule muscolari scheletriche, che presentano molte delle caratteristiche peculiari della fibra muscolare adulta, hanno permesso l'indagine dei meccanismi che regolano l'aumento intracellulare di calcio indotto dalla tossina. E' stato possibile discriminare la differenza tra il rilascio di calcio dai depositi intracellulari e l'entrata di calcio dai compartimenti extracellulari, entrambi effetti indotti dalla tossina, e comprendere l'importanza del secondo meccanismo in relazione agli eventi tossici. E' stato indagato il coinvolgimento dei canali e trasportatori di membrana in relazione all'ingresso di calcio ed è stato dimostrato il ruolo cruciale dei canali attivati da stiramento nel meccanismo di tossicità. Una volta definiti i meccanismi d'azione cruciali per la PLTX, esperimenti sono stati condotti anche con due dei suoi analoghi, la 42-idrossi-palitossina e l'ostreocina-D. Parallelamente agli studi in vitro, sono stati studiati gli effetti della somministrazione orale ripetuta della PLTX nel topo. Infatti, gli studi in vitro non sono sufficienti alla comprensione del reale pericolo associato ad un contaminate alimentare, dal momento che, le molecole, una volta a contatto con l'organismo, possono subire assorbimento, distribuzione e metabolismo prima di raggiungere il tessuto bersaglio. La somministrazione a breve termine della tossina (7 giorni) ha rivelato tossicità a tutte le dosi somministrate, e letalità è stata registrata negli animali trattati già alla dose di 30 µg/kg. Le analisi istologiche hanno evidenziato alterazioni a carico di diversi tessuti: a livello polmonare sono stati osservati severi processi infiammatori associati anche a focolai di necrosi. Le alterazioni del tessuto muscolare erano visibili come degenerazione e separazione delle fibre nel cuore e aumento degli elementi cellulari tra le fibre del muscolo scheletrico. Inoltre sono stai osservati, deplezione del contenuto di glicogeno negli epatociti e moderate alterazioni della milza. I dati raccolti nel presente elaborato hanno rivelato, per la prima volta, la tossicità della palitossina a dosi molto inferiori rispetto a quelle correntemente utilizzate della European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) per la stima di valori limite per la presenza di questi composti nei prodotti ittici destinati ad uso alimentare. Per questo motivo, i risultati avranno probabilmente un considerevole impatto a livello legislativo e un'importanza cruciale per la protezione dei consumatori. ; XXIV Ciclo ; 1984

In 1412, with the advent of Trastamara dynasty on the throne of Aragon, the Kingdom of Sicily, while maintaining a formal institutional independence, was finally incorporated in the possessions of the Crown. The island then became a focal instrument of foreign policy of Alfonso the Magnanimous and, consequently, the natural economic and military base for the conquest of Naples. Just like what was occurring in the Italian peninsula, it became necessary to develop new instruments of government to respond to all those social, political and economic factors that had affected the island. Primarily, it was provided to a more precise definition of the relationship with the Iberian motherland, that, within a few years, took the form of a system of government at a distance. From an institutional point of view, the political leader of the island was outlined on the figure of the viceroy: they were chosen by the king and were equipped with a delegated power. The documentary solution, a true summary of this relation, was found instead in the creation of a chancery instrument that was named lictera exequtoria. This kind of letter allowed the sovereign to intervene personally, but through the mediation of the institutional apparatus of the island, on the distribution of the royal favor towards his subjects of the Kingdom. The complexity of the Italian territorial states of the 15th century, highlighted by the presence of many authorities in competition with each other, pushed the rulers to come to an agreement between the parties involved. The outcome, in the case of Sicily, was the direct involvement of the local ruling classes, both those from the old feudal aristocracy and those emerging from the towns, in the government of the island, as well as in the distribution of the economic and political resources in favor of all those who showed their support for the policies of the Magnanimous. It was a natural consequence, therefore, a greater attention to the institutional apparatus of the State that, at this stage, must be considered as a real focus of that political mediation that was necessary to the rulers for the consensus-building, within the composite societies of the late Middle-Ages, around their policies. On the one hand, since the arrival of Fernando of Antequera on the throne of the Crown of Aragon, but with major emphasis during the long reign of his successor, it was clear the role that the financial administration would have for the government of the island. It was not simply a strengthening of the control practices on the accounts of pecuniary offices of the Kingdom, brought about the growing economic needs of the monarchy, but a complex process driven by the kings of Aragon. The aim was indeed to lay the financial structures of the island under a closer political control, focusing on the figure of the sovereign the last terminal of the distribution of resources among its supporters and Sicilian subjects. The establishment of the new office of the Conservator regii patrimonii, taken directly from the Castilian reality, arose from the need to introduce in the island a financial body that was closely linked to the sovereign by fidelity ties and that was equipped with a wide range of skills to control the receipt and the distribution of the royal income. All the financial grants which concerned the public property had in fact to obtain the approval of the Conservator who initiated the regular bureaucratic process and that, in the meantime and thanks to all information collected, was also able to prepare budgets that gave to the king a useful tool for a more rational and precise location of the resources. On the other hand, instead, the intervention of the king went to the administration tout court of the island, that, compared to the financial one, was not marked by any obvious reformer intervention, if not from some occasional readjustments that changed the internal balance anyway. The Secretariat was in fact placed in the same level of the scribanie of the Protonotaro and of the Magistri Racionales – the Royal Chancery, without jurisdiction over the document drafting, had become the supreme record body of the Kingdom – becoming the tool by which the rulers were able to unhinge the natural administrative practice. They could in fact speed the execution of the orders and of the warrants because of the unofficial and wide intervention capacity of the Secretaries who could imperatively intervene in any area of the administration as a consequence of a direct order of the King or of his islander deputies. The overlapping of different chancery traditions within the Sicilian institutional apparatus caused the development of innovative governance tools that took shape of writing practice, record standards and filing systems of the documents, according to the new demands of the rulers. About the lictera exequtoria, whose we concisely said before, it's here enough to say that it became a basic instrument by means of which the King, despite the mediation of the Viceroy, was able to give execution to the privilegia and to the lictere patentes written by its secretaries. So he actually intervened on the promotion and cooptation of Sicilian officers at every level of the administration they were. The control action carried out on the officer body is also inferable from the innovative record systems that were prepared in Sicily in the first half of the fifteenth century. They allowed in fact the sovereign to be able to carry out a perpetual monitoring of the activity of the islander officers, as one can clearly deduce, for example, by the libri quictacionum and the libri castrorum of the Conservatoria's office. Within the latter, in fact, the most innovative record systems were developed. They, apparently related only to the financial matters, were instead characterized by a series of 'political functions' that allowed the Aragonese sovereign to increase his control over the Sicilian kingdom. The coeval processes of centralization of the administration of Sicily and of concentration of the archives at the Hosterium of Palermo are a further sign of the bureaucratic rationalization which characterized the action of the kings of Aragon. Since the compromise of Caspe (1412), in fact, they were involved in a series of interventions on the Sicilian institutions that aimed to find out appropriate instruments to govern the new needs of government, because of all the economic, political and social changes that were involving all the Italian territorial states of the fifteenth century.

Executive Summary Kentucky, a leading tobacco producing state in the U.S. and home to Brown and Williamson and Commonwealth Brands tobacco companies, has a significant historic, economic, and social heritage tied to tobacco. Until 2004 tobacco was grown in all but one county in the state, mostly on small family farms. The significant tobacco industry presence created a historical resistance to tobacco control efforts. To influence policymakers, between 1994 and 2010 the tobacco industry contributed $311,614 to Kentucky political parties and individual candidates running for state-level offices, focusing contributions around pivotal elections, with candidates for governor and key legislative leadership being the largest recipients. Additionally, between 1993 and 2012, the tobacco industry spent $9.7 million in lobbying expenditures. In 1988, the first statewide tobacco control coalition focused their initial efforts on youth as a noncontroversial strategy to introduce tobacco control issues in the tobacco growing state. Beginning in 1994 state tobacco control advocates worked with state policymakers and tobacco farmers to create the Coalition for Health and Agricultural Development. The coalition set a statewide and national precedent for tobacco control advocates and tobacco farmers working together to address tobacco-related health and economic issues. In 1994, the tobacco industry used efforts by tobacco control advocates to reduce youth smoking by passing a state law prohibiting youth access to tobacco products as an effective medium to lobby for the enactment of a weak youth access law that included state preemption to prohibit community-level activity to limit youth access to tobacco products. The 1994 legislation also included a provision that required designated smoking areas in government buildings where smoking was restricted. Later, this requirement would dissuade local governments from covering workplaces since government workplaces would be exempt or forced to install expensive ventilation equipment. Since 1997, the prevalence of youth tobacco use in Kentucky has declined. In 2011, the youth tobacco use rate was 24.1 percent, a decrease from 26.1 percent in 2009. However, in 2011, the prevalence of youth tobacco use in Kentucky (24.1 percent) was still higher than the national average (19.5 percent) and Kentucky was ranked 1st for the highest youth tobacco use rates. Between 2001 and 2010 there were increases in smokeless tobacco use among youth and adults, and in cigarette smoking rates among low socio-economic status adults. The 1998 Master Settlement Agreement was an important event for tobacco prevention and control in the tobacco growing state. Tobacco farmers in Kentucky had a shift in attitude and were more receptive and willing to work with state tobacco control advocates to use a portion of the state's Master Settlement Agreement monies for tobacco control programming. In 2000, state tobacco control advocates secured 2.5 percent ($5.5 million for the first biennium 2001-2002) of the state's Master Settlement Agreement monies for tobacco prevention and control programming, with most of the funding going to build policymaking capacity at the local level. The local health department tobacco control programs worked to create awareness about tobacco use issues that synergistically worked with state tobacco control advocacy efforts on smoke-free air policies. Between 1971 and 2012, the state tobacco excise tax had only been raised twice from 3-cents to 30-cents in 2005 and from 30 cents to 60 cents in 2009. While state tobacco control advocates wanted to increase the tobacco excise tax to reduce youth tobacco use, the state tobacco excise tax increase was used to mitigate significant state budget shortfalls. Between 2000 and 2012, the state program worked with local health department programs and state agencies, and used contracts with the University of Kentucky and University of Louisville to provide technical assistance in achieving the local program goals and objectives. The state program experienced success in reducing exposure to secondhand smoke through local communities working to achieve smokefree air. In 2004, state tobacco control advocates successfully enacted the first local smoke-free air ordinance in the state in Lexington-Fayette. The tobacco industry unsuccessfully tried to overturn the law through litigation, and by state legislation to preempt local smokefree air policies. State tobacco control advocates used the Smoke-Free Lexington-Fayette campaign as a model to garner public support to protect workers and public health through additional local smoke-free air policies throughout the state. Between 2005 and 2012, state tobacco control advocates, led by the University of Kentucky Center for Smoke-free Policy (KCSP) successfully enacted 35 smokefree policies (22 were comprehensive) to protect 34.1 percent of the state's population. In 2006, state tobacco control advocates successfully pushed for legislation to allow local governments to prohibit smoking in local government buildings without being required to assign designated smoking areas, which allowed state tobacco control advocates to begin strengthening local smoke-free measures to include all workplaces. Local governments had been reluctant to include workplaces in smokefree ordinances since it could not include local government workplaces. In addition, Governor Fletcher issued an Executive Order to prohibit indoor smoking in state government buildings controlled by the Executive Branch. For the first time in the history of the state, smoking was prohibited in most state government buildings. In 2010, state tobacco control advocates implemented the Smoke-Free Kentucky campaign and five-year plan to advocate for a statewide smoke-free air law. In 2012, the smokefree air legislation was voted out of the House Health and Welfare Committee, which represented a significant step forward since previous efforts did not pass in committee. Tobacco control advocates should continue to work to protect, strengthen, and pass local smokefree air policies and other tobacco control policies, advocating for the repeal of preemption of local control for youth access, and for increases in tobacco excise taxes. State tobacco control advocates can further strengthen their efforts by exposing the tobacco manufacturer ties, through campaign contributions and lobbying expenditures, to legislators who propose to threaten the advances that have been made in tobacco control. State tobacco control advocates should continue to seek higher tobacco excise taxes and for increased tobacco control funding for a sustained tobacco prevention media campaign. State tobacco control advocates should build on their successful track record by giving priority to continuing to protect, strengthen, and pass local smokefree air policies and 100% tobacco free schools. Recognizing the politically hostile environment in tobacco growing state legislatures, state tobacco control advocates should take a strong public position that state preemption of local smokefree air policies is a "deal breaker" for any state smokefree law and pledge to work to kill any such law, regardless of the other provisions.