Suchergebnisse

Background Non-native tree species (NNT) whose natural range is outside Europe have long been part of the cultural development of the European forest landscape, providing numerous benefits as well as posing risks to biodiversity and other ecosystem services. On the one hand, NNT are valued for their timber properties, high growth rates and resistance to drought for improving forestry or adapting forests to climate change. On the other hand, they can potentially negatively impact the environment and economy, particularly when they spread into protected areas, become established there and can only be controlled at great expense under risk management. Given their (potential) negative impacts, some NNT are classified as invasive in multiple European countries based on the results of risk assessments. The ones classified as invasive may be included in regional, national, or EU legislation, which may result in imposing restrictions on their cultivation. However, the methods applied in risk assessments across Europe were not specifically developed for NNT, and countries differ in their approaches. Existing methods may therefore not sufficiently identify the ecological risks associated with NNT unless they explicitly address the characteristics of tree species and site-specific aspects of forest management. Moreover, country-specific approaches may hamper the harmonisation of information and hinder risk assessments that extend across European borders. No studies to date have investigated the methods of risk assessments for NNT used in European forestry. Since NNT can have both risks and benefits, a careful and scientifically sound risk assessment is thus vital to provide clear evaluations for management, policy decisions and scientific purposes. Research objectives The main purpose of this thesis was to improve risk assessment approaches for the use of NNT in European forestry. In this context, the first objective was to review current risk assessment methods in Europe in terms of their suitability in identifying the ecological risks associated with NNT, thereby supporting both forest and risk management decisions (first objective). Based on the analysis of existing methods, it became obvious that it is necessary to improve the data base for risk assessments, e.g. by using forest inventory data (second objective), and to establish new criteria for assessing the risks of NNT (third objective). In summary, the main research objectives were as follows: (1) analyse the methods of existing risk assessment schemes in Europe for their practical applicability and consistency for potentially invasive non-native tree species. (2) strengthen the evidence base for risk assessments of widespread non-native tree species in Europe, using systematically collected data from forest inventories. (3) develop a risk assessment method that permits a more generalisable consideration of the costs and benefits of using non-native tree species in forests. Methods (1) Analysis of existing risk assessment tools Several risk assessment tools currently used in Germany and neighbouring countries were analysed for their practical applicability and consistency using four NNT (Fraxinus pennsylvanica Marsh., Paulownia tomentosa (Thunb. Ex Murray), Pseudotsuga menziesii (Mirb.) Franco, and Quercus rubra L.) as case studies. Literature reviews were carried out to collect the required information on the invasion biology of the four NNT in Europe. Different methods were applied by assessing the tools' criteria for each NNT using the information derived from the literature review based on the same reference area (Germany). (2) Strengthening the evidence base for risk assessments The relevance of using large scale forest inventory data for risk assessments was demonstrated using the two potentially invasive NNT, Quercus rubra and Pseudotsuga menziesii, in Germany as case studies. For this purpose, the establishment success of natural regeneration was quantified in terms of cover and height classes using national forest inventory data for Germany. The current extent of spread into protected forest habitats was investigated using a regional dataset for the State of Baden-Württemberg (south-west Germany). (4) Developing a risk assessment method for NNT First, basic principles and steps were identified and formulated for the development of a new methodological framework in order to assess the risks of NNT. Subsequently, four workshops were conducted with interdisciplinary groups of experts, public authorities, and stakeholders from the areas of forest conservation, silviculture, and nature conservation. Workshop participants were encouraged to evaluate each component of the proposed method and suggest improvements. Results and discussion Using different tools to classify risks for the same NNT yielded inconsistent results for all NNT. Different criteria are used in the methods and/or similar criteria are weighted differently. In most cases, no differentiation is made between the risks posed by NNT at different sites and ecosystem types. When data quality was poor, the precautionary principle (of considering only the worst observed effect) was typically applied without ranking the available ecological studies by their evidence. As a result, observations of small case studies are often extrapolated to large spatial scales by providing one single risk classification, i.e., typically 'invasive' or 'potentially invasive'. Such a single undifferentiated risk classification is unlikely to provide meaningful guidance for a wide range of different ecosystems and regions. Large-scale forest inventories can provide valuable data across a range of different forest types to support the risk assessments of widespread NNT in forests. Based on the assessment of Pseudotsuga menziesii and Quercus rubra, there was no evidence of high establishment and spreading potential for the majority of forest types in Germany. Natural regeneration of both NNT has been reported in a small proportion of protected forest habitats. Semi-natural forests with sufficient light in the understory and competitively inferior tree species can be considered most sensitive to invasion. To mitigate any potential negative effect of both NNT, management approaches may involve buffer zones around sensitive ecosystems. When natural regeneration of NNT is systematically recorded, the approach could also be applied in other countries or regions. A new methodological framework was developed to mitigate risks associated with the use of NNT in European forestry while taking advantage of their ecosystem services. In contrast to the previously developed risk assessment approaches, the proposed method takes different ecosystem sensitivities to NNT into consideration as well as existing silvicultural methods to control or exclude potential risks. The framework comprises eight steps and is based on the existing knowledge as well as collecting new data. In addition to the use of the proposed method, several changes of environmental policy and forest management are recommended in order to achieve positive outcomes in the sustainable management of NNT. Conclusions The analysis of existing risk assessment tools (first objective) has shown that the results of the different risk assessment methods applied in Central Europe cannot be used as a reliable decision support tool for both forest and risk management of NNT. To strengthen the evidence base for risk assessments (second objective), forest inventories can provide important data for assessing the establishment and spreading potential of widespread NNT across a range of sites, thus identifying sensitive ecosystem types. The risk assessment criteria developed in this thesis enable NNT with a low current risk to be identified and considered for planting. The criteria thus provide a framework for integrating risk mitigation into forest management and represent an important step towards reliable, Pan-European risk assessments of NNT (third objective). The knowledge derived from such risk assessments should be made available for various stakeholders. In addition, clear communication is necessary between practitioners, policymakers, and the public about the risks of NNT regarding different forest types, sites and regions, as well as available management options and uncertainties in the data. At the same time, further monitoring of NNT and more research on potential impacts are required to continuously improve the information basis for risk assessments. To strengthen the benefits of NNT while mitigating their risks, new political approaches based on unifying principles are needed in Europe. These issues need to be addressed to arrive at risk assessments that are of high practical value for the responsible use of NNT in European forestry. ; Hintergrund Nichtheimische Baumarten (engl: non-native tree species – NNT) mit einem natürlichen Verbreitungsgebiet außerhalb Europas sind seit langem Teil der kulturellen Entwicklung der europäischen Waldlandschaft und bieten zahlreiche Vorteile, können aber auch Risiken für die biologische Vielfalt und andere Ökosystemleistungen darstellen. Einerseits werden NNT wegen ihrer Holzeigenschaften, hohen Wachstumsraten und Trockenheitstoleranz geschätzt, um die Waldbewirtschaftung zu verbessern, oder die Widerstandsfähigkeit der Wälder gegenüber dem Klimawandel zu erhöhen. Andererseits können NNT sich potentiell negativ auf die Umwelt oder Wirtschaft auswirken, insbesondere, wenn sie sich in Schutzgebiete ausbreiten, sich dort etablieren und im Rahmen des Risikomanagements mit großem Aufwand reguliert werden müssen. Angesichts der möglichen negativen Auswirkungen kommen Risikobewertungen zu dem Ergebnis, dass einige NNT in mehreren europäischen Ländern als "invasiv" gelten. Wenn NNT als invasiv eingestuft werden, können sie in regionale, nationale oder EU-Gesetze aufgenommen werden, was zu Anbaubeschränkungen führen kann. Die Methoden, die derzeit zur Risikobewertung in Europa angewandt werden, wurden allerdings nicht speziell für NNT entwickelt und die Ansätze zur Bewertung sind über die Länder hinweg uneinheitlich. Daher ermitteln bestehende Methoden die ökologischen Risiken von NNT möglicherweise unzureichend, wenn sie weder die Eigenschaften von Baumarten noch die Grundsätze einer auf standörtlicher Planung differenzierten Waldbewirtschaftung berücksichtigen. Außerdem können länderspezifische Ansätze die Harmonisierung von Informationen und grenzüberschreitende Risikobewertungen erschweren. Da NNT sowohl Vor- als auch Nachteile haben können, ist eine sorgfältige wissenschaftlich fundierte Risikobewertung wichtig, um der Waldbewirtschaftung und den politischen Entscheidungsträgern klare Bewertungen zu liefern und den wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisstand zu erweitern. Forschungsziele Das zentrale Ziel dieser Arbeit war die Verbesserung der Methodik der Risikobewertung für NNT, die forstwirtschaftlich in Europa genutzt werden. Dazu war es erforderlich zu prüfen, ob mit den derzeitigen Risikobewertungsinstrumenten in Europa die mit NNT verbundenen ökologischen Risiken ermittelt werden können und die Instrumente somit zur Entscheidungsfindung von Maßnahmen der Waldbewirtschaftung und des Risikomanagements dienen können (1. Ziel). Aus der Analyse wurde deutlich, dass es wichtig ist, die Datengrundlage der Risikobewertung z.B. anhand von Waldinventurdaten zu verbessern (2. Ziel), sowie neue Kriterien aufzustellen, die für Risikobewertungen von NNT notwendig sind (3. Ziel). In der Zusammenfassung stellen sich die Forschungsziele also wie folgt dar: (1) Analyse bestehender Instrumente der Risikobewertung in Europa auf ihre praktische Anwendbarkeit und Konsistenz für potenziell invasive nichtheimische Baumarten. (2) Stärkung der Evidenzbasis für Risikobewertungen von weit verbreiteten nichtheimischen Baumarten in Europa unter Verwendung systematisch erhobener Daten aus Waldinventuren. (3) Entwicklung einer Risikobewertungsmethode, die eine generalisierbare Betrachtung von Kosten und Nutzens nichtheimischer Baumarten in Wäldern ermöglicht. Methodik (1) Analyse bestehender Instrumente der Risikobewertung Es wurden mehrere derzeit in Deutschland und den Nachbarländern angewendete Risikobewertungsinstrumente auf ihre praktische Anwendbarkeit und Konsistenz hin untersucht, wobei vier NNT (Fraxinus pennsylvanica Marsh., Paulownia tomentosa (Thunb. Ex Murray), Pseudotsuga menziesii (Mirb.) Franco, und Quercus rubra L.) als Fallstudien verwendet wurden. Es wurden Literaturrecherchen durchgeführt, um die erforderlichen Informationen zur Invasionsbiologie der vier NNT in Europa zu sammeln. Die verschiedenen Bewertungsinstrumente wurden angewandt, indem die Kriterien der Instrumente für jede NNT anhand der aus der Literaturübersicht abgeleiteten Informationen auf der Grundlage desselben Referenzgebiets (Deutschland) bewertet wurden. (2) Stärkung der Evidenzbasis für Risikobewertungen Die Relevanz von Waldinventurdaten für die Risikobewertung wurde anhand der beiden in potentiell invasiven NNT Quercus rubra und Pseudotsuga menziesii in Deutschland in Fallstudien gezeigt. Im Rahmen dessen wurde der Etablierungserfolg der Naturverjüngung anhand von Deckungsgraden und Höhenklassen unter Verwendung der Bundeswaldinventur für verschiedene Waldtypen in Deutschland quantifiziert. Das aktuelle Ausmaß der Ausbreitung in geschützte Waldlebensräume wurde anhand eines regionalen Datensatzes für das Bundesland Baden-Württemberg (Südwestdeutschland) untersucht. (3) Entwicklung einer neuen Risikobewertungsmethode Zur Entwicklung eines neuen methodischen Rahmens zur Bewertung der Risiken von NNT wurden zunächst die erforderlichen Grundlagen und Komponenten identifiziert und beschrieben. Im Anschluss wurden vier Workshops mit interdisziplinären Gruppen aus Experten, Behörden und Interessenvertretern aus den Bereichen Waldschutz, Waldbau und Naturschutz, durchgeführt. Zur Validierung der für europäische Waldökosysteme neu vorgeschlagenen Methode, bewerteten die Workshop-Teilnehmer alle Komponenten der neuen Methode und waren aufgerufen Verbesserungen vorzuschlagen. Ergebnisse und Diskussion Verschiedene Instrumente zur Risikobewertung führten für dieselbe NNT bei allen vier NNT zu uneinheitlichen Ergebnissen. Die Ursachen sind unter anderem die Verwendung von unterschiedlichen Kriterien innerhalb der Methoden und/oder die unterschiedliche Gewichtung ähnlicher Kriterien. Bei den meisten Instrumenten wird nicht zwischen den Risiken unterschieden, die von NNT an verschiedenen Standorten oder innerhalb verschiedener Ökosystemtypen ausgehen. Wenn die Datenlage unsicher ist, wird häufig das Vorsorgeprinzip (Annahme des schlimmsten möglichen Falls) angewandt, ohne die verfügbaren ökologischen Studien gemäß ihrer Evidenz zu berücksichtigen. Infolgedessen werden Beobachtungen aus kleinen Fallstudien auf große räumliche Maßstäbe extrapoliert, indem eine einzige Risikoeinstufung vorgenommen wird, in der Regel "invasiv" oder "potenziell invasiv". Eine solche undifferenzierte Risikoklassifizierung liefert keine aussagekräftigen Anhaltspunkte für das Management verschiedener Ökosysteme und Regionen. Groß angelegte Waldinventuren können wertvolle Daten für verschiedene Waldtypen liefern und so die Risikobewertungen von weit verbreiteten NNT verbessern. Die Bewertung von Pseudotsuga menziesii und Quercus rubra ergab zum Beispiel keine Hinweise auf ein hohes Etablierungs- und Ausbreitungspotenzial beider Baumarten in den meisten Waldtypen in Deutschland. Naturverjüngung beider NNT wurde nur in einem kleinen Teil der geschützten Waldstandorte festgestellt. Naturnahe Wälder mit weniger konkurrenzstarken Baumarten und ausreichend Licht im Unterholz können als besonders anfällig für eine Invasion angesehen werden. Zur Abschwächung möglicher negativer Auswirkungen beider NNT empfiehlt es sich daher, Pufferzonen um empfindliche Ökosysteme einzurichten. Wenn die Naturverjüngung von NNT systematisch erfasst wird, könnte solch eine Risikobewertung auch in anderen Ländern oder Regionen angewendet werden. Um die mit der Verwendung von NNT in europäischen Wäldern verbundenen Risiken zu verringern und gleichzeitig die Vorteile ihrer Ökosystemleistungen zu nutzen, wurde in dieser Arbeit ein neuer methodischer Rahmen entwickelt. Im Gegensatz zu früher entwickelten Ansätzen ermöglicht die vorgeschlagene Methode die Berücksichtigung unterschiedlicher Empfindlichkeiten von Ökosystemen gegenüber NNT und bestehende waldbauliche Steuerungsmöglichkeiten zur Risikokontrolle und -vermeidung. Die Methode ist in acht Schritte gegliedert und basiert sowohl auf vorhandenem Wissen als auch auf Erhebung neuer Daten. Um eine verantwortungsvolle Nutzung von NNT zu forcieren, wurden neben der Anwendung der vorgeschlagenen Methode auch verschiedene Änderungen in der Umweltpolitik und der Waldbewirtschaftung empfohlen. Schlussfolgerungen Die Analyse der bestehenden Instrumente zur Risikobewertung (1. Ziel) hat gezeigt, dass die in Mitteleuropa angewandten Methoden keine zuverlässige Entscheidungshilfe für Maßnahmen der Waldbewirtschaftung und des Risikomanagements von NNT sind. Die Erweiterung der Datengrundlage (2. Ziel) mithilfe von Waldinventuren kann wertvolle Informationen zur Etablierung und natürlichen Ausbreitung von NNT über die ganze Bandbreite von Waldökosystemen liefern und somit zur Identifikation besonders sensibler Ökosysteme beitragen. Die in dieser Arbeit entwickelten Bewertungskriterien ermöglichen es, NNT mit einem geringen aktuellen Risiko zu identifizieren und beim zukünftigen Anbau zu berücksichtigen. Die Kriterien bieten somit einen Rahmen zur Risikominderung innerhalb der Waldbewirtschaftung und stellen einen wichtigen Schritt in Richtung einer zuverlässigen, europaweiten Risikobewertung von NNT dar (3. Ziel). Die aus solchen Risikobewertungen gewonnenen Erkenntnisse sollten den verschiedenen Interessengruppen zur Verfügung gestellt und mit Praktikern, politischen Entscheidungsträgern und der Öffentlichkeit klar kommuniziert werden. Dies beinhaltet eine differenzierte Darstellung der Risiken in Bezug auf verschiedene Waldtypen, Standorte und Regionen, sowie den Möglichkeiten der waldbaulichen Steuerung der NNT und mögliche Unsicherheiten der Datengrundlage. Gleichzeitig ist ein laufendes Monitoring der NNT und mehr Forschung zu möglichen Auswirkungen erforderlich, um die Informationsgrundlage für Risikobewertungen zu verbessern. In Europa sind einheitliche Regularien auf der Grundlage gemeinsamer Prinzipien erforderlich, um die mit NNT einhergehenden Risiken zu mindern und ihre Vorteile zu nutzen. All diese Punkte sind essentiell, um Risikobewertungen von NNT so durchzuführen, dass sie von hohem praktischen Nutzen für einen verantwortungsvollen Umgang mit NNT in der europäischen Forstwirtschaft sind.

The signature of the Peace Agreement in Colombia poses great challenges for the post-conflict policies. One of them concerns the role of the education, especially peace education since it is critical to help future to transform social practices that sustain a culture of violence. Thus, this dissertation proposes a framework for developing peace education programs in contexts of non-formal education, from a constructionist orientation. The idea of developing peace education programs in contexts of non-formal adult education, emerges from fact that peace education in Colombia has been considered for conventional levels of education (public and private schools, college and universities), since they are commonly assumed as the only institutions that can formally achieve the mission of peace education as it has the authority, the means and the conditions to carry out this task. Although this is true, in a country like Colombia with a diversity of populations, territories, traditions and contexts, as well as the impossibility of many people to access the traditional educational system due to the armed conflict, it´s important to broaden the traditional notion of peace education and include actors that are different in age, life histories and cultural horizons. The orientation of this work was constructionism since it emphasizes the importance of a curriculum that comes out of the concrete experience and interests of people in communities, where the objective of peace education has to, in a contextualized way, respond to the relational needs of the population with which we intend to work. This way of conceiving peace education has many implications. The first one is that the focus is no longer on the content or on the curricula, itself, but on the relational process of learning. This implies that the content and process of peace education are mutually determined by the whole community and unfolds as they interact with each other; they are not determined by a linear pre-structured curriculum that determines how the classes should be. Likewise, the expertise of the teacher resides in the generation of a space for collaborative and dialogic conversations more than in the development or transmission of content. Another consequence is that the main concern is on how we build relations in the classroom and how we are accountable to each other. In this sense, relational learning is considered as the core and the keystone of peace education. I should point out that, when I refer to relational learning, I mean a way of conceiving education such that all those involved create and contribute in the construction of a safe and collaborative learning environment. According to the above, the general objective of this research was to develop a proposal of education for peace from a constructionist stance in non-formal contexts of education in Colombia. The specific Objectives were: 1) Describe the pedagogical practices used in the experiences that were developed. 2) Identify the most meaningful practices for the participants. 3) Establish the most relevant learnings of the students and identify differences and similarities between the experiences carried out. 4) To formulate criteria for the construction of programs of education for peace from a constructionist perspective, in non-formal contexts of education. This process was carried out in two different contexts, in a training center of the National Police of Colombia and in the ACR. The ACR is an institution attached to the Presidency of the Republic that is in charge of the process of reintegration. This process covers all Colombians who have been active agents of armed groups such as, FARC-EP, M 19, ELN, EPL or AUC. In this transit from illegality to legality, the ACR seeks to guarantee mechanisms and programs that provide protection from the government and that ensure a return to legality and the social and economic reincorporation of people. The methodology of this work was a systematization of experiences, which is a modality of knowledge production that emerges from popular education, which is part of Latin American critical thinking and critical research. In qualitative research, systematization is understood as a process of recovery and appropriation of a particular educational practice. This methodology offers theoretical-practical components that allow individuals to understand and explain contexts, sense, logics and problem aspects that the experience presents. The analysis of information was performed by using a categorical analysis and organization of the experiences from qualitative data. The analysis designed taking into account three categories that were: 1. Significant learnings; 2. Aspects to be improved; and 3. Best practices. They were defined as follows: 1.Significant learnings: Refers to different orders of learning (personal, theoretical, contextual) that participants identified as meaningful about the pedagogical experience. 2.Aspects to be improved: Refers to those aspects of the pedagogical experience that can be improved in future scenarios. 3.Best practices: This refers to the information obtained from different inputs where students could give an account of the practices used that were more important for them during the process. From the analysis of the systematization, I design a framework for developing peace education programs from a constructionist orientation. This framework consists of three phases: The first involves the construction of a relational context, this means, the interactive activities and processes between students and teacher that foster the coordination of multiple local realities and that foster a collaborative environment for learning. The second phase focuses in the development of a dialogical space in the form of seminar-workshops, which seeks to build a collaborative process with students, to address theoretical contents that operate in parallel with practical activities. This dialogical design seeks that those who participate ask themselves about their life histories, how they lived the Colombian armed conflict, how they want to transform in their daily lives the cycles of violence and finally, how they want to contribute to the construction of a culture of peace. This methodology adopts a modality of practical and reflective work that encourages activities, were students could generate and explore multiple descriptions and perspectives of the armed conflict, and where they could place their convictions into question, listen to alternative framings and co-create new understandings. The third phase is design to reflect on the learning achieved during the process and to think about the emerging possibilities that can be created and amplified, in the development of the construction of a vision for the future that transforms a culture of violence. Conclusions One of the greatest learnings and challenges of this work (both mine as a researcher and of my students) was the incorporation of the notion of multiple perspectives in the pedagogic space. This idea encouraged us to think that there isn't a uniform world but a multiform one in which multiple meanings converge and demand a dialogical position. Therefore, the most important focus of this work was centered on how to generate pedagogical spaces that allowed us to listen to each other, negotiate meanings, reflect and discuss without imposing a reality as absolute. Another lesson learned along this dissertation is to understand context reading as one of the skills of peace educators. This ability of context reading lies in connecting with the group, with the students and the actions taken, perceiving how these actions are received and what effects the intervention have on them. From the experience of this work, I also understood that to conceive peace education in a constructionist perspective, implies the reflection of the ways in which a multiplicity of traditions, conceptions of violence, armed conflict, and peace, coexist in the classroom. In this sense, the existence of diverse social groups, ages, political backgrounds, professions, involves at the same time a diversity of moral conceptions, of ways of being located in the world, of solving questions. In turn, this posture requires from us to be open to dialogue and conversation with the other. This situates us, as practitioners, within a relational ethic where attentiveness to the process of relating is centered, rather than adherence to some abstract, decontextualized set of principles. Dialogue, as an ethic of relationally sensitive practice, respects the diversity of locally situated beliefs and values. To this extent today I comprehend that peace, as a social construction, is a daily process that is contextually anchored and relationally performed. Today, more than ever, I know that as educators, we must assume a performative, open, dialogical and collaborative attitude. We have to listen more and talk more because only in this way we will be able to perform coordinated action. Thus peace education, as a form of coordinating actions, should invite us to achieve conversations in which we experience an openness that allows us to recognize ourselves without fear, with empathy and deep listening. I also found that peace education can be directed in three senses: First, in giving priority to the relation, since relationships come before knowledge, contents and information. Only from the relational space it is possible to enhance the resources of students so as to expand the narrative borders of the conflict description, not only from the deficit but also from the always-possible alternatives of consolidating new learning. Secondly in the sense of changing the one-way communication in education where the voice of the teacher is privileged and the student's voice is undermined. To do so, allowing students to participate in decisions that are made inside the classroom is crucial. Third, in the sense of changing the inclination of Knowing, so common in the history of education, and open the way to the notion of co-constructing alternative spaces of formal and non-formal education. In this regard to generate pedagogical innovations we must be curious and connected to what is happening in the classroom as much as being very sensitive to the feedback of the students. Challenges in peace education In the elaboration of this work I found different aspects that more than difficulties I consider them as challenges for the people who work in this field. The first one refers to the dialogue that as educators we must embrace with different institutions (whether public, private or governmental), which leads us to ask ourselves, what demands are present in the institutional discourses? and, how do we understand the needs and interests of participants and institutions to which they belong. The second challenge refers to the limits of the educational or pedagogical space and the psychosocial one. In doing this work one of the difficulties with which I found myself was how in contexts of sociopolitical violence there are some topics and moments that touch delicate experiences of people. This lead us the following questions: What is the role of the teacher in peace education: people expect to be heard and valued and that they can "vent"; but, is it enough? what objectives should be addressed by a teacher working from a constructionist perspective: to carry out therapeutic activities or to discern the political role that he/she has? what are the limits? We still need to make evident, in the practice, such complexity in peace education and the emotional areas that are addressed and that many times become difficult to manage, where the teacher must have the ability to emotionally content the students. The third challenge refers to the micro political aspects of peace education. In connection with the previous reflection, becomes relevant for teachers to be aware of the political role of the activities, dialogues and reflections that we develop in the classroom. This micro political aspect is an attempt to legitimize the idea that from peace education, the challenge of promoting changes in the realities of people must be assumed. In this sense, actions are micro political if politics is understood as the updating of power, while it is an opportunity to define new realities and to promote critical reflexivity. Thus, this dissertation allows me to propose my own conception about the meaning of peace education in the context of non-formal education. It is built from actions that alter dominant micro political practices, that is to say, moving from imposition to receptive listening, from master classes to contact with people and learning by doing, from keeping for ourselves what we think to sharing with others and building a way of being in the social aspect, from living in destructive criticism to recognizing what others have to give. All of this leads to the emergence of alternative actions tending to generate a culture of peace. This understanding of peace education should invite teachers to reflect critically on how the contextual forces that are present -gender relationships, poverty situations, confrontation between political actors, socio-political violence and the belief system of the participants- shape the choices they make along the development of the program/course/class. That is to say that, peace education must be seen as an unfolding journey and not as a detailed, planned event.

The Limpopo Province is one of the nine Provinces in South Africa, located in the far north of the country, bordered by Gauteng (south), Mpumalanga (south-east) and North West (south-west) Provinces along its southern border. It links the country to the southern African Democratic Countries, via Botswana, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, along its northern borders both economically and hydrological. The Province is characterised by insufficient and highly variable rainfall patterns upon which the agricultural sector depends on, prone to extreme climate events (such as drought and flood), high concentration of rural poor and socioeconomic inequalities. Water scarcity and inefficient available water use are some principle constraints evident from low agricultural productivity. Limpopo smallholder farmers (LSF) are faced with numerous challenges, ranging from resource access to agriculturally marginal farmlands located in the former demarcated homelands in agro-ecologies characterized by erratic rainfall, poor soil fertility, low crop productivity, degraded landscapes, and lack of irrigation and limited land for expansion. Climate change is projected to be an additional stressor, threatening small-scale agricultural farmers' productivity and livelihoods. A primary concern addressed by this thesis is to generate scientifically based information that can help to enhance the farmers' ability to respond effectively to current and future climate regimes. The overall aim of this study was to develop and evaluate climate smart agriculture (CSA) strategies for attaining resilience and adaptation pathways in smallholder farming system to climate variability and change. CSA is an approach that transforms and changes the direction of agricultural development under human-induced climate change. This aim was addressed through the following specific objectives:  to carry out field survey- and desktop-analysis to investigate whether the LSF perceived past and future climates are in agreement with scientific evidence, and how farmers' inclination to adopt climate smart adaptation practices is influenced by past climate experiences, as well as their constraints and future climate concerns.  to conduct field experimental trails to evaluate effects of climate smart practices on soil moisture and maize yields, then used to parameterise, calibrate and validate the daily time-step APSIM model, and lastly upscale them to sub-catchment level to test their effects across different soils, climates and locations by coupling the APSIM model with geographical information system. This was done to test if increasing surface residue application leads to higher soil-water retention, and thus maize yield; and if insitu rainwater harvesting (IRWH) in combination with conservation agriculture leads to higher yields than conventional practice.  to assess the likely impacts and opportunities of LSF's crop management practices under changing environmental conditions, and  to determine when incremental adaptation is not an option and transformational adaptation might be suitable or needed to address risk and vulnerability of Limpopo Small-scale agriculture under climate future projections. CSA practices aimed at reducing small-scale farmers' exposure to climate-related risks and increasing their productivity, while improving their resilience and adaptive capacity to climate variability and change were identified. The practices were selected on bases of incorporating an integrated soil, water and crop management strategies approach, to increase and sustain crop productivity by increasing water availability, crop access to soil-water and soil-water holding capacity. A structured survey questionnaire was used to collate data on across 6 villages (n = 201) to better understand the LSFs practices, experiences and perceptions, with emphasis on climate variability and change. The data was initially used to determine if the LSFs understood impact of climate variability and change, thereafter, utilized the collected information to determine what influences the LSFs willingness to adopt climate-smart adaptation practices. This was archived through a multiple-mediation analysis of farmers past climate experiences, adoption of climate-smart adaptation practices, their future concerns regarding extreme climate, and physical and socio-economic adaptation constraints, presented in Chapter 2. The LSF indicated that they have noticed changes in climate (citing hotter conditions and shifts in rainfall onsets) and perceived that temperature are more likely to continue to increase in far distant future while the rainfall will decline. Their observations and perceptions were found to be consistent with historical climate records, and climate model projections, particularly temperature regimes. The multiple-mediation analysis suggests that past climate experiences of LSF directly influenced willingness to adopt climate-smart practices, and indirectly by concerns about future extreme conditions, economic and physical adaptation constraints. Summary 104 In the third chapter, field experiments data were conducted over two seasons (i.e. 2013/14 and 2014/15) at University of Limpopo Syferkuil Research Farm in Limpopo Province, on effects of tillage practices on maize crop production are presented. The practices considered were (i) tillage practices (i.e. IRWH, no-till (NT) and conservation tillage (CT) practices), (ii) surface organic mulch cover, (iii) planting dates and (iv) maize cultivars. IRWH is documented in literature as mitigating dry spells by increasing soil-water storage and improving crop production. Application of mulch cover is linked with reducing unproductive water loss via evaporation. Integration of both tillage practices and surface mulch cover improves infiltration and hence increases soil-water storage required particularly during critical maize crop growing periods, such as vegetative and reproductive growth stages. The two seasons offered an opportunity for the comparison of field experimental treatments, with the start of El Nino during the second growing season and the above normal rainfall in the first season. In the first season yields there were no treatment differences, with average maize grain and biomass yields of 5 and 10 ton per ha, respectively, while in second season the yields were half that of the first and treatment effects were found with high yields from NT tillage practice, followed by IRWH and then CT. Further, maize productivity increased with increments in surface mulch levels. The soil-water and plant available water in the first season were high for NT followed by CT and then IRWH, whereas, for the second season were high for CT followed by IRWH and then NT. In the field experiment, during below normal rainfall, NT performed slightly better than IRWH. This observation suggests that these practices are likely to be more of benefit during dry spells and/or below average rainfall years. The data from the field experiment and secondary data were used to parameterize, calibrate and validate a daily process-based farming systems model, APSIM - Agricultural Production Systems sIMulator. The model calibration indicated a positive strong relationship between predicted and observed maize grain yields and biomass. The validation analysis suggests that the model is capable of simulating soil-water, biomass (r = 0.82 and RMSE of 572 kg.ha-1) and grain yields (r =0.76 and RMSE = 2 577 kg.ha-1). In order to simulate the effects of IRWH on hydrological processes and crop productivity APSIM was configured with a runoff generation area and a basin collection along a soil profile. This concept was adopted from the PARCHED-Thirst model and yielded a strong correlation with observed data. The strong correlation between model simulations and observed were also found in validation analysis of effects of CT and NT tillage practices. The calibrated model was used for climate impact and adaptation strategies analysis. To perform the analysis over the Limpopo Province, in unmeasured or tested locations and environmental conditions - an APSIM-GIS coupling approach commonly used in hydrological modelling, was adopted in this research for scaling up the validated model's farming systems to sub-catchment scale, for simulating the tillage practices effects on agro-hydrological responses across varying climate and soils over different locations and time period. Findings from the simulations based on APSIM-GIS coupling over maize producing areas in the Province on effects of tillage practices with different surface mulch levels on agrohydrological responses, suggested the available soil-water content increased with increments in surface residue, but these positive effects were negated in some sub-catchments with high rainfall and/or through drainage losses. A similar trend as soil-water content was observed for maize grain yield, but with even more sub-catchments experiencing higher yields, and some decrease with increments in residue application levels mostly in high rainfall areas. The combination of both tillage and surface residue yielded higher maize grain yields in IRWH combination and less so in NT. In order to select an ensemble of representative General Circulation Model (GCM) suitable for assessing future climate scenarios, GCM's similar to those presented in Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change 4th Assessment report were used, and only those available at daily time-step and empirically downscaled (to climate station level) were selected for inclusion in the fourth chapter. Further, the GCMs scenarios values used were from the A2 emission (low mitigation) storylines forcing over the Limpopo Province. Then, a set of these GCMs scenario values representing four random locations assumed to representative of the Province were selected. The selection process was based the GCMs performance in predicting past climate conditions, followed by their representation of a range of future climate projections, with precipitation as dominant determinant factor owing to all GCM projections suggesting a similar direction in temperature regimes. Crop management scenarios, developed from LSF survey data, were surface mulch application only for poor-resourced farmers, whereas, for better-resourced farmers both nitrogen fertiliser and surface mulch application, both farmer groups with early and late sowing dates. The practices identified were different sowing dates, N fertilizer and surface mulch application, and interaction effects of the Summary 105 practices. These were used for climate change impacts assessment of LSF system across maize growing sub-catchments over the Province, using the calibrated coupled APSIM-GIS modelling system. Two climate projections periods, i.e. 1971-1990 and 2046-2065, were used and findings from the assessment indicated that an increased fertiliser use leading to higher soil fertility would increase yields for present and future projections. The incorporation of surface mulch effect lead to significant declines in simulated grain yields (over 90 %) mainly in high rainfall areas. Early sowing dates had significant effect on potential maize yields with 48 % increase, over 58 % of the Province. The interaction effects of the management scenarios are likely to result in up to 17 % higher yields. Therefore, N fertilization should be part of the practices that allow higher productivity even under less favourable climate. Poor-resourced farmers' potential maize yields under projected future climate will be negatively impacted, with some gains arising from those who plant early and do not apply surface mulch. Better-resourced farmers were shown to have an opportunity to capitalise on climate change impacts, compared to their counterparts mainly due to application of N fertilizer. The current poor farmer management practices are not resilient to prevailing climates and are postulated in climate futures leading to significant low crop productivity. Soil fertility, planting dates and soil-water availability, in particular, were identified as factors influencing productivity in the Province. Projected increase in temperature was found to be the main contributors to low or reduce productivity, even with wetter future projections from the GCMs. The incremental, systemic and transformational adaptation modes, identified from literature as likely climate adaptation pathways, represented by adopt of short duration cultivars, mainstreaming supplementary irrigation and shifting from cereal crop to livestock ranching as adaptation measures (respectively). These adaptation modes were used to assessing plausible optimal adaptation phase for LSF by mid-century, using median GCM and coupled APSIM-GIS modelling approach. The findings indicate that transformational adaptation might be required much earlier than suggested from literature to be towards end of the century, as some areas are already experiencing extreme climate risks and vulnerabilities that might not be alleviated by incremental adaptation measures, as a result of increase temperatures exceeding the historical variability thresholds. Further, the results suggest that for the beneficial effects of climate-smart practices to optimize agricultural productivity, they would need to be targeted and adapted to a specific biophysical condition. The traditional cropping systems assessed in this study indicated spatially varied potential gains and losses in yields, however, farmers can capitalise on change climate by adopting better cropping practices and using seasonal forecast linked sowing dates. Incremental adaptation measures, such as farm management, are suggested not to be sufficient for addressing projected climate impacts at mid-century. This is expected to occur in certain areas and/or systems, particularly specialised cropping systems, when the climate-related risks and vulnerabilities far outweighs the adaptive response, and thus requiring transformational adaptation. Such transformational adaptation, in terms of landuse change has already observed in the region with traditional crop farmers opting for ranching and game farming, and large scale adoptions of irrigation.

1. General observations Africa south of the Sahara is probably the most vulnerable region when it comes to the impact and consequences of climate changes. Yet the African continent runs a serious risk of being marginalized in the global dialogue on climate issues. Africa contributes little to the global emissions of CO2, and other greenhouse gases. The major focus of the Framework Convention on Climate Change is on abatement and mitigation of emissions rather than adaptation to the consequences of climate change, and African states have therefore been slow to ratify the treaty and not as active in the international negotiation process as states from other parts of the world. Curbing emissions if justifiably not a central African concern. Yet Africa's potential vulnerability should demand attention from both African policy makers and other decision makers. Africa's natural resource base is seriously threatened. The two central guiding principles of African climate policy both on the part of governments and of international institutions should be reducing vulnerability on the one hand and increasing resilience on the other. Decision makers should not use the remaining scientific uncertainty and the acknowledged dearth of detailed information on African resource management as an excuse for inaction. Not taking climate change into account could be a serious source of mismanagement and fallacious planning. Both increase in temperature and increasing variability of climate are serious dangers in the future. Land degradation policies as well as future energy development should be central concerns. Any strategy for Africa should seek to minimize the potential conflicts among the concerns and priorities for development, adaptation and abatement. Africa's vulnerability to climatic changes relates to a number of factors, including 1) the dependency on bio-fuel, 2) the importance of agriculture, 3) immobility, 4) poor health services, 5) population growth, and 6) low material standards. In the case of Africa, it is difficult to make clear distinctions between abatement and adaptation measures. Social and economic development are necessary in order to prepare the continent for adaptation. 2. African obligations and opportunities under the Climate Convention Forty-nine African states have signed the Climate Convention, but only 33 have ratified so far (23.06.95). Ratification is important because- 1) it signifies the acceptance of the principles of the convention and 2) ratification will be required for financial support under the FCCC. The substantive obligation of all African Parties is a commitment to formulate a climate policy and how it could be implemented. Developing countries shall report on their inventories of GHG emissions, along with their plans and measures to meet the convention's objective within three years after the entry into force of the convention. Least-developed countries may report at their own discretion. Multilateral financing institutions should invest in data gathering on all levels to enhance awareness and improve the possibility for responsible governance in respect to natural resource management and environmental protection. Joint Implementation (JI) can allow for cost effective implementation of the Climate Convention, and provide funding for climate related projects for countries where financial resources are scarce or lacking. 3. Modeling of climate change in Africa There are still substantial limitations in the ability to provide accurate predictions of future climate in Africa. Confidence in regional model predictions is low and there are substantial differences between the models. One can distinguish between three regions when it comes to climatic changes in Africa: 1) Sahel region, 2) corresponding dry regions south of the Equator in Zimbabwe, Botswana, Malawi, etc., and 3) the tropical region centered around the Equator. Major findings from IPCC -90 and -92 of relevance for Africa Temperature. Expected increases in annual average surface temperature at the time of C02 doubling: Northern subtropical region (including Sahel): 2 degrees Celsisus (0.5-3.0 degrees Celsisus), Tropical region: 1.5 degrees Celsisus (0.5-2.5 degrees Celsisus), and Southern subtropical region: 2 degrees Celsisus (0.5-3.0 degrees Celsisus). Precipitation: Increase in surface temperature and increased radiative cooling of the atmosphere due to doubling of CO2, concentrations lead to increased evaporation at the surface and increased intensity of convective precipitation (e.g. thunderstorms from large cumulus towers). Sea level rise: Thermal expansion is regarded as the most important process. Predictions are a 20±10cm increase in sea level at the time of CO2, doubling. IPCC-90 estimates up to a 65cm increase in sea level in year 2100, but this number is likely to be decreased to 40~45cm in the new IPCC-95 report. Observed trends. Since 1895, annual average temperatures has increased by 0.53'C over continental Africa. The recent 25 year dry period in Sahel is the most substantial change in observed precipitation in the global record. Explanations have been sought in 1) land use changes, and 2) circulation changes caused by changing patterns of sea surface temperatures (SST). If the drought represents the first sign of a global warming remains however uncertain. Current anthropogenic emissions of greenhouse gases (GHGS) in Africa. 1) Carbon dioxide (CO2): The major source is land use change (~70); the rest originates mainly from industry and transportation. The African contribution of CO2, was in 1990 estimated to be about 7 0f the world's total. 2) Methane (CH4,): Emissions in Africa are about 7 0f the world's total, with livestock being the main source. Industrial sources are oil and gas production and coal mining. 3) Nitrous oxide (N2O) sources are mainly of natural origin. 3) Chlorofluorocarbons (CFC): Africa's share of global CFC emissions is estimated at 3. 4. Natural resource management The uncertainties in predicting climate change impacts in Africa must be underlined, and other human or natural influences may mitigate or exacerbate the effects. Natural variability in Africa is also substantial, and people are to a large extent adapted to changes. Still, predicted human-induced climatic changes are expected to occur very rapidly, and little is known about the capability of the ecosystems - which forms the basis for human existence - to adapt to such changes. It is also clear that impacts of climate change will be unevenly distributed: groups with the highest present vulnerability, such as poor people and people living in marginal areas, will most likely suffer most. Generally, changes in the frequency of extreme weather events would probably have greater impact than changes in average conditions. Agricultural Resources. The fertilizing effect of enhanced CO2 level on plant growth is well documented in laboratory studies, but disputed when it comes to complex "real-world" systems. Other factors concerning climate change impacts on agriculture include 1) Warmer climate and changes in rainfall may reduce the appropriability of present crops. Already being a major problem today, loss of crop and livestock genetic resources may threaten sustainable agricultural development and adaptations to future changes. 2) Increased intensity of rainfall may increase soil erosion, nutrient leaching and crop damage, 3) Changes in timing and length of growing seasons may lead to planning problems, 4) Loss of rainfall in marginal and vulnerable areas would exacerbate drought and desiccation problems, increase risks for bushfire and put forests at their dry margins at risk, and increase problems in animal husbandry, 5) Some models predict a noticeable loss of food production in Africa, but regional variations would probably be large, and local differences (such as in cropping systems) will to a large extent determine how significant the climate change impacts will be. 6) Sea level rise will put low lying agricultural areas at risk, and may render major rivers unsuitable for irrigation. Fish resources. Fish make up a significant part of the food supply in Africa, with a total harvest potential estimated at 10.5 million tons. It is expected that global warming will, varying with species, relocate fish populations. Freshwater populations in small rivers and lakes are vulnerable due to restricted ability to move in response to changes. In areas becoming drier, loss of habitat would also represent a threat. Fish populations are generally very sensitive to even small changes in frequency of extreme events. For the more mobile marine fish populations, relocation does not necessarily mean that production and potential yields are lowered, but subsistence and small scale-fishermen may suffer if institutional arrangements do not enable them to move within regions and across boundaries. Biodiversity. Impacts on biological diversity should be of particular concern, as the welfare of human beings strongly depends on the existence of biological systems and processes. Biological diversity provides a wide range of goods and services, including a genetic basis for agricultural development, and represents a heritage of unique species and ecosystems. Species will probably respond differentially to climatic changes, leading to new aggregations and ecosystems. In ecological terms, the predicted changes will occur over a short period of time. Migration is expected to be the main adaptation strategy, and adaptation success will be determined by the species' ability to respond quickly enough, as well as the suitability of the migration routes: Migration may be blocked by natural or human imposed barriers, or the natural environment (e.g. soils) may be inappropriate. A large part of the natural bio-diversity in Africa is confined to isolated reserves surrounded by agricultural land. Small populations are particularly vulnerable, and endemic species will be at risk of extinction. The changes would on the other hand favor species with high dispersal rates, ability to colonize a wide range of habitats and a high tolerance towards stress. Water resources. Past droughts have shown that for marginal and vulnerable areas, even a small reduction in water supply is critical. Water scarcity has substantial health and ecological consequences. Even today, there is growing scarcity of water in many African regions, and several countries rely on water originating outside their borders. Sea level rises can be expected to lead to increased saltwater intrusion in the groundwater. Desalinization is too costly for most countries. Hydro power generation is also vulnerable to temperature increases and rainfall changes. Social, political and economic impacts. Many authors mention the risk of getting more "eco-refugees". In addition to the social and health problems they may create, major migrations would also increase political tensions. Economic impacts include costs of climate-caused damages and costs of adapting to climate changes. In low-lying areas, sea level rise may cause substantial losses of land for human habitation, which in river deltas and urban centers will be aggravated by subsidence caused by extraction of water and hydrocarbons. 5. African priorities African policy statements emphasize that contributions to Climate Change mitigation efforts should not adversely affect their development targets. Few African countries have national policies explicitly aimed at combating climate change impacts, as they are not required to develop such plans until 1997. African policies are expected to concentrate on combating vulnerability. More specifically, this involves capacity building in a number of areas, including formulation of national and regional inventories and programs, development of effective negotiation skills, developing research capabilities, conducting cost-benefit analyses, and capacity building in the area of technology assessment and transfer. Improvement in planning capacity and governance would improve Africa's resilience to eventual climate changes. Future energy scenarios. African countries should get support in taking advantage of new technology for alternative energy resources, where no-regret options should be given priority. It should be underlined that effective mitigation measures against global warming must reinforce national economic policies and enhance the welfare of households. Three different energy scenarios for Africa are discussed: 1) Stagnation, 2) Growth based on fossil fuels, and 3) Sustainable growth. Scenario 1 is characterized by slow economic development and rapid population growth. Scenarios 2 and 3 involve high social and economic development and falling fertility rates. Scenario 2 is a fossilfuels based development, while scenario 3 provides large scale use of alternative energy sources and sustainable economic development. Economic development and improved living standards, especially among women, are necessary to reduce population growth. Abatement measures. Abatement measures may be carried out as part of a development strategy. Such no-regret options may however need additional funding to be carried out, since market failures and national constraints to the economy may make such options too costly for African governments. One should focus on measures with limited impacts on activities "outside" the market economy. The concern for climate change could make the support of new technology in Africa more attractive, but one should be aware that this may bias the countries' preferences for projects.

Volume 3 of 3 (532 p.), illustrated, 23 cm. ; In this section of Guillermo Prieto's travel journal, he describes his trip from San Antonio, through the towns of Castroville, Uvalde, Batesville, Fort Clark, Eagle Pass, and finally, back across the border to Piedras Negras, Coahuila. The chapter begins with a poem negatively describing this trip, signed with his pseudonym, Fidel. He includes a brief description of Eagle Pass, Texas, and his impressions regarding the US-Mexico border. The chapter also ends with a poem, which expresses his joy at returning to Mexico. ; This document is an English translation of the "Viaje a los Estados-Unidos Vol. 3." Translated by Lorena Gauthereau-Bryson. The language of the original document is Spanish.

"To this day I feel humiliation for what was done to me… The time I spent in Abu Ghraib — it ended my life. I'm only half a human now." That's what Abu Ghraib survivor Talib al-Majli had to say about the 16 months he spent at that notorious prison in Iraq after being captured and detained by American troops on October 31, 2003. In the wake of his release, al-Majli has continued to suffer a myriad of difficulties, including an inability to hold a job thanks to physical and mental-health deficits and a family life that remains in shambles.He was never even charged with a crime — not exactly surprising, given the Red Cross's estimate that 70% to 90% of those arrested and detained in Iraq after the 2003 American invasion of that country were guilty of nothing. But like other survivors, his time at Abu Ghraib continues to haunt him, even though, nearly 20 years later in America, the lack of justice and accountability for war crimes at that prison has been relegated to the distant past and is considered a long-closed chapter in this country's War on Terror.The Abu Ghraib "Scandal"On April 28th, 2004, CBS News's 60 Minutes aired a segment about Abu Ghraib prison, revealing for the first time photos of the kinds of torture that had happened there. Some of those now-infamous pictures included a black-hooded prisoner being made to stand on a box, his arms outstretched and electrical wires attached to his hands; naked prisoners piled on top of each other in a pyramid-like structure; and a prisoner in a jumpsuit on his knees being threatened with a dog. In addition to those disturbing images, several photos included American military personnel grinning or posing with thumbs-up signs, indications that they seemed to be taking pleasure in the humiliation and torture of those Iraqi prisoners and that the photos were meant to be seen.Once those pictures were exposed, there was widespread outrage across the globe in what became known as the Abu Ghraib scandal. However, that word "scandal" still puts the focus on those photos rather than on the violence the victims suffered or the fact that, two decades later, there has been zero accountability when it comes to the government officials who sanctioned an atmosphere ripe for torture.Thanks to the existence of the Federal Tort Claims Act, all claims against the federal government, when it came to Abu Ghraib, were dismissed. Nor did the government provide any compensation or redress to the Abu Ghraib survivors, even after, in 2022, the Pentagon released a plan to minimize harm to civilians in U.S. military operations. However, there is a civil suit filed in 2008 — Al Shimari v. CACI — brought on behalf of three plaintiffs against military contractor CACI's role in torture at Abu Ghraib. Though CACI tried 20 times to have the case dismissed, the trial — the first to address the abuse of Abu Ghraib detainees — finally began in mid-April in the Eastern District Court of Virginia. If the plaintiffs succeed with a ruling in their favor, it will be a welcome step toward some semblance of justice. However, for other survivors of Abu Ghraib, any prospect of justice remains unlikely at best.The Road to Abu Ghraib"My impression is that what has been charged thus far is abuse, which I believe technically is different from torture… And therefore, I'm not going to address the 'torture' word." So said Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld at a press conference in 2004. He failed, of course, to even mention that he and other members of President George W. Bush's administration had gone to great lengths not only to sanction brutal torture techniques in their "Global War on Terror," but to dramatically raise the threshold for what might even be considered torture.As Vian Bakir argued in her book Torture, Intelligence and Sousveillance in the War on Terror: Agenda-Building Struggles, his comments were part of a three-pronged Bush administration strategy to reframe the abuses depicted in those photos, including providing "evidence" of the supposed legality of the basic interrogation techniques, framing such abuses as isolated rather than systemic events, and doing their best to destroy visual evidence of torture altogether.Although top Bush officials claimed to know nothing about what happened at Abu Ghraib, the war on terror they launched was built to thoroughly dehumanize and deny any rights to those detained. As a 2004 Human Rights Watch report, "The Road to Abu Ghraib," noted, a pattern of abuse globally resulted not from the actions of individual soldiers, but from administration policies that circumvented the law, deployed distinctly torture-like methods of interrogation to "soften up" detainees, and took a "see no evil, hear no evil," approach to any allegations of prisoner abuse.In fact, the Bush administration actively sought out legal opinions about how to exclude war-on-terror prisoners from any legal framework whatsoever. A memorandum from Attorney General Alberto Gonzales to President Bush argued that the Geneva Conventions simply didn't apply to members of the terror group al-Qaeda or the Afghan Taliban. Regarding what would constitute torture, an infamous memo, drafted by Office of Legal Counsel attorney John Yoo, argued that "physical pain amounting to torture must be equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death." Even after the Abu Ghraib photos became public, Rumsfeld and other Bush administration officials never relented when it came to their supposed inapplicability. As Rumsfeld put it in a television interview, they "did not apply precisely" in Iraq.In January 2004, Major General Anthony Taguba was appointed to conduct an Army investigation into the military unit, the 800th Military Police Brigade, which ran Abu Ghraib, where abuses had been reported from October through December 2003. His report was unequivocal about the systematic nature of torture there: "Between October and December 2003, at the Abu Ghraib Confinement Facility (BCCF), numerous incidents of sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses were inflicted on several detainees. This systemic and illegal abuse of detainees was intentionally perpetrated by several members of the military police guard force (372nd Military Police Company, 320th Military Police Battalion, 800th MP Brigade), in Tier (section) 1-A of the Abu Ghraib Prison."Sadly, the Taguba report was neither the first nor the last to document abuse and torture at Abu Ghraib. Moreover, prior to its release, the International Committee of the Red Cross had issued multiple warnings that such abuse was occurring at Abu Ghraib and elsewhere.Simulating AtonementOnce the pictures were revealed, President Bush and other members of his administration were quick to condemn the violence at the prison. Within a week, Bush had assured King Abdullah of Jordan, who was visiting the White House, that he was sorry about what those Iraqi prisoners had endured and "equally sorry that people who've been seeing those pictures didn't understand the true nature and heart of America."As scholar Ryan Shepard pointed out, Bush's behavior was a classic case of "simulated atonement," aimed at offering an "appearance of genuine confession" while avoiding any real responsibility for what happened. He analyzed four instances in which the president offered an "apologia" for what happened — two interviews with Alhurra and Al Arabiya television on May 5, 2004, and two appearances with the King of Jordan the next day.In each case, the president also responsible for the setting up of an offshore prison of injustice on occupied Cuban land in Guantánamo Bay in 2002 managed to shift the blame in classic fashion, suggesting that the torture had not been systematic and that the fault for it lay with a few low-level people. He also denied that he knew anything about torture at Abu Ghraib prior to the release of the photos and tried to restore the image of America by drawing a comparison to what the regime of Iraqi autocrat Saddam Hussein had done prior to the American invasion.In his interview with Alhurra, for example, he claimed that the U.S. response to Abu Ghraib — investigations and justice — would be unlike anything Saddam Hussein had done. Sadly enough, however, the American takeover of that prison and the torture that occurred there was anything but a break from Hussein's reign. In the context of such a faux apology, however, Bush apparently assumed that Iraqis could be easily swayed on that point, regardless of the violence they had endured at American hands; that they would, in fact, as Ryan Shepard put it, "accept the truth-seeking, freedom-loving American occupation as vastly superior to the previous regime."True accountability for Abu Ghraib? Not a chance. But revisiting Bush's apologia so many years later is a vivid reminder that he and his top officials never had the slightest intention of truly addressing those acts of torture as systemic to America's war on terror, especially because he was directly implicated in them.Weapons of American ImperialismOn March 19th, 2003, President Bush gave an address from the Oval Office to his "fellow citizens." He opened by saying that "American and coalition forces are in the early stages of military operations to disarm Iraq, to free its people and to defend the world from grave danger." The liberated people of Iraq, he said, would "witness the honorable and decent spirit of the American military."There was, of course, nothing about his invasion of Iraq that was honorable or decent. It was an illegally waged war for which Bush and his administration had spent months building support. In his State of the Union address in 2002, in fact, the president had referred to Iraq as part of an "axis of evil" and a country that "continues to flaunt its hostility toward America and to support terror." Later that year, he began to claim that Saddam's regime also had weapons of mass destruction. (It didn't and he knew it.) If that wasn't enough to establish the threat Iraq supposedly posed, in January 2003, Vice President Dick Cheney claimed that it "aids and protects terrorists, including members of al-Qaeda."Days after Cheney made those claims, Secretary of State Colin Powell falsely asserted to members of the U.N. Security Council that Saddam Hussein had chemical weapons, had used them before, and would not hesitate to use them again. He mentioned the phrase "weapons of mass destruction" 17 times in his speech, leaving no room to mistake the urgency of his message. Similarly, President Bush insisted the U.S. had "no ambition in Iraq, except to remove a threat and restore control of that country to its own people."The false pretenses under which the U.S. waged war on Iraq are a reminder that the war on terror was never truly about curbing a threat, but about expanding American imperial power globally.When the United States took over that prison, they replaced Saddam Hussein's portrait with a sign that said, "America is the friend of all Iraqis." To befriend the U.S. in the context of Abu Ghraib, would, of course, have involved a sort of coerced amnesia.In his essay "Abu Ghraib and its Shadow Archives," Macquarie University professor Joseph Pugliese makes this connection, writing that "the Abu Ghraib photographs compel the viewer to bear testimony to the deployment and enactment of absolute U.S. imperial power on the bodies of the Arab prisoners through the organizing principles of white supremacist aesthetics that intertwine violence and sexuality with Orientalist spectacle."As a project of American post-9/11 empire building, Abu Ghraib and the torture of prisoners there should be viewed through the lens of what I call carceral imperialism — an extension of the American carceral state beyond its borders in the service of domination and hegemony. (The Alliance for Global Justice refers to a phenomenon related to the one I'm discussing as "prison imperialism.") The distinction I draw is based on my focus on the war on terror and how the prison became a tool through which that war was being fought. In the case of Abu Ghraib, the capture, detention, and torture through which Iraqis were contained and subdued was a primary strategy of the U.S. colonization of Iraq and was used as a way to transform detained Iraqis into a visible threat that would legitimize the U.S. presence there. (Bagram prison in Afghanistan was another example of carceral imperialism.)Beyond Spectacle and Towards JusticeWhat made the torture at Abu Ghraib possible to begin with? While there were, of course, several factors, it's important to consider one above all: the way the American war not on, but of terror rendered Iraqi bodies so utterly disposable.One way of viewing this dehumanization is through philosopher Giorgio Agamben's Homo Sacer, which defines a relationship between power and two forms of life: zoe and bios. Zoe refers to an individual who is recognized as fully human with a political and social life, while bios refers to physical life alone. Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib were reduced to bios, or bare life, while being stripped of all rights and protections, which left them vulnerable to uninhibited and unaccountable violence and horrifying torture.Twenty years later, those unforgettable images of torture at Abu Ghraib serve as a continuous reminder of the nature of American brutality in that Global War on Terror that has not ended. They continue to haunt me — and other Muslims and Arabs — 20 years later. They will undoubtedly be seared in my memory for life.Whether or not justice prevails in some way for Abu Ghraib's survivors, as witnesses – even distant ones — to what transpired at that prison, our job should still be to search for the stories behind the hoods, the bars, and the indescribable acts of torture that took place there. It's crucial, even so many years later, to ensure that those who endured such horrific violence at American hands are not forgotten. Otherwise, our gaze will become one more weapon of torture — extending the life of the horrific acts in those images and ensuring that the humiliation of those War on Terror prisoners will continue to be a passing spectacle for our consumption.Two decades after those photos were released, what's crucial about the unbearable violence and horror they capture is the choice they still force viewers to make — whether to become just another bystander to the violence and horror this country delivered under the label of the War on Terror or to take in the torture and demand justice for the survivors.This piece has been republished with permission from TomDispatch.

This dissertation consists in an empirical study of the relationship between democracy and political confidence in East Asia, a region of our globe that goes from Mongolia to Indonesia, as Northern and Southern limits, and from Myanmar to Japan, as Western and Eastern borders. The study of individuals' confidence in public institutions, often linked with the more general discussion about political legitimacy, arguably represents one of the most analysed and debated topics of political science. Nonetheless, the almost entirety of our knowledge about this relationship derives from theoretical discussion and empirical investigations about the impact, or potential impact, of citizens' confidence in institutions on democratic viability. Although during the last two decades a burgeoning number of studies about the the interplay between institutions and individuals' political confidence has been produced, studies investigating this relationship from the opposite perspective, namely the extent to which democracy impacts on individual confidence in institutions, has been seldom investigated. Institutional studies of political confidence have been increasingly focusing on the extent to which the economic or political performance of state institutions and authorities, or other features of the political system, such as the fairness, responsiveness, and honesty of political process, affect citizens' confidence in institutions. In those few cases in which the essential features of a democratic system have been considered as potential antecedents of individual confidence in institutions these effects have been investigated in and across democratic regimes, especially in the European and North American contexts. As a consequence, what it is contended is that our knowledge of this relationship, and the largely positive view about said relationship, is to a large extent contingent on the contexts in which it has been studied. For this reason, this work steps out from the usual yard of normative debates and empirical studies about this topic, and focuses on East Asia, a region of our globe providing several opportunities (and challenges) to empirically investigate individual confidence in institutions and its interplay with political institutions. East Asia nowadays represents one of the most heterogeneous regions of our world on a plethora of structural and systemic features. Among these, East Asia presents a remarkable variety of political systems, ranging from single-party autocratic regimes to pluralistic liberal-democracies, and including several types of 'hybrid' regimes, fitting in neither categories. Since the late 1990s and early 2000s data about individual attitudes and behavior across this variety of regimes have been collected, allowing scholars and researchers to reassess, and in some cases challenge, issues and assumptions about a long list of political phenomena, including political confidence. In- deed, while individual-level studies of political confidence in this region have shown that the dynamics generating different degrees of confidence across individuals overlap with those seen in other regions of our globe, descriptive studies of cross-national variations of political confidence in this region have shown that individual confidence in institutions, during the last two decades, has been invariably higher in non-democratic regimes as compared to democratic countries. Several hypotheses and arguments, although scarcely investigated, have been developed in order to explain these aggregate regularities. Some authors attempted to explain these variations following socio-deterministic theories about an increasing mismatch between individual basic orientations to politics and the reality of their political systems determined by socioeconomic modernization, that is the so-called 'critical citizens' theory, or enduring cultural traditions, the so-called 'Asian Values' argument. Others have pointed their attention on differences in terms of (especially economic) performance of East Asian governments. Still others have called into question the reliability and validity of individual confidence measures in non-democratic settings. Few scholars have considered the idea that these differences may be related to structural characteristics of the political processes that differentiate democratic regimes from non-democratic ones. In this work, although accounting for alternative explanations both theoretically and empirically, this latter perspective is developed and investigated. Building on arguments and evidence concerning the effects of political competition outputs (namely, election results) on individual-level variations of confidence in institutions, and relying on the renowned theoretical and analytical comparative framework developed by Robert Dahl (1971) in its seminal study on political participation and opposition, this thesis aims to investigate how an essential characteristic of any political system, namely the extent to which a regime provides institutional guarantees for public contestation to a more or less broad share of its population, affects individuals' confidence in institutions. In order to provide a rigorous, specific, but also comprehensive empirical assessment of this topic, this dissertation is structured as follows. Chapter 1 is dedicated to a theoretical and conceptual discussion about the notion of political confidence and the main explanations of its origins, starting from which the broad research question inspiring this dissertation is presented. About the former topic, building on relatively recent theoretical and conceptual developments, what it is contended is that the notion of confidence is conceptually distinct to the notion of trust, and the former should be preferred to the latter in order to conceptualize the relationship between individuals and public institutions (Ch. 1, Sect. 1.2.1). Furthermore, the relationship between this notion and the related concepts of regime legitimacy and political support is critically assessed in order to define the peculiar nature of the individual attitude under investigation (Ch. 1, Sect. 1.2.2). The chapter, then, continues with a reassessments of the second topic mentioned above, namely a review of theories and explanations of political confidence, based on the ubiquitous categorization of theories of political phenomena distinguishing between culturalist and institutionalist arguments (Ch. 1, Sect. 1.3). Building on these two sections the chapter ends with a discussion concerning the scope of these explanations, and briefly reviewing the debate about the relationship between democracy and political confidence (Ch. 1, Sect. 1.4). In particular, what is claimed is that, while providing opposite and to some extent irreconcilable perspectives about the determinants of political confidence, current theories and explanations of this phenomenon lack arguments assessing the systemic impact of democracy on individual confidence in institutions, for both theoretical reasons and the already mentioned focus of theoretical discussions and empirical investigation on democratic settings, driving to a contingent understanding of the relationship between democracy and political confidence. What it is contended, thus, is that for assessing this issue a different analytical strategy is needed. Chapter 2 is, thus, dedicated to developing the specific argument of this thesis (Ch. 2, Sect. 2.2), discussing the state of art of the empirical research dedicated to political confidence in East Asia, thus introducing the geopolitical context in which this work is situated (Ch. 2, Sect. 2.3), and finally presenting the research design adopted to investigate the main puzzle and related research questions of this research effort (Sect. 2.4). The first section (Sect. 2.2.1) clarifies which is the notion of democracy adopted in this study, that consists in Dahl's (1971, 1989, 1998) notion of polyarchy and the theoretical and analytical framework that has been produced around this notion (e.g. Coppedge and Reinicke 1990; Coppedge et al. 2008; Teorell et al. 2019). The section then continues (Sect. 2.2.2) with an explanation of why varying levels of democracy are interpreted as variations of levels of public contestation, one of the two dimensions informing the notion of democracy used in this work. The following pages are then dedicated to a discussion about why and how variations of institutional features and dimensions identified by the notion of democracy used in this thesis can be related to varying levels of individuals' confidence in institutions (Sect. 2.2.3). What it is contended is that variations of these attributes shape the structure of incentives and constraints affecting individuals assessments of institutions and authorities trustworthiness, and that higher degrees of public contestation are likely to produce both positive and negative incentives for individuals' confidence in public institutions. The following section is then dedicated to the state of art of the study of political confidence in this region, that highlights the main findings and gaps about aggregate- level and individual-level studies of political confidence in this region. By doing so, in this section the East Asian context is presented and the opportunities and challenges given by the structural heterogeneity of this region are discussed, and the necessity of a study able to fill the the lack of contextual analyses of political confidence in this region is underlined. Then, Finally, the chapter ends presenting the specific research questions investigated in the following chapters and the research strategy employed to address these questions (Sect. 2.4.1), as well as the main individual-level and contextual-level data bases of this empirical study (Sect. 2.4.2). The following three chapters of the thesis (Chs. 3, 4, and 5) consist in the three sets of empirical analyses used to address the research questions and the main hypothesis grounding this work. Chapter 3 presents a dimensionality analysis of political confidence in East Asia. What it is claimed is that in order to properly analyse the relationship between democracy and political confidence, what is needed is a prior assessment of whether East Asians confidence in institutions represent a single and general assessment of public institutions, or rather a multidimensional attitude (an assessment seldom performed in previous research). Consequently, this chapter, building on the ongoing debate about political confidence dimensionality in Europe (Ch. 3, Sect. 3.2), and after presenting the main expectations derived by translating this debate in investigates this issue through the means of exploratory and (multi-group) confirmatory factor analyses (EFA and CFA), applied to (almost) all the studies composing the first four rounds of the ABS (Ch. 3, Sect. 3.3). The main finding of this chapter is that, despite the crucial diversities of the countries included in this study on a series of structural factors potentially affecting the way in which East Asians organize their attitudes toward public institutions, a common factor structure of political confidence in this region can be found, and that this configuration consists in a two-dimensional conception distinguishing between confidence in political institutions (e.g. national governments and national assemblies) and confidence in implementative institutions (e.g. civil services and police forces). Chapter 4 is then dedicated to an analysis of these two types of political confidence in the aggregate. In the first part of the chapter, a descriptive analysis of East Asians' confidence in both political and implementative institutions is provided (Ch. 4, Sect. 4.2). In this part the cross-national variations of political confidence already highlighted by previous research are presented, although in a broader picture, spanning across approximately fifteen years of evidence provided by the ABS data. The stable differences between East Asian countries are then assessed through a bivariate and multivariate correlational analyses, performed in order to test alternative explanations of these cross-national patterns (Ch. 4, Sect. 4.4 and Sect. 4.5). What it is shown is that the selected indicator of political contestation levels consistently negatively correlates with the index dedicated to ABS respondents' political confidence, representing the best predictor of cross-national variations of aggregate levels of these attitudes, outperforming all the alternative explanations. What the chapter shows, however, is that the impact of contestation on aggregate levels of political confidence is much stronger for confidence in political institutions as compared to confidence in implementative ones. Chapter 5 then represents the last empirical chapter of this dissertation, and presents a multilevel analysis of political confidence, spanning across the second, third, and fourth rounds of the ABS, and providing an assessment of both individual-level and contextual-level determinants of political confidence, and their interplay. After providing hypotheses concerning the relationship between relevant individual-level antecedents of political confidence as identified by previous research, and expectations concerning the direct and indirect effect of the contextual variable of interest (Ch. 5, Sect. 5.2), a series of hierarchical linear regression models (HLMs) are performed in order to account for both individual-level and contextual-level variation of political confidence (Ch. 5, Sect. 5.4). What these models provide is, first, a reassessment of previous findings about the direct effect of political contestation on confidence in political institutions and confidence in implementative institutions, partially confirming previous results, but also highlighting even more the different impact of political contestation on the two indices of political confidence, strong and statistically significant for average levels of confidence in political institutions, while much weaker and even not significant in affecting confidence in implementative ones. Second, the HLMs return a clear picture about the individual-level determinants of political confidence in this region, showing how institutional performance indicators represent the best individual-level predictors of confidence across all the contexts considered, and how their effects vary according to the type of political confidence taken into account. Third, these models show how the indirect effect of political contestation, considered as a moderating factor of the effect of some individual-level determinants, operates differently according to the type of political confidence considered, moderating the effect of individual-level variables when considering confidence in implementative institutions but not in the case of the other type investigated in this work. The chapter, hence, returns a rather puzzling scenario that is further discussed in the last section of this chapter (Ch. 5, Sect. 5.5). The dissertation, then, concludes with a reassessment of the main findings proposed in previous chapters, the limitations of the study, and the main implications for the empirical study of political confidence in East Asia and beyond.

The development among young people in multicultural Norway, as well as in other European countries, is characterized by increasing pluralism. In everyday life, both at school and in their leisure time, young people with different skin color, religious orientation and ethnic and cultural backgrounds, experience various forms of meetings and mutual exposure to each other. This report attempts to explore some aspects of these mutual influences and relationships among youth that grow up in multicultural environments in the city of Oslo. Almost all pupils in the two last years of secondary school, and the first year of their further education(corresponding to the sixth form of comprehensive school)in Oslo participated in a large study in 2006 that dealt with a wide variety of research themes. The main themes of this report are the patterns of subjective identification of the self and of others, cultural orientation, friendship and social relations – including racialized relationships – ,leisure activities, use of new technology, religious, «alternative» and political values, and attitudes and expectations towards the future. Results from the present survey and a similar survey from 1996 are compared. The response level was 94 percent in 1996 among 11425 respondents, and 93 percent among 11.500 respondents in 2006. A first and relatively striking finding in the survey is the increase in the percentage of youth with immigrant background who see themselves as «Norwegian» in 2006. Among youth with immigrant background who were born in Norway, the percentage has increased from 46,3 in 1996 to 70,5 in 2006, and from 31,0 percent to 56,2 percent among those born abroad. While it is always difficult to know more precisely what such expressions mean to the respondents, such an increase may not only reflect the increase in the number of persons of immigrant background living in Oslo over the recent years, but also the number of persons with such backgrounds that to an increasing degree seem to be exposed in the media as somehow successful in Norwegian society. In such a climate – which is constantly in danger of becoming challenged by the negative stereotypes and generalizations that are also heavily expressed in the media – it may be easier to develop a positive identification with the new country where your parents have settled. As such patterns of identification are also combined with identifying with being «an immigrant», with the identity of the parents, and also, to some degrees, categories such as «international», «foreigners» and «European», the findings exemplify an increase in the identificational patterns known in research as «hybridization».At the same time, the majority of the youngsters of immigrant background emphasize the importance of living in accordance with the culture and traditions of the parents' country of origin. This is also emphasized by their parents, even if the percentage among the parents who emphasize these matters have decreased a little since 1996 according to the young people.It has also become slightly more common to use either Norwegian or Norwegian in a combination with the mother-tongue at home. In addition youth of solely Norwegian background in 2006 emphasized pride, attachment and the meaning of being Norwegian more strongly than their counterparts did in 1996. The results thus imply an overall increase in the phenomenon of ethnification, where youth in 2006, regardless of background, to a larger extent seem to become conscious about and reflect upon their own background. A large majority of the youth from a solely Norwegian background emphasized that «immigrants should adapt to Norwegian culture, but also take care of their own». Thusthe both-and attitudes of the youth of immigrant background seem to be supported by the majority of the youth ofnon-immigrant background. The attitudes of this latter group are rather composite. On the one hand they confirm that immigrants contribute important knowledge about other cultures to Norway, and that they are often clever and that they contribute to the strengthening of Norwegian working places. At the same time two out of three participants of Norwegian background in the 2006 study mean that crime and violence increase due to immigrants. Here negative focus in the media obviously must be taken into account.The number of youth with Norwegian-born parents who have «immigrant friends», has increased slightly from 79,4 per cent in 1996 to 82.8 percent in 2006. This implies that regardless of their general attitudes towards immigrants, most youth of Norwegian-born parents do have friends with immigrant background. Interestingly, youth with Norwegian-born parents who report that their parents use to shop in immigrant shops, reports considerably more positive attitudes towards immigrants, than youth with parents who do not shop in immigrant shops. This indicates the important role of parents' attitudes in these matters.There are no changes in the amount of reported negative or racist experiences from youth of immigrant background from 1996 to 2006. Boys with immigrant background have such experiences much more often than girls do. From 1996 to 2006 there has been an increase in the number of friends of solely Norwegian background youth of immigrant background have. At the same time youth of immigrant background experience a larger increase in the reported number of friends with immigrant parents from other countries than their own. Thus, there seems to be no tendency among youth of immigrant background to isolate themselves and develop patterns where they only socialize with friends of the same background as themselves. The overall picture, on the contrary, points in the direction of an increasing multiculturality regarding friendship relations. This is valid for youth with immigrant background as well as for youth with Norwegian-born parents. The close relationship to parents and family has been strengthened. Regardless of background girls seem to be the most attached to home and family. The girls also do housework more often, all in accordance with more traditional gender related expectations.There is a tendency for leisure activities that are not organized to have decreased in importance in 2006. The number of visitors in youth clubs has admittedly decreased, but this may be due to the fact that several youth clubs have recently been closed down in Oslo. Among the users of youth clubs the percentage of males of immigrant background are the highest, and the lowest percentage are represented by girls of solely Norwegian background. More girls with immigrant background visit youth clubs than both girls and boys with solely Norwegian background.Several types of organizations have increased their number of members, such as sports clubs, supporter clubs, religious organizations (both Muslim and Christian),political organizations and teetotalist organizations. More boys than girls are members in organizations.The number of girls with solely Norwegian background who report to «have been together with friends» outside the home is considerably higher than among girls with immigrant background. Can these differences be understood as expressions of more conservative gender roles among some immigrant families?There has been an overall increase in the number of youth who have visited a library from 1996 to 2006, but here are also large differences. 70 percent of the girls with immigrant background had visited a library last month, while only 31 percent of boyswith Norwegian background had done the same.There has also been an overall increase in the number of youth who have «visited the centre of Oslo last week». But differences in family background are considerable, and is the largestat weekends during nighttime: 13,6 per cent of boys with immigrant background had visited the centre of Oslo last Saturday night, compared to 4.8 percent of the girls of immigrant background. The corresponding percentages were 6.6 percent for boys with Norwegian background, and 5.2 for girls. In so far as most violence, drug use and crime happen at such a time in the centre of Oslo, these figures give grounds for worry. Here one must, nevertheless, take into account the likelihood of large variations according to the different immigrant backgrounds represented.The majority of youth has become more physically active during the last ten years. Youth with immigrant background are the most active in dancing and various combat sports, while youth with Norwegian background are especially active in ordinary sports clubs. Girls with immigrant background are the least physically active in general, but have the largest number engaged in dancing. Football is the most popular sport, regardless of gender.Around 75 percent of all youth use a PC each week or more often at school. Youth with immigrant background are the most eager users in the school context. Girls chat and use e-mail more than boys. In all other matters, boys are more active. The gender differences are especially large when it comes to computer games: 50.2 percent of the boys play such games during a week, while the corresponding percentage for girls is 10.0. Based on the findings there is, however, no particular reason to fear that new technology creates differences along ethnic dimensions.There are only small differences among boys and girls regarding ownership of mobile phones, but a little fewer youth with immigrant background own one.The number of youth with Norwegian-born parents who report being Christian has decreased from 69.8 percent to 53.6 percent since 1996, at the same time as the percentage of those who report that they do not belong to any religion or faith has increased from 27.5 to 44.3 percent. Girls of Norwegian background are more religious than boys of Norwegian background. Among youth of immigrant background the percentage who «know there is a God» has increased from 66.6 in 1996 to 73.3 percent in 2006. Youth with immigrant background visit religious meetings considerably more often than youth of solely Norwegian background. Nevertheless, there has been an increase in the percentage of youth of Norwegian background who visit religious meetings since 1996.At the same time as fewer youth report that they "believe in God» in a traditional meaning, the number who associate themselves with "alternative» world views and beliefs like believing in ghosts, astrology, fortune telling, spirits, tarot cards, crystal bowls and so forth, is increasing. But there are large differences between girls and boys. There are only small differences between youth associated with Islam and those associated with Christianity. Associates with Hinduism and to some extent Buddhists seem to be most open for «alternative» phenomena. Also among youth associated with atheism (humane ethics), such beliefs are rather common.The four themes of more political nature that youth in Oslo prioritize regardless of ethnic background are: «to ensure that nobody is poor in Norway», «to protect the environment against pollution», "to maintain law and order» and «to secure work for everyone». Girls emphasize these values the most. The least support is given to «privatize public schools», «reduce the interference of the public in thelives of the inhabitants», «transfer more care for old people to children and other relatives» and «to protect Norwegian culture against English and American influence». Girls are less concerned with national values, and are more positive towards opening up the borders for immigrants. Youth with Norwegianbackground are more concerned that "Norway should work to succeed better in sports», various environmental issues and issues of law and order.Youth with immigrant background reflect a both-and attitude: they are more skeptical to the interference of the public in the lives of the inhabitants, but combine this with an emphasis on the necessity of combating poverty, emphasizing the «securing of better personal economy», and »giving more oil-money to poor countries». They are considerably less interested in environmental issues than youth with solely Norwegian background. Youth with immigrant background emphasize more the necessity of «protecting Norwegian culture and language against English and American influence»! This may probably be seen as expressions of a tendency to anti-American sentiments, stemming from the conflicts created by American involvement in several conflicts in the Muslim world.The percentage of youth who believe «there will be problems with getting jobs after finishing education» decreased from 27.0 percent in 1996 to 17.6 in 2006, which is probably well in line with the high activity of Norwegian economy in recent times. But the differences connected with background are considerable: 28.3 percent of youth with immigrant background believed in such problems, while the percentage was 13 among youth with solely Norwegian background. Among these youth, together with youth with one Norwegian-born and one foreign-born parent, we found the largest percentage believing that «it is likely that humans in my life time will encounter a global environmental catastrophe».As we have already seen, there are considerable differences between boys and girls. These differences confirm, in many ways, traditional expectation of gender based characteristics, and that they still are valid in several ways, regardless of family background. At last we must underline that many of the categories used in the report have been very coarse-grained and that it is highly likely that there will be large variations regarding several issues, and also regarding questions concerning gender. ; Våren 2006 ble det gjennomført en større ungdomsundersøkelse kalt Ung i Oslo, 10 år etter en tilsvarende fra 1996. Alle elever i de to siste klassene på ungdomsskolen og i første klasse på videregående har deltatt. På grunnlag av disse undersøkelsene har formålet med denne rapporten vært å få fram noen aspekter ved de gjensidige påvirkningene og relasjonene mellom unge med norskfødte foreldre og ungdom med innvandrerbakgrunn i Oslo. De sentrale problemstillingene omhandler andres og egen subjektive oppfatning av identitet, de unges kulturelle orientering, vennskap og sosiale relasjoner, opplevd rasisme og diskriminering, fritidsaktiviteter, bruk av ny teknologi, religiøse og politiske verdier, samt holdninger og forventinger om framtida. Hensikten har hovedsakelig vært å presentere resultatene, og rapporten inneholder derfor bare i mindre grad utdypende fortolkninger og referanser.Et av de mest slående funna i undersøkelsen er økningen i andelene unge med innvandrerbakgrunn som i 2006 ser seg selv som norske, sammenliknet med den tilsvarende andelen i 1996. Samtidig kombineres dette med en sterk identifisering med foreldrenes orienteringer og identitet, noe som indikerer at nye former for etnisitet er i ferd med å vokse fram. Også unge med norskfødte foreldre legger i 2006 større vekt på tilknytningen til Norge og på stolthet ved å være norsk, sammenliknet med situasjonen ti år tidligere. Holdningene blant unge med norskfødte foreldre til unge med innvandrerbakgrunn, er sammensatte. Men trass i at en del har negative holdninger til "innvandrere", har likevel et stort flertall venner med innvandrerbakgrunn og vise versa. Det overordnede bildet peker i retning av flere og mer sammensatte vennskapsrelasjoner, både for unge med norskfødte foreldre og unge med foreldre født i utlandet. Vi finner er ingen forandring i andelen unge med innvandrerforeldre som rapporterer negative eller rasistiske erfaringer fra 1996 til 2006.

Overall purpose of the study While literature highlights the growing importance of, and opportunities in, emerging markets (Joosub & Coldwell, 2016; Boateng, Wang & Wang, 2017; Oguji & Owusu, 2017), there is also significant research regarding the risks associated with these markets (Khanna & Palepu, 2010; Luiz & Ruplal, 2013). These risks arise from differences in geographies, cultures, institutions, governance, languages, performance and economic structures, making the internationalisation strategies of African multinationals into other African countries complex and challenging. Despite these difficulties, African countries still promote trade within the continent. The 2018 African Continental Free Trade Area agreement, for example, promotes intra-regional trade in order to stimulate economic activity and increase development on the continent. South Africa, being the most developed economy on the continent, seems to be leading in doing business with other African countries, having a number of its home-grown multinationals internationalising on the continent. Success stories such as MTN, Shoprite, SAB Miller and Pick' n Pay have taken their operations into other countries in Africa, however what is not clear is how they have successfully applied their internationalisation strategies. Unlike research by Boateng et al. (2017) on how Chinese multinationals are using mergers and acquisitions as their entry mode, and Buckley's (2018) findings on Indian firms targeting countries with English as their official language, little research has been conducted on how South African companies are expanding outside their national borders. This research thus sought to explore the processes by which South African companies implement their internationalisation strategies into other African countries. Research problem As firms internationalise, they choose markets that are physically and psychically close based on their internationalisation experience. Previous literature shows that larger firms are better able to absorb the initial cost of internationalisation and opt for a higher degree of control (Dunning, 1988), yet not much research have been done on the African continent to explore how companies deal with psychic distance, firm resources and strategic choice in their internationalisation strategies. Studies conducted outside the continent in psychically distant locations show that firms design boundaries to protect their internal resources and capabilities from unintended spill overs, and look for local partner organisations that wield substantial capability to fill voids (Dunning, 1988). In addition, Barney (1991) argued that firms seek to exploit their rare, valuable and inimitable resources to gain a competitive advantage. Psychic distance research has been conducted on Chinese (Boateng, et al., 2017) and Indian firms (Buckley, 2018), however in Africa, where the cultural, institutional, economic and geographic distances are huge, not much evidence is available. There is also a variety of research on firm resources and strategic choices for Chinese and Indian firms, including how they are using leadership, technical talent, cheap labour (Contractor, 2013), financial resources, government to government relationships (Cheru & Obi, 2011) and home knowledge to enter African markets (Khanna & Palepu, 2010). As some South African businesses have failed in their internationalisation strategies on the continent, it is thus important to understand how those companies that have succeeded, did so. Design of the study A multi-method sequential explanatory approach (Ivankova, Creswell & Stick, 2006), comprised of a survey followed by case studies of internationalising South African companies, was used. The survey participants and firms were purposefully selected based on their roles in the internationalisation strategies, and the results of the survey were used to identify cases for the second phase of the research. An insurer and a bank with a total market capitalisation of R442b (JSE, 2017), representing 41% of the survey population, were selected as case studies. These cases were adopted to understand the internationalisation phenomenon in specific companies, while the research questions focussed on South African multinational enterprises (MNEs) that already had operations in other African markets. Empirical evidence from both the survey results and the two case studies were used to address the research questions. Findings This study revealed that South African multinationals face intense competition from local competitors in the rest of Africa, so they have to craft and adapt specific strategies during their expansions. This research confirmed the findings of previous studies by showing that the internationalisation of banks and insurance companies follow largely similar patterns (Focarelli & Pozzolo, 2008). Further, the case studies indicate complexities such as the need for local legitimacy, the tacitness of local cultures, and protracted implementation periods that cannot be explained by traditional FDI theories. For these reasons, the companies develop non-market resources such as spending periods of time in the potential host country before setting up operations to gather information and build hands-on market intelligence based on the experiential knowledge of the host country market. The bank case study, whose first wave of internationalisation, as with other major banks, was in the late 1800, uses the ownership entry mode. While literature has shown that companies acquire local partners when there are high psychic distances, because bank services require a high degree of information, information transfer and trust (Mulder & Westerhuis, 2015, cited in Fischer & Hasselknippe, 2017), risk management is very important. Firm resources such as good governance and ethical leadership are key for success. This case study revealed that because bank values such as integrity and accountability are global, a subsidiary's aptitude to demonstrate its ability to work within a country culture while retaining the values of the bank earns respect from regulators and customers and increases market share. In addition, it extended research conducted by Contractor (2013) on expatriates and Harvey, Speier & Novicevic (1999)'s findings on diasporas from home countries, by finding that the bank builds a pool of skilled African Diaspora, who are citizens of the host market, to manage and facilitate the integration process and bridge the cultural gap, thereby shortening the transient period. While literature has shown that banks and insurance companies follow similar internationalisation patterns (Focarelli & Pozzolo, 2008), the insurer, an internationalisation latecomer, adopted the partnership entry mode using learnings from "small deals" to achieve its ambition of being the Pan African financial services company. Although literature shows latecomers using entry modes such as mergers and acquisitions (Oguji & Owusu, 2017) and leapfrogging into innovation value chains (Ray, Ray & Kumar, 2017), this particular study indicates that the insurer used the partnership mode to minimise risks caused by the latecomer effect. While the bank has had experience in internationalisation for almost two centuries and has operations in 20 countries, the insurer only actively started internationalising 15 years ago but has operations in 35 countries. Focarelli and Pozzolo (2008) found that accessibility to domestic markets by foreign investors is greater for insurance companies than banks, while this study found that the insurer has greater accessibility to African markets through the adoption of the partnership model, which mitigates the risk of high cultural distances. These findings were not found in the literature reviewed for this study, and therefore offer opportunities for further research. Regardless of whether an ownership-based or a partnership-based model is used, distance and cultural integration are important determinants for both the bank and the insurer (Focarelli & Pozzolo, 2008. Although the cases in this study revealed similar internationalisation patterns, such as starting in psychically close locations (Johanson & Vahlne, 1977), using financial resources to sponsor the protracted implementation of the strategy (Dunning, 1988) and having local management run the business in the host country (Barney, Ketchen & Wright, 2011), they differed in entry mode, timing of entry and decision-making processes. In addition, this study revealed that both companies' inflection points were characterised by a continuous commitment of resources, hoping that they would get signals to either exit or scale up with minimal reputational damage. Contributions to research Theory A major contribution of this research pertains to the new research context of Africa. Most literature have focused on how global companies expanded into emerging markets (Enderwick, 2009; Khanna & Palepu, 2010), and more recently how companies from emerging markets like China and India (Boateng, et al., 2017; Buckley, 2018) have expanded globally. However, little has been done to understand how African corporates tackle such expansions. Africa, with its 56 countries and domestic institutions of a multi ethnic, multi-language (more than 500 for Nigeria alone), multi religious, multicultural and diverse colonial histories, offers a rich setting in which to study the influences of psychic distance and firm resources on internationalisation. The findings based on the African context for South African firms therefore provide important direct and practical implications for firms from other African economies. The conceptualisation of this study provides an insightful lens into the influence of psychic distance, firm resources and strategic choice on internationalisation processes, which is unexplored territory. With scant literature on Africa as an emerging continent, this study provides some empirical and case evidence for these propositions and contributes a basis for further research. Methodologically, this research extends the findings of Luiz and Ruplal (2013) by examining a number of sectors as opposed to a focus on mining companies alone. The research further contributes to a better understanding of internationalisation strategies by incorporating literature, case studies and a survey, as opposed to simply a survey as per Joosub and Coldwell (2016). The choice of case studies presented an opportunity to compare the internationalisation processes of an ownership-based first mover to a partnership-based latecomer, using firm resources as an enabler. Previous studies (Herrmann & Dotta, 2002; Wood, et al., 2011; Williams & Grégoire, 2014) have shown that MNEs send expatriates with international experience to manage operations in host countries. Harvey et al. (1999) provided a more nuanced view by observing that MNEs send people from diasporas to host countries as network agents, given their global consciousnesses and familiarity with the home cultures. This research, however, shows that due to the relationship-rich African cultures and the tacitness of host country knowledge, the bank (ownership model) specifically targeted and upskilled a pool of citizens of the potential host countries at the parent operation, who were subsequently deployed to bridge cultural gaps during implementation, thereby increasing the MNE's internationalisation capability. Emerging market firms' internationalisation is driven by intangible resources based on learning, linking and leveraging (Ray, et al., 2017). Although this study was exploratory in nature, the two case studies have shown a consistent pattern of an adaptive management cycle when setting up operations in other African countries. Due to the huge psychic distance encountered by these companies, they make use of repetitive and protracted planning and implementation processes. This increases the transient period and costs, yet the companies are willing to pay them to protect their reputations until they find signals to either exit or scale up. This finding regarding the existence of a transient period is not apparent in other literature. Even though Zhou and Li (2010), in their study of how strategic orientations influence dynamic capabilities, found that a firm's external interactions with customers and competitors in host countries affect its internal resource assortment and reconfiguration, they did not specifically deal with the issue of a transient period. Previous research indicated that firms look for partner organisations that wield substantial capability to fill voids (Dunning, 1988), that successful partnerships are built on trust which results in greater information sharing (Dyer, 1997), and that the selection of a local partner is informed by robust market assessment (Khanna & Palepu, 2010). This research confirms these findings by showing that spending time in the host country, doing due diligence on partner Board members, and providing a joint cultural induction of both partners' executives in the parent organisation, ensures strategic alignment with partners from the onset. Practice Despite South African firms having huge resources, literature has not overtly mentioned the nonmarket capabilities that such EMNEs build when localising their businesses to suit local market conditions. Businesses utilising the ownership model combat the liability of foreignness by acquiring a local business with ethical leadership, whilst companies using the partnership model find partners with similar values. This research contributes to the existing body of knowledge on practical internationalisation strategies into developing markets with high psychic distance. Although it is an exploratory study, it clarifies the strategic considerations that EMNEs contemplate during planning, as well as when assessing their entry strategies, implementing and integrating their resources, and in rare cases, how they exit such markets. Limitations of the study Like most empirical studies that are exploratory in nature, there are limitations to the conclusions that can be drawn, which constrain the generalisability of this study: • The study was heavily weighted to certain industry sectors - primarily financial services - which have a presence in other African countries. The obvious question is to what extent its findings are relevant to other industries? • For the two cases, the knowledge of the participants regarding how their organisations plan and implement their strategies could have been diverse, but the information was limited to those interviewed. • The volatility of African markets is very high, so between the time of embarking on the research and consolidating the results and findings, some institutional context could have changed, such as the impact of the weakening of the resources sector on Nigeria and Angola. Suggestions for future research • The case studies were restricted to financial services, thus a study of more industry sectors using additional case studies would be valuable to extend the results of this research effort. • Hoskisson, Eden, Lau & Wright (2000) argued that the process "emerging economies" takes place over a long time and multinationals' experimentation and learning is likely to be imperfect. Further research is thus needed to generate conclusive longitudinal empirical evidence theory in this area. • The growing Chinese FDI in Africa is often driven by the Chinese government's "Going Out" policy, which was established to support firms as they internationalise. Although South Africa has a "Trade Invest Africa" policy, companies in the study were oblivious to this government support. It is not clear whether South African companies have an advantage on the continent and how competition from Chinese companies, being embraced by African governments, impact South African MNEs' internationalisation strategies into the rest of Africa.

[spa] INTRODUCCIÓN. La indagación presentada a continuación pretende reflexionar en torno a la posibilidad de una profundización en el nihilismo epocal, a través de un diálogo libre entre Occidente y Oriente que se estructura en diversos parlamentos. OBJETIVOS. Anterior a la exposición de los parlamentos, se han creído necesarios tres capítulos que iluminen el territorio desde el que surgen estos diálogos. Esta primera parte aparece conformada por un primer preámbulo que quiere concretar los objetivos de esta investigación; un segundo preámbulo que establece la filosofía como apertura dada siempre y en todo lugar junto al hombre, con el fin de reivindicar -una vez más- un pensar mundial que se auto enriquezca y que definitivamente rompa con la preeminencia de las manifestaciones filosóficas occidentales; finalmente y como acabamiento de esta primera parte, un tercer capítulo a modo de introducción -ya establecidos los objetivos de la investigación y la realidad de un filosofar humano- que expone la necesidad de vitalizar continuamente el diálogo entre Occidente y Oriente, mostrando la riqueza y la mayor integridad de esta mirada confluyente - ya manifiesta en cronologías pasadas como la Grecia arcaica-, con el fin de posibilitar una transformación en el mundo que habitamos. Afirma Heidegger que es urgente un "diálogo con los pensadores de lo que es para nosotros el mundo oriental".Este parlamento que ha sido provocado en diversos momentos desde ambas partes debe ser recurrente como alimento y entendimiento de toda la era posmoderna, con el fin de elucidar posibles sendas que nutran nuestra andadura. Los siguientes cuatro capítulos, presentados a modo de posible diálogo, se centran en la reflexión sobre el sujeto -como verdaderamente no-sujeto-, el nihilismo -como lugar a través del cual el no sujeto puede profundizar y corresponder-, y la conciencia (mente procesual) -como lugar de búsqueda y recuerdo de vías de conocimiento-inconocimiento connaturales al hombre-. Los contertulios que se localizan en esta segunda parte dialogante son diversos, si bien engarzados con el fin de recrear senderos imposibilitados de un trazado preciso y calculable, y alejados por tanto de la insistencia determinante a través de la que nos repetimos. En el primer capítulo, parte dedicada al sujeto-no sujeto, se localizan los textos iniciales budistas del Abhidhamma, que deconstruyen la subjetividad hacia la yoidad-no yoidad más profunda, así como de forma secundaria, se produce un acercamiento al sujeto de la Advaita Vada. Ambas ideologías fluyen en un posible diálogo con la ficción nietzscheana del sujeto y el lenguaje, así como con la conformación del "yo" lacaniano. La recreación de un sujeto nos enfrenta con la inevitabilidad del nihilismo que abre el segundo capítulo, dialogo esta vez entre Friedrich Nietzsche y Keiji Nishitani. Nietzsche presenta la superación de la metafísica en una filosofía de la purificación, que Nishitani reflexiona como nada absolutamente relativa que puede radicalizarse hacia una nihilidad más profunda. Desde esta superación de la metafísica nietzscheana y la posibilidad de atravesamiento de la conciencia que propone el filósofo nipón como camino necesario, el tercer capítulo parlamenta entre el pensamiento del determinado como primer Heidegger -anterior a la Kehrey la metanoética de Hajime Tanabe. También en este capítulo se expresa la atención por parte de "Oriente", sobre la posibilidad de la nada verdadera, que en Occidente pesa aun todavía como no-ser, y por tanto espacio donde el protagonismo se provoca desde la voluntad humana o, como indica Tanabe, desde el propio poder. CONCLUSIÓN. Como clausura de este fluir de Poniente a Levante y viceversa, en el cuarto capítulo y a través del filosofar heideggeriano tras la Kehre y del pensar nishidiano, se han querido empezar a difuminar los contornos y las fronteras en el lugar del ser que es ausencia y es por tanto nada. Desde la perspectiva de esta indagación la filosofía de Heidegger es un ir desistiendo, como filosofía de la entrega, en un desasimiento más profundo que tiende hacia el fundamento sin fundamento del ser como presencia y ausencia, esto es, como ser-nada. Es entonces desde este territorio desfondado, desde el que se tercia el posible enriquecimiento a través de Nishida y su evolución, desde la "experiencia pura" hasta "basho" o topos ilocalizado de la nada absoluta. Es esa presencia en ausencia -negación- o ser-nada, la que puede posibilitar una radicalización del nihilismo que habitamos. De hecho, a lo largo de este último diálogo se retorna a los textos iniciales budistas, con el fin de abrir la correspondencia con esa nada que nutre, a través del regreso a la conciencia de continuidad vital, atravesando la insistencia de la estructura sujeto-objeto, sea esta de origen histórico -según Heidegger- o connatural -a la luz oriental-. ; [cat] INTRODUCCIÓ. La indagació presentada a continuació pretén reflexionar en torn a la possibilitat d'un aprofundiment en el nihilisme epocal, mitjançant un diàleg lliure entre Occident i Orient que s'estructura en diversos parlaments. OBJECTIUS. Anterior a l'exposició dels parlaments, s'han cregut necessaris tres capítols que il·luminen el territori des del que sorgeixen aquests diàlegs. Aquesta primera part apareix conformada per un primer preàmbul que vol concretar els objectius d'aquesta investigació; un segon preàmbul que estableix la filosofia com apertura donada sempre i en tot lloc vora l'home, amb l'objectiu de reivindicar -una vegada més- un pensar mundial que s'enriqueixi a si mateix i que definitivament trenqui amb la preeminència de les manifestacions filosòfiques occidentals; finalment i com acabament d'aquesta primera part, un tercer capítol a mode d'introducció -una vegada establerts els objectius de la investigació i la realitat d'un filosofar humà- que exposa la necessitat de vitalitzar contínuament el diàleg entre Occident i Orient, mostrant la riquesa i la major integritat d'aquesta mirada confluent -ja manifestada en cronologies passades com la Grècia arcaica-, amb l'objectiu de possibilitar una transformació en el món que habitem. Afirma Heidegger que és urgent un "diàleg amb els pensadors del que és per a nosaltres el món oriental". Aquest parlament que ha estat provocat en diversos moments des d'ambdues parts deu ser recurrent com aliment i enteniment de tota l'era postmoderna, amb l'objectiu d'elucidar possibles vies que nodreixin el nostre caminar. Els següents quatre capítols, presentats a mode de possible diàleg, es centren en la reflexió sobre el subjecte-como vertaderament no-subjecte-, el nihilisme -como lloc mitjançant el qual el no subjecte pot aprofundir i correspondre-, i la consciència (ment processual) -como lloc de recerca i record de vies de coneixement-inconeixement connaturals a l'home-. Els contertulians que es localitzen en aquesta segona part dialogant són diversos, encaixats amb l'objectiu de recrear senders impossibilitats d'un traçat precís i calculable, i allunyats per tant de la insistència determinant mitjançant la qual ens repetim. En el primer capítol, part dedicada al subjecte -no subjecte, es localitzen els texts inicials budistes del Abhidhamma, que desconstrueixen la subjectivitat cap a la joitat-no joitat més profunda, així com de forma secundària, es produeix un apropament al subjecte de l'Advaita Vada. Ambdues ideologies flueixen en un possible diàleg amb la ficció nietzscheana del subjecte i el llenguatge, així com amb la conformació del "jo" lacanià. La recreació d'un subjecte ens enfronta amb la inevitabilitat del nihilisme que obre el segon capítol, diàleg aquesta vegada entre Friedrich Nietzsche i Keiji Nishitani. Nietzsche presenta la superació de la metafísica en una filosofía de la purificació, que Nishitani reflexiona com un res absolutament relatiu que pot radicalitzar-se cap a una nihilitat més profunda. Des d'aquesta superació de la metafísica nietzscheana i la possibilitat d'entravessament de la consciència que proposa el filòsof nipó com a camí necessari, el tercer capítol parlamenta entre el pensament del determinat com primer Heidegger -anterior a la Kehre- y la metanoètica de Hajime Tanabe. També en aquest capítol s'expressa l'atenció per part "d'Orient", sobre la possibilitat del res vertader-, que a Occident pesa encara com no-ésser, i per tant espai on el protagonisme es provoca des de la voluntat humana o, com indica Tanabe, des del propi poder. CONCLUSIÓ. Como clausura d'aquest fluir de Ponent a Llevant i viceversa, en el quart capítol i a través del filosofar heideggerià després de la Kehre i del pensar nishidià, s'han volgut començar a difuminar els contorns i les fronteres en el lloc del ésser que és absència i és per tant res. Des de la perspectiva d'aquesta indagació la filosofía de Heidegger és un anar desistint, como filosofia de l'entrega, en un "dessassiment" més profund que tendeix cap al fonament sense fonament de l'ésser com a presència y absència, això és, como ésser-res. Es llavors, des d'aquest territori desfonat, des del que es tèrcia el possible enriquiment mitjançant Nishida i la seva evolució, des de "l'experiència pura" fins "basho" o "topos" ilocalitzat del res absolut. Es aquella presència en absència -negació- o ésser-res, la que pot possibilitar una radicalització del nihilisme que habitem. De fet, al llarg d'aquest últim diàleg es retorna als texts inicials budistes, amb l'objectiu d'obrir la correspondència amb aquell res que nodreix, mitjançant el retorn a la consciència de continuïtat vital, travessant la insistència de l'estructura subjecte-objecte, sigui aquesta d'origen històric -segons Heidegger- o connatural -a la llum oriental-. ; [eng] INTRODUCCTION. The investigation next presented, tries to reflect on the possibility of deepening in the epochal nihilism through a free dialogue between the West and the East that is structured in diverse parliaments. OBJECTIVES. Previous to the exposition of the parliaments, three chapters were deemed necessary to illuminate the territory from which these dialogues emerge. This first part appears formed by first preamble that wants to specify the objectives of this investigation; a second preamble that establishes philosophy as an opening given always an in all places together with man, in order to claim -once again- a global thinking that is self-enriching and that definitely breaks with the pre-eminence of western philosophical manifestations; finally, and as a conclusion of this first, a third chapter as an introduction -already establishes research objectives and the reality of a human philosophy- that exposes the need to continuously revitalize the dialogue between the West and the East, showing the richness and the greater integrity of the confluent gaze - already manifested in past chronologies such as archaic Greece-, in order to enable a transformation in the world we inhabit. Heidegger affirms that it is urgent a "dialogue with the thinkers of what the oriental world is for us". This parliament that has been provoked at different times from both sides, must be recurrent as food and understanding of the entire postmodern era, in order to elucidate possible paths that nurture our journey. The following four chapters, presented as a possible dialogue, focus on the reflection on the subject -as truly non-subject-, nihilism -as a place through which the nonsubject can deepen and correspond-, and consciousness (processual mind) -as a place of search and memory of knowledge-no knowledge as pathway connatural to man-. The participants that are located in this second dialoguing part are diverse, although they are linked in order to recreate paths far from the determining insistence through which we repeat ourselves. In the first chapter, part dedicated to the subject-not subject, are located the initial Buddhist texts of the Abhidhamma, which deconstruct the subjectivity towards the deepest subject-no subject, as well as secondarily, there is an approach to the subject of the Advaita Vada. Both ideologies flow in a possible dialogue with the Nietzschean fiction of the subject and language, as well as with the conformation of the Lacanian "I". The recreation of a subject confronts us with the inevitability of nihilism that opens the second chapter, this time between Friedrich Nietzsche and Keiji Nishitani. Nietzsche presents the overcoming of metaphysics in a philosophy of purification, which Nishitani reflects as nothingness absolutely relative that can be radicalized towards a deeper nihility. From this overcoming of the Nietzschean metaphysics and the possibility of crossing the conscience proposed by the Japanese philosopher as a necessary path, the third chapter is parliamentary between the thought of the determined as the first Heidegger -before the Kehre- and the metanoethics of Hajime Tanabe. Also, in this chapter the attention is expressed by "East", about the possibility of the true nothingness, which in the West still weighs as non-being, and therefore space where the leadership is provoked from the human will or, as indicates Tanabe, from the own power. CONCLUSION. As a closing of this flow from East to West and vice versa, in the fourth chapter and through the Heideggerian philosophizing after Kehre and Nishidian thought, this investigation has wanted to begin to blur the contours and borders in the place of being that is absence and is therefore nothingness. From the perspective of this investigation Heidegger's philosophy is to give up, as a philosophy of surrender, in a deeper detachment that tends toward the foundation without foundation of being as presence and absence, that is, as being-nothingness. It is then from this bottomless territory, from which is possible the enrichment through the Nishida and its evolution, from the "pure experience" to the "basho" or "topos" unlocalized of absolute nothingness. It is that presence in absence -negation- or beingnothingness, which can enable a radicalization of the nihilism that we reside. In fact, throughout this last dialogue we return to the initial Buddhist texts, in order to open the correspondence with that nothingness that nourishes, through the return to the "consciousness of vital continuity", going through the insistence of the structure subject-object, be it of historical origin -according to Heidegger- or connatural -under the light of the East-.

This is a special guest post by Kal Munis, a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Virginia. Kal is a lifelong Montanan, and is an alum of both Montana State and the University of Montana. I expect to feature his work often here.



With the 2018
midterm elections just a little over seven months away, candidates have begun
to ramp up efforts to distinguish themselves from one another. In addition to
the various typical dimensions on which we might expect those aspiring to
represent us to stress their unique qualifications—such as prior political
experience, policy positions and past accomplishments—there is another
conspicuous characteristic upon which political candidates in Montana attempt
to out-maneuver one another: successfully conveying that they possess an
authentic Montanan identity.

 Typically, candidates try to signal to voters that
they share with them various attachments to the customs, values, and lived
experiences particular to their geographical constituency. They do so in
numerous ways including in video advertisements, mailers, press releases,
emails, social media postings and other campaign media. It should be noted that
these activities don't stop at election day—indeed, many politicians will
continue to cultivate their image of place-based authenticity as a component of
what political scientists refer to as their "home-style."

Candidates in
Montana and elsewhere clearly engage in this behavior cycle after cycle due a
belief in the campaign community that it is an effective practice. In a content
analysis of all video based advertisements that were paid for by campaigns
during the 2012 and 2014 U.S. Senate elections, I found that these types of ads
are widespread throughout the country, with the highest level of usage being
clustered in Western states such as Montana. Despite their seeming ubiquitousness,
it remains unknown whether campaigns' decisions to deploy these appeals are
evidence based or the product of folk-wisdom based inertia.

 Irrespective of their effectiveness, however,
some pundits (and voters—see
the comments on this
ad)
have remarked that excessive hand-wringing over which candidate is the most Montanan borders on xenophobic,
particularly when such concerns are tied to place of birth. At the same time,
however, it seems widely accepted that the success of many candidates in
Montana, particularly Democrats Senator Jon Tester and Governor Steve Bullock
(as well as former Governor Brian Schweitzer), has been largely predicated on
their ability to connect with voters on the basis of place.

In large part, the
mechanism through which this connection has been fostered in Montana, as well
as that upon which many campaign appeals based on place identity are made, is the
candidate's birthplace. For successful Democratic candidates in Montana, it
seems that part of the litmus test has been whether they're a native of the
state. For a recent example, look no further than Governor Bullock's successful
2016 reelection bid against then Republican gubernatorial candidate and current
U.S. Representative Greg Gianforte. In that race, the Bullock campaign was able
to successfully paint Gianforte as an outsider with deep connections to
California and New Jersey. So out of touch with Montana was Gianforte,
according to Bullock's campaign, that he was willing to try to run roughshod
over that which many Montanans hold to be most sacred: public lands. The
narrative was simple: Bullock, a native Montanan, respects and maintains
Montana values, whereas Gianforte—a Californian multi-millionaire by way of New
Jersey—does not. The result, meanwhile, was shocking, as returns revealed that
Bullock defeated Gianforte by 4 points, all while Gianforte's co-partisan in
the presidential race, Donald Trump, crushed his Democratic foe by a staggering
22 points.

As part of the
2018 midterm elections, Tester will defend his Senate seat and multiple
Republicans are competing in their party's primary to challenge him. Currently,
most observers regard Matt Rosendale as being the front runner among these
challengers. And, if recent advertisements are any indication, it would seem
that several left-aligned groups, including the Montana Democratic Party, consider
him to be the front-runner as well.

In a recent
advertisement,
the MTDP makes an overtly place identity charged indictment of "Maryland Matt" Rosendale,
namely that he is an outsider who "doesn't share our Montana values." In the
ad, the MTDP takes a 'don't just take our word for it' strategy by relying
mostly upon statements made by (or on behalf of) prominent Montana Republicans,
as well as upon a compilation of footage of Rosendale himself butchering the
pronunciation of the state he is running to represent in Washington. The statements
(which are attributed variously to current U.S. Senate primary opponent Russ
Fagg, former U.S. House primary opponent and current Secretary of State Cory
Stapleton, and to a PAC that supported Ryan Zinke in the 2014 Republican
primary for the U.S. House of Representatives) all suggest that Rosendale's
non-native born status should be viewed as a deficiency in the eyes of voters. Of
these statements, Stapleton's makes the case against Rosendale's non-native status
most powerfully, stating "we don't need that East Coast value here in Montana,
we don't need somebody from the East Coast representing us in Montana, we need a
Montanan representing us on the East Coast."

This theme, though
in decidedly less antagonistic tone, was on display yet again a few weeks ago in
Bozeman at the Republican U.S. Senate candidate
forum
(not a debate!) put on by the College Republicans at Montana State University.
The forum, which featured Rosendale and his three opponents, Troy Downing (a
fellow non-native from California), Albert Olszewski, and Russel Fagg, saw all
candidates take pains to stress their connections to Montana and demonstrate
their embrace of Montana values. Rosendale and Downing (the non-native
candidates) did so in decidedly apologetic fashion, with the following
statement by Downing being emblematic of the tone: "I've always been a
Montanan, it just took me 31 years to get here." Fagg and Olszewski (the native
candidates), meanwhile made their born and raised Montanan bonafides front and
center from the outset, with Fagg, for example, noting that he "has the Montana
roots, the Montana endorsements, (and) the Montana donations."

It was a portion
of Fagg's closing statement as well as Rosendale's that followed, however, that
really drew my attention. In his last appeal to the crowd in Bozeman that
night, Fagg made his case that his native Montana roots would be critical to
defeating native Jon Tester in 2018. "I'm a fourth generation Montanan…and (my
family) has live and loved Montana since before Montana was a state," he said "[…]
and the reason that's important, I appreciate everyone that has moved to
Montana because they love Montana, but the Democrats are going to unmercifully
beat up two of my opponents because they moved here nine years ago (Downing)
and fifteen years ago (Rosendale). It may not be fair, but it's the truth. If
you put me on that ticket, that takes that argument away from Senator Tester." Fagg
then went on to note that he has to date collected the lion's share of
endorsements from prominent Montana Republicans from well-known names such as
Marc Racicot and Denny Rehberg (Rosendale, meanwhile, has the support of
prominent national Republicans such U.S. Senators Rand Paul and Mike Lee)
before passing the mic to Rosendale.

Fagg's point was
brought into stark relief just moments later when Rosendale mispronounced
"Montana" so badly that even I, a social scientist who studies the role of
place-based identities in politics, couldn't help but to find it grating. In my
defense, it was the contrast of Rosendale's mispronunciation and Fagg's ominous
message regarding the importance of Montana roots in eyes of Montana voters
that made the moment so powerful. And, apparently I wasn't the only one to
notice—the MTDP released the "Maryland Matt" ad just a few days later and
appeared to indirectly reference the forum in a short blurb accompanying the
ad's posting.

Do voters care
about where candidates were born? To begin to investigate this question, I draw
upon data from three different surveys that I have fielded (one in Autumn 2015,
one in Spring 2017, and another in early fall 2017) utilizing Mechanical Turk
samples. All respondents in these surveys reside in the United States. Within
each survey, I included a question asking whether and how important respondents
thought it was that candidates running for Congress in their state had been
born there. In the most recent two surveys, an additional question was asked
regarding whether respondents felt that candidates born in their state were
more likely to understand the values and needs of people in their state.



Table 1: How important do you think it is
for candidates running for Congress

in your state to have been born in your
state?













Fall 2015



Spring 2017



Fall 2017





Extremely Important



25

(5%)





200

(11%)





130

(11%)





Very Important



117

(25%)





368

(20%)





255

(22%)





Moderately Important



136

(29%)





496

(28%)





300

(26%)





Slightly Important



87

(18%)





320

(18%)





232

(18%)





Not at all important



111

(23%)



423

(23%)



229

(23%)





N



476



1,807



1,146







Results for the
first question are remarkably stable across all three samples, as can be seen
in Table 1. In the most recent sample, one third of respondents indicated that
they felt candidate place of birth to be highly important (including both the
"extremely important" and "highly important" categories). A little over a
quarter of respondents indicated candidate place of birth to be moderately important.
Meanwhile, a minority of respondents (41%) indicated that candidate place of
birth is only slightly important or not important at all to them.



Table 1: In general, do you think that
candidates born in your state are better

at understanding the values and needs of
people in your state?











Spring 2017



Fall 2017





Yes



853

(47%)





554

(48%)





No



287

(16%)





144

(13%)





Unsure



667

(37%)





450

(39%)





N



1,807



1,146







            As
for respondents' perceptions regarding whether native born candidates are more
likely to better understand the values and needs of their constituency, a large
plurality in both samples (an average of 47.5%) indicated that they felt this
was the case, with a small minority (an average of 14%) of respondents saying
this wasn't likely to be the case. A large number of respondents in both
samples indicated that they were unsure regarding this question (38%). These
results are presented in Table 2.

            To
further explore responses to these questions, I use various methods (including
ANOVA, OLS, and logistic regression) to model the relationship between
responses to these questions and respondents' partisanship.[1] First, I estimate the
association between how important respondents rated candidate birthplace and respondents'
partisanship while controlling for the influence of other background
characteristics. Results show that, on average, the place of birth of political
candidates is significantly more important to Republicans (by about 25%) than
it is for Democrats even after controlling for the influence of respondents'
level of educational attainment, gender, self-reported recent voting history,
and whether the respondent lived in a rural area. Moreover, further analysis
reveals that Republicans' average importance rating of candidate place of birth
is significantly higher than that of independents as well, though Democrats and
independents do not differ significantly from one another in this respect. Finally,
I model the association between partisanship and perceptions of whether being
born in state imparts upon candidates a special constituency related knowledge
(all while again controlling for a number of other related factors). Results
indicate that Republicans are 4.5 times more likely on average to indicate that
candidates born in their state typically better understand the values and
problems associated with that state.

            Taken
together, these results suggest that many Americans see candidate place of
birth as being an important attribute of political candidates. More
specifically, a majority of people in my sample indicated that it is at least
moderately important that candidates be born in the state that they seek to
represent in Congress, with a full third indicating that they feel it is highly
important. Moreover, a plurality of respondents indicated that they believe
that candidates born in the state they are running in are more likely to
understand the needs and values of their constituency. Results also indicate a
significant association between these considerations and partisanship, with
Republicans endorsing both to a greater extent than non-Republicans on average.
All of this is especially noteworthy considering that these results are derived
from a sample comprising survey respondents from all across the United States.
And, in terms of demographic characteristics, the sample skews slightly younger,
more liberal, and more educated than the American population as a whole—as well
as Montana. So, if anything, I would expect the patterns and statistical
associations described above to increase in magnitude if the sample were one
perfectly representative of Montana.

            Finally,
in relating all of this back to Montana politics, the results presented here
seem to lend some credence to Republican
candidate Russ Fagg's (as well as many others) warning to Republican primary
voters that (in)congruence between where candidates are born and the district
they hope to represent is important to voters—and, at least in this sample,
especially amongst self-identified Republicans. And, since Tester will almost
certainly have to win over a considerable percentage of voters who recently
voted for our Republican president, these results suggest that one fruitful
path for him to do so would be to continue to appeal to voters on the basis of shared
Montana values and identity (as Bullock did in his successful 2016 reelection
bid). Whether and to what degree he is able to do so could very well be
moderated by whether a native-born Republican, such as Fagg or Olszewski, is at
the top of the Republican ticket.

B.
Kal Munis is, amongst other things, a 6th generation Montana native
and alumnus of both Montana State University and the University of Montana. He
is currently a PhD candidate in the Woodrow Wilson Department of Politics at
the University of Virginia. You can follow him on Twitter @KalMunis.










[1] If you want more specifics on the
data and my analyses, please send me an email or leave a comment below.

[spa] La importancia de la Historia de la Arqueología radica en su capacidad para dar respuesta a la primera pregunta que nos debemos plantear como arqueólogos, ¿cómo hemos llegado a ser lo que somos? (Murray 2002, en Ruíz Zapatero 2017b). Para conocer este pasado es indispensable llevar a cabo su estudio, el cual se puede afrontar desde diversas perspectivas. Aquí nos centraremos en analizar las relaciones internacionales dentro de la Historia de la Arqueología, como parte del mecanismo para comprender nuestro pasado en una época donde las fronteras entre países dibujan tanto los tratos personales como académicos, en especial las relaciones entre arqueólogos españoles e italianos del siglo XX (Díaz-Andreu García 2016; Gracia Alonso 2010; Gracia Alonso 2012a), dado el desconocimiento que existe sobre este tema, en contraposición con los trabajos sobre las relaciones con alemanes, franceses y también en menor medida con los ingleses. La presente Tesis se propone profundizar en el conocimiento del impacto que las relaciones entre investigadores tuvieron en la Arqueología española del siglo XX. Con ello se intenta romper varios tópicos firmemente establecidos en la Historia de la Arqueología española, como que los profesionales españoles son receptores pasivos de las novedades que provienen de otros países y que, sobre todo en lo que se refiere a la dilatada etapa franquista, el aislamiento internacional de los expertos es prácticamente total. Dentro de este contexto, se han analizado específicamente las relaciones entre la arqueología española e italiana desde principios del siglo XX a 1975, estableciéndose este año como fecha límite del estudio. En nuestro examen hemos dividido el periodo estudiado en dos: antes y después de la Guerra Civil. Para alcanzar estos objetivos generales se han investigado a través de objetivos más específicos cuales fueron primer lugar las instituciones españolas que se encargaron de propiciar directa o indirectamente las estancias de arqueólogos españoles en territorio italiano. Como resultado, se han documentado multitud de ayudas económicas de carácter personal de dos instituciones, la Junta para la Ampliación de Estudios y el Centro Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. Con esta documentación se han pretendido establecer cuales fueron relaciones personales entre la arqueología española e italiana a lo largo de los dos periodos anteriormente descritos, así como formarnos una ida más precisa de la influencia que supusieron estos contactos en la arqueología española posterior. Para completar estos objetivos específicos, se ha realizado un estudio de las publicaciones españolas contemporáneas con un marcado carácter arqueológico, que permite refutar esta influencia a través de las referencias bibliográficas utilizadas en los artículos que contienen. También hemos tenido en cuenta el convulso contexto político del siglo XX como elemento influyente en todo el proceso. Con estas premisas hemos desarrollado varias hipótesis en función a los objetivos planteados, esbozando un escenario en el que, pese al desarrollo de instituciones acorde con las necesidades de mantener investigadores en el extranjero, Italia no fue un centro de recepción primordial para la arqueología de principios del siglo XX frente a Francia y Alemania, acrecentado por la situación de aislamiento político y académico durante el franquismo. Estas hipótesis generales se complementan con otras más específicas, fundamentadas en la difícil situación económica de los periodos entre guerras para la inversión en estancias en el extranjero, y la imprecisión de lo que se entiende por la labor arqueológica. Esto lleva a plantear que quizá nuestro conocimiento sobre los viajes de arqueólogos españoles a Italia se haya visto disminuido, a lo que en realidad fueron viajes más prolíficos, y cuya influencia posterior en España, considerada exigua a principios del siglo XX, se desarrolló con mayor fluidez a partir de los años cincuenta. Como método de trabajo se han realizado vaciados en diferentes archivos y bibliotecas nacionales, y en algún caso muy puntual se ha acudido a la historia oral. A partir sobre todo de la documentación obtenida en archivos y bibliotecas se han podido obtener los datos de los sujetos susceptibles de ser incorporados a este estudio. Conjuntamente, se ha llevado a cabo un análisis bibliométrico de varias de las revistas más importantes sobre arqueología publicadas durante el periodo establecido, recogiendo así toda la información relevante para nuestro trabajo. Además, se ha vaciado la información encontrada en publicaciones tanto coetáneas a los hechos como posteriores. Se ha dividido este estudio en dos grandes etapas temporales, abarcando la primera desde principios del siglo XX hasta la Guerra Civil, y la segunda desde ese último momento hasta el final del periodo franquista. Con todo ello, se ha realizado un análisis de las estancias de españoles en Italia, tanto por la colaboración en exposiciones como por viajes de estudio o de trabajo. También se ha examinado la importancia de las instituciones nacionales para el desempeño de estas acciones, y el reflejo de sus actuaciones en la difusión de los conocimientos adquiridos a través de las publicaciones españolas en las que participaron. Los resultados obtenidos nos han permitido demostrar cómo las relaciones personales entre los académicos internacionales repercutieron directamente en el desarrollo de la actividad arqueológica española, asegurar que esta no estuvo completamente cerrada a las influencias extranjeras, y observar una evolución en los contactos establecidos a lo largo del marco cronológico estudiado. Durante la primera etapa entre principios del siglo XX y la Guerra Civil, las pensiones (denominación que reciben las ayudas económicas en este periodo) fueron concedidas a un mayor número de investigadores españoles, que, finalmente, realizaron algún tipo de actividad arqueológica. Aunque la Escuela Española de Historia y Arqueología en Roma se funda en 1910 como centro de recepción para estos pensionados, no será el epicentro de las relaciones entre arqueólogos españoles e italianos, siendo más característicos los viajes itinerantes por la península itálica y cuya influencia inmediata ha sido menos señalada, aunque asienta las bases de los contactos de la etapa siguiente, mucho más evidentes y fructíferos. Durante el segundo periodo y una vez pasados los primeros años de postguerra, la Escuela reabre sus puertas en 1947, comenzando en la década de los cincuenta su edad dorada, hasta los años setenta. Esta se ve acompañada por un mayor número de estancias en Italia, sobre todo de larga duración, gracias a los acuerdos para excavar la Grotta dei Pipistrelli (Finale), la Grotta del´Olivo (Toirano) en 1954 y 1955 respectivamente, y fundamentalmente Gabii, entre 1956 y 1969. Esto permite establecer contactos más profundos y dilatados en el tiempo, siendo el máximo exponente de las relaciones entre ambos países la contraída por Martín Almagro Basch y Luis Pericot García con el arqueólogo italiano Nino Lamboglia, presente en la bibliografía española de forma destacada como se demuestra tanto en el análisis de las revistas, como en la correspondencia personal, y la documentación administrativa. A pesar de esta nota positiva, en comparación con las relaciones establecidas para la misma época con arqueólogos alemanes y franceses, las relaciones italo-españolas todavía siguen siendo menores quizá incluso con británicos. ; [eng] The importance of the History of Archaeology lies in the capacity to respond to the first question we should consider as archaeologists: how have we become what we are?. It is essential to study this past, and this research could be faced from different perspectives. Here we will focus on analysing the international relations inside the History of Archaeology, as part of the mechanism to understand our past in a period where borders between countries portray the personal and academic relations of scholars. In particular, the relationships between Spanish and Italian archaeologists of the 20th century will be examined due to the ignorance existing around this topic, compared to the studies about the relations with Germans scholars, and also, to a lesser extent, with British academics. The purpose of this thesis is to take a closer look at the impact that the relationships between researchers had in the Spanish Archaeology of the 20th century. With this, we have tried to break away from the clichés which were solidly established in the History of Spanish Archaeology, such as, the general belief that Spanish professionals were passive receptors of the newness that came from other countries, and the idea that, particularly during the Francoist period, the international isolation of the experts was practically total. Within this context, it has been specifically analysed the relations between Italian and Spanish archaeology from the beginnings of the 20th century to 1975, establishing this year as the closing date of the study. In our examination we have divided the period studied in two parts: before and after the Civil War. To accomplish these general objectives, our investigations started studying the Spanish institutions that were in charge, directly or indirectly, of the stays of Spanish archaeologists in Italian territory. As a result, we have documented a multitude of economic aids from two institutions: "Junta para la Ampliación de Estudios" and "Centro Superior de Investigaciones Científicas". Thanks to this information, it was possible to establish the personal relations between Italian and Spanish archaeology during the two periods described above, as well as confirming the influence that these interactions meant in the later Spanish archaeology. To achieve these specific goals, we have conducted a study of the contemporary Spanish publications related to archaeology, which refute this influence through the bibliographic references used in these articles. In addition, it was taken into consideration the rough political context of the 20th century as an influential element in all the process. Under this premiss, several hypotheses were developed in function of the objectives planned, setting a scenario where, despite the fact that the development of institutions in compliance to the necessity of keeping researchers in foreign countries, Italy was not the essential centre of receptions for the Archaeology in the beginning of the 20th century, in opposition to France and Germany, increased by the situation of academic and politic isolation during the Francoist period. These general hypotheses are completed by others more specific, based on the difficult economic situation of the periods between wars for the investment in foreign stays, and the inaccuracy of what is known as "archaeological labour". This can lead us to think that the knowledge about Spanish archaeological trips to Italy could have been misvalued, being in fact very productive journeys, of which later influence in Spain, considered exiguous in the start of the 20th century, developed with more fluency after the 1950s Furthermore, as a work method, different national archives and libraries have been exhaustively inspected, including some oral history resources. Jointly, a bibliometric analysis of several archaeological journals published during this period was taken, collecting all the relevant information for our work. In addition, the information found in coetaneous publications and later ones was also investigated. The study has been divided in two big temporal periods, first covering from the beginning of the 20th century until the Civil War, and the second from this last event up to the end of the Francoist period. Due to these facts, it was possible to conduct an analysis of Spanish scholars' stays in Italy, for their collaboration in exhibitions as well as for study and work trips. Also, the importance of the national institutions for the performance of these actions, and the observation of their intervention in the diffusion of the achieved knowledge throughout Spanish publications in which they took part in, were examined. Consequently, the results retrieved allow us to demonstrate how personal relationships among international scholars directly influenced the development of Spanish archaeological activities, which were not completely closed to foreign influences, and discover the evolution of these contacts over the timeline studied. Moreover, between the beginning of the 20th century and the Civil War, the "pensiones" (name given to the economic aids in this period) were granted to a larger number of Spanish researchers, that finally, carried out some type of archaeological activity. Despite the foundation in Rome of "Escuela Española de Historia y Arqueología" in 1910 as a centre of reception for all these pensioners, it would not become the epicentre of the relations among Italian and Spanish archaeologists but set up the basis of the contacts for the next period, that were much more prolific and obvious. The itinerant journeys around the Italian Peninsula were more characteristic during this first part, but its immediate influence was less emphasized. During the second period and the beginning of postwar, the "Escuela" reopened in 1947, beginning its golden era until the 1970s. The stays in Italy increased, especially long-term stays, thanks to the agreements to excavate Grotta dei Pipistrelli (Finale), Grotta del´Olivo (Toirano) in 1954 and 1955 respectively, and Gabii, between 1956 and 1969. These agreements allowed to establish strong and long contacts, being the most important of these connections the relationships between Martín Almagro Basch and Luis Pericot García with the Italian archaeologist Nino Lamboglia, who are strongly present in the Spanish literature, personal correspondence and administrative documents. However, even though Spanish-Italian relationships were very productive and prolific, the relations between Spanish researchers and German, French and British academics were more intense.

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Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2014/10/05/referendum-sur-l-independance-les-catalans-veulent-rester-dans-la-legalite_4500783_3214.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-29490846http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1730958-mas-desafia-a-rajoy-y-convoca-al-referendum-para-el-9-de-noviembrehttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1731441-la-justicia-fuerza-a-cataluna-a-resignarse-o-rebelarsehttp://elpais.com/elpais/2014/10/03/inenglish/1412327174_332125.htmlhttp://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014-10/05/content_18698691.htm Un suicida mata a cinco policías en un atentado en la capital chechena. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/10/05/actualidad/1412521983_410916.htmlhttp://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/mueren-4-policias-rusos-en-atentado-en-chechenia-1043597.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-29498909 Turquía atacará a los yihadistas en Siria e Irak. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/04/opinion/turkey-must-save-the-kurds.html?ref=worldhttp://www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-turkey-syria-military-20141002-story.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29490256http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/turquia-atacara-a-los-yihadistas-en-siria-e-irak/14628436http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21621872-emergence-another-kurdish-entity-its-borders-unsettles-government-how-dealhttp://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/05/world/europe/turkish-leader-demands-biden-apology.html?ref=world&gwh=FAB30154F3D1CE0213EA73D034562AE4&gwt=pay&assetType=nyt_now "The Economist" analiza posible reforma económica en Europa. Para más información:http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21621785-leaders-france-and-italy-have-window-pursue-genuine-reforms-it-only-narrow Ucrania rompe la tregua y bombardea la ciudad de Donetsk. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/05/world/europe/in-ukraine-civilians-in-crossfire.html?ref=worldhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1732175-ucrania-rompe-la-tregua-y-bombardea-la-ciudad-de-donetskhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-29481979http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/ukraine-crisis/ukraine-military-says-separatists-violated-month-old-ceasefire-n218681Masiva protesta contra la política familiar francesa. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/10/05/actualidad/1412525139_820929.html El ministro griego rechaza la necesidad de un nuevo pacto sobre la deuda de Grecia. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/10/03/actualidad/1412350301_977804.html Crecimiento económico abre puertas a Polonia. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/05/world/europe/poland-economy-european-union-russia-trade-sanctions.html?ref=world El ex primer ministro búlgaro, Boyko Borisov, tiene previsto regresar al poder. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2014/10/04/l-ex-premier-ministre-bulgare-boiko-borissov-s-apprete-a-revenir-au-pouvoir_4500537_3210.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-29494877 Los tories proponen que el tribunal de Estrasburgo no rija sobre Londres. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/10/03/actualidad/1412345818_921344.html ASIA-PACÍFICO / MEDIO ORIENTE El Estado Islámico avanza. Para más información:http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21621863-are-american-led-air-strikes-creating-sunni-backlash-unintended-consequenceshttp://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014-10/04/content_18697146.htmhttp://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2014/10/05/syrie-attentat-suicide-d-une-kurde-contre-l-etat-islamique_4500833_3218.htmlhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/nuevo-asesinato-por-parte-del-estado-islamico-decapito-a-britanico/14635195http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29498972http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/ejecutan-yihadistas-a-seis-soldados-iraquies-en-publico-1043589.htmlhttp://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/isis-terror/airstrikes-hit-more-isis-targets-syria-iraq-n218671http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/estado-islamico-avanca-na-siria-sob-bombardeios-da-coalizao-internacional-14148811#ixzz3FKKYJVKVhttp://www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-iraq-mosul-front-20141005-story.html Protestas estudiantiles en Hong Kong. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2014/10/05/manifestants-et-policiers-s-affrontent-a-nouveau-a-hongkong_4500718_3216.htmlhttp://www.economist.com/blogs/analects/2014/10/hong-kong-slideshowhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1732978-de-la-mano-de-los-estudiantes-hong-kong-quiere-subirse-al-tren-de-la-democraciahttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/asia/el-dialogo-en-hong-kong-se-complica-por-ataques-a-estudiantes-/14632475http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/10/05/actualidad/1412530002_202681.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2014/10/05/manifestants-et-policiers-s-affrontent-a-nouveau-a-hongkong_4500718_3216.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-29494885http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/manifestantes-retiraran-barricadas-en-hong-kong--1043561.htmlhttp://www.latimes.com/world/asia/la-fg-hong-kong-leaders-20141006-story.html#page=1http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/hong-kong-protests/hong-kong-protesters-hold-huge-defiant-rally-n218551 Erupción del volcán Ontake en Japón. Para más información:http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-29472384http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1731915-los-dramaticos-esfuerzos-de-los-rescatistas-japoneses-que-luchan-contra-el-volcanhttp://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014-10/01/content_18691389.htmhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-29497179http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/typhoon-phanfone-churns-toward-tokyo-heavy-rain-n218616 Corea del Norte y Corea del Sur acuerdan un encuentro de alto nivel. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/05/world/asia/south-and-north-korea-agree-to-resume-high-level-talks.html?ref=world&gwh=7844F01D55ED73C9C4338C424BFBA191&gwt=pay&assetType=nyt_nowhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-29489134http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/asia/corea-del-norte-y-corea-del-sur-acuerdan-un-encuentro-de- alto-nivel-/14638375http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/10/04/actualidad/1412431980_377337.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-29460743http://www.latimes.com/world/asia/la-fg-north-south-korean-leaders-meet-20141004-story.html El presidente de Irán defendió al grupo Hezbollah implicado en el ataque a la AMIA. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1730674-el-presidente-de-iran-defendio-al-grupo-hezbollah-implicado-en-el-ataque-a-la-amia Irán no suplantará a Rusia como su principal proveedor de gas. Para más información:http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014-10/04/content_18697127.htm Crece la tensión en el Golán. Para más información:http://www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-one-injured-israel-lebanon-border-20141005-story.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/05/world/in-golan-imagined-risks-become-all-too-real.html?ref=world China y su política para combatir polución. Para más información:http://www.latimes.com/world/asia/chi-la-fg-china-la-smog-policy-20140909-story.html#page=1 "The Economist" analiza cambio de escenario político en Indonesia. Para más información:http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21621874-old-guard-out-obstruct-next-presidents-ambitious-plans-reforms-empire-strikesÁFRICAÉbola: murieron más de 3000 personas en África occidental. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/05/world/africa/ebolas-cultural-casualty-hugs-in-hands-on-liberia.html?ref=worldhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/africa/nadie-en-liberia-conoce-a-un-infectado-de-ebola-que-no-haya-muerto/14629675http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1730905-ebola-murieron-mas-de-3000-personas-en-africa-occidentalhttp://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/outbreak-ebola-marburg-fever-kills-man-uganda-n218836http://www.latimes.com/world/africa/la-fg-ebola-us-liberia-20141004-story.html#page=1http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-29489394 Nuevas inversiones para el Canal de Suez. Para más información:http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/wave-patriotism-egypt-raises-9-billion-suez-canal-n214681 El líder de Boko Haram desmiente su muerte a través de un video. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1732111-el-lider-de-boko-haram-desmiente-su-muerte-a-traves-de-un-videohttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/10/03/videos/1412334089_482247.html Somalia: ejército toma el último gran puerto en poder de Al-Shabaab. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2014/10/05/somalie-l-armee-prend-le-dernier-grand-port-tenu-les-chabab_4500740_3212.htmlOTRAS"The Economsit" publica su informe: "Business this week".Para más información:http://www.economist.com/news/world-week/21620281-business-weekA partir de ahora la ONU monitoreará para que no exista violencia contra gays y trans.Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1730632-a-partir-de-ahora-la-onu-monitoreara-para-que-no-exista-violencia-contra-gays-y-trans

This guide accompanies the following article: Daniel H. Nickolai, Steve G. Hoffman, and Mary Nell Trautner. 2012. 'Can a Knowledge Sanctuary also be an Economic Engine? The Marketing of Higher Education as Institutional Boundary Work', Sociology Compass 6(3):205–18.Authors' introductionThe marketing of higher education refers to a structural trend towards the adoption of market‐oriented practices by colleges and universities. These organizational practices blur the boundary between knowledge‐driven and profit‐driven institutions, and create tensions and contradictions among the three missions of the 21st‐century university: knowledge production, student learning, and satisfying the social charter. In this article, we highlight the historical contexts that nurtured the marketing of higher education in the US and Europe and explore the dilemmas that arise when market logics and business‐oriented practices contradict traditional academic values. We demonstrate that managing these dilemmas is a contested process of policing borders as institutional actors struggle to delineate the proper role of the university in a shifting organizational climate.Authors recommendArum, Richard and Josipa Roksa. 2011. Academically Adrift: Limited Learning on College Campuses. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.A book that asks a fundamental question in higher education: "How much are students actually learning?" The results do not reflect well on the institution. Arum and Roksa conduct longitudinal tests of critical thinking and analytic reasoning skills on a cohort of students at a variety of universities and colleges. They find that a majority of respondents demonstrate little to no improvement in learning outcomes. Even students who improve show modest gains. The authors' analysis of student surveys suggests that a major culprit is a combination of low rigor in the curriculum, a lack of effort among students, and the overly modest expectations of instructors.Barnett, Ronald. 2010. 'The Marketised University: Defending the Indefensible.' Pp. 39–51 in The Marketisation of Higher Education and the Student as Consumer, edited by M. Molesworth, R. Scullion and E. Nixon. New York: Routledge.Barnett suggests that debates about the effects of marketization on higher education often reflect pre‐existing ideologies about the nature of markets in general. He presents numerous arguments in favor of the conception of students as consumers. For example, the increased power students receive in choosing where and from who to take classes may encourage accountability and actually improve the learning experience as students take a more active role in charting their own course through their education. Barnett also reminds readers that different institutions create different contexts and the extent to which market models of higher education are applicable are largely dependent on these different contexts.Berman, Elizabeth Popp. 2012. Creating the Market University: How Academic Science Became an Economic Engine. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.An in‐depth historical sociology of the entrepreneurial university, this book explores when and why academic science become increasingly tethered to commercial interests over the last four decades. Berman focuses primarily on patenting trends and the political history of patenting law, as well as the development of biotech entrepreneurship and the emergence of university‐industry incubators. She argues that the trend toward an entrepreneurial model were largely driven by the ideals of government officials about the importance of translating scientific and technological innovation into economic growth, along the way creating the organizational environment necessary to enable market‐oriented research to flourish.Kleinman, Daniel Lee. 2003. Impure Cultures: University Biology and the World of Commerce. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.Kleinman provides an in‐depth look into the daily work culture of a plant pathology lab at the University of Wisconsin. This participant observation study includes ambitious critiques of the dominant agency‐oriented approaches within science and technology studies by focusing on issues of structural constraint and institutional power. This study is especially good at demonstrating how university biologists are deeply, athough indirectly, constrained by commercial interests. The influence is not easily found in conflicts of interest or day‐by‐day decision making of scientists, who by and large conduct themselves ethically and in the fashion predicted by Mertonian norms of science. Instead, the culture of commerce impacts an array of daily lab practices, including the baseline epistemological assumptions around what is a "significant" finding. In the world of plant pathology, a successful trial is determined in relation to the metrics established by the field's resource dependency on the agro‐chemical industry.Leslie, Larry L. and Gary P. Johnson. 1974. 'The Market Model and Higher Education.'The Journal of Higher Education 45:1–20.This landmark article is among the first to interrogate the use of a market model as it applies to higher education. The authors trace several key legislative measures that altered federal funding practices and gave students discretion in choosing which schools would receive the most funding. While the authors draw similarities between market practices and the process of funding higher education through students, they also question the extent to which a market model of higher education is applicable. Drawing a contrast between higher education funding practices and a perfectly competitive market model, they provide an important critique of a funding system still in use today.McMillan, Jill J. and George Cheney. 1996. 'The Student as Consumer: The Implications and Limitations of a Metaphor.'Communication Education 45:1–15.This article warns of the dangers involved in recasting students as consumers. McMillan and Cheney synthesize arguments about the traditional goals of education and how treating students as consumers can threaten traditional classroom relations and alienate students from the learning process. Implicit in their discussion is an argument for more traditional classroom approaches to fostering democratic citizenship skills through critical analysis and communal sharing of ideas. They explicitly reject the notion of education as a product (rather than a process) and the demand for professors to deliver the product in the most entertaining and efficient manner.Owen‐Smith, Jason and Walter W. Powell. 2002. 'Standing on Shifting Terrain: Faculty Responses to the Transformation of Knowledge and Its Uses in the Life Sciences.'Science Studies 15:3–28.An interview‐based study of 80 scientists from two university campuses, this paper provides a typology of faculty identities and research strategies at the nexus of academic and commercial research within the life sciences. The typology includes "old" and "new school" orientations to commercial research as well as hybrid categories somewhere between these two extremes, such as "engaged traditionalists" and "reluctant entrepreneurs." Eschewing simplistic analyses that either condemn or glorify the commercial engagements of academics, Owen‐Smith and Powell point out that these various positions have created both novel fault lines and innovative research within the life sciences.Radder, Hans. 2010. The Commodification of Academic Research: Science and the Modern University. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.This book is an edited collection of essays on the history, extent, and contemporary impacts of commodification on academic research in the US and Europe. Most of the essays converge at the intersection of science studies and research policy, but are written by an impressively eclectic group of authors pulled from philosophy, sociology, government studies, epidemiology, genomics, and bioethics.Vallas, Steven Peter and Daniel Lee Kleinman. 2008. 'Contradiction, Convergence and the Knowledge Economy: The Confluence of Academic and Commercial Biotechnology.'Socio‐Economic Review 6:283–311.This is an interview‐based study of biotech science that develops a theory of the "asymmetrical convergence" that characterizes the two sides of the university‐industry relation. Vallas and Kleinman describe the work situations of university and commercial scientists to show that there has been a convergence of norms and practices across academic and corporate institutional domains. The authors show that the open discovery ideals of academic science have been increasingly integrated the entrepreneurial values and practices imported from the private sector. Simultaneously, commercial laboratories brought scientific practices and concepts into their workplaces. However, the convergence is asymmetrical, in the sense that both fields of practice are dominated by the profit motive and bottom‐line economic development rather than the communal norms of public science.Online materialsResearch Commercialization and SBIR Centerhttp://center.ncet2.org/This web‐based organization provides an online venue for faculty and students to take virtual workshops and webinars on how to engage in research capitalization and entrepreneurial training. The site includes a variety of resources for faculty and graduate students looking to transition into industry jobs. This site also provides researchers interested in the marketization of higher education a glimpse into a cottage industry that has emerged to provide training services for academics looking to capitalize their research and pedagogy.The Institute for Triple Helix Innovationhttp://www.triplehelixinstitute.org/thi/ithi_drupal/An organization focused on facilitating cross‐sector (academia, industry, and government) collaborations in the production and dissemination of scientific research aimed at economic growth. Another example of a cottage industry established to promote research capitalization and professional networks aimed at knowledge transfer and research capitalization.Documentary, "College Inc." (2010)http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/collegeinc/This 55‐minute video from PBS' Frontline series examines the emergence of, demand for, and debates surrounding the consequences of for‐profit universities such as the University of Phoenix. Available streaming online until October 19, 2012, thereafter only as DVD purchase. Supplemental materials on the College, Inc. webpage include: (1) a teaching guide with lesson plans, discussion questions, student handouts, and lesson extensions; (2) responses from the colleges and universities highlighted in the video; (3) articles, reports, and documents related to for‐profit education; (4) transcripts of interviews conducted with numerous investors, reporters, lobbyists, and college presidents; and (5) a transcript and audiocast of the full program.Documentary, "Declining by Degrees: Higher Education at Risk" (2005)http://www.decliningbydegrees.org/This 120‐minute video from PBS examines the impact of market forces in higher education, specifically discussing factors such as declining government support for public education, changes to student loan programs, the pressure to attract students, college rankings, and college sports. The documentary shows viewpoints from administrators, students, and faculty. A companion book is available for purchase through the program's webpage.Sample syllabusThe "Marketization of Higher Education" article can be successfully incorporated in several types of undergraduate and graduate courses, including Introductory Sociology, Sociology of Education, Organizations and Institutional Change, and Science and Technology.For introductory or education‐focused courses, the article provides a succinct history of the relationship between higher education and the broader society while demonstrating how social institutions respond to social and cultural expectations/needs in different historical and national contexts. The article includes a short summary of the historical and contextual differences in the European and American models of higher education.For more advanced students of organizations, the article provides a case study demonstrating how macro level institutional changes influence organizational climate and social actors' perceptions of their own work. Further, advanced or graduate seminars in education may choose to highlight the various debates about the role of (higher) education in an increasingly knowledge‐based economy.Focus questions
 Discuss examples of how market logics may have influenced your coursework, choice of classes, or commitment to a class.
 What do you think about the informal economy and buying and selling course notes and study materials?
 Discuss examples in which you put more or less effort into a class based on your perception of the course's bottom‐line benefit to your post‐graduation career and/or income.
 How might the pressures faced by professors to bring in research funds from industry or venture capital influence their work and commitment to the classroom? In your experience, does this seem to be more common within those subject areas where knowledge capitalization is fairly common, such as biotech or computer science? Or, can we see the influence of knowledge capitalization in humanities or social sciences too?
 To the extent that students have adopted an understanding of higher education as a commercial exchange, in which they are customers who pay for grades, etc., what might be some ways in which we could change that perception? What changes would faculty need to make in order to change student attitudes? Administrators? Students themselves?
Seminar/Project ideasExploring Institutional BoundariesInterview a few other undergraduate students plus at least one faculty. Ask students questions such as why they decided to come to college, how they decided which college to attend, what they like and do not like about their college education, and what they hope to get out of their college experience. Ask faculty to provide their perspective on why they became a professor, what they like about their job and what they dislike, and what they see as the purpose of college and what students should get out of the college experience. In what ways do faculty and student perspectives converge, and how do they differ? Do any of the differences suggest blurring boundaries between missions of the university (knowledge production, student learning, and satisfying the social charter)?Marketization in Your College/UniversityDo a content analysis of official university admissions brochures, websites, and videos. What messages does the college want you to get from these materials? In what ways might the marketization of higher education be evident in such materials? If the university makes historical materials available, ask students to compare such materials over time to discern an increase in marketization, and how such processes are manifested. Do admissions materials for undergraduates and graduate students emphasize the same things? What differences do you note? Why do you think such differences do or do not exist?

Women and Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Issues and Sources is a review of literature dealing with political, economic and social reconstruction from a gender perspective. One of its objectives is to go beyond conventional images of women as victims of war, and to document the many different ways in which women make a contribution to the rebuilding of countries emerging from armed conflicts. Special attention is given to women's priority concerns, to their resources and capacities, and to structural and situational factors that may reduce their participation in reconstruction processes. A second aim is to shed light on how post-war reconstruction processes influence the reconfiguration of gender roles and positions in the wake of war, and how women's actions shape the construction of post-war social structures. Following the brief Introduction is a chapter on political reconstruction. It raises questions concerning women's participation in peace-building and democratization. In order to illuminate women's expectations regarding their roles and status in post-war society, the chapter opens with a brief discussion of how and to what extent various liberation movements have addressed women's issues. While some movements considered women's issues to detract attention from the main goal of their struggle, many movements regarded women's liberation as an integral dimension of their overall struggle for social justice. The fact that women's issues were included on the political agendas and that women themselves were mobilized to participate actively in the fighting is demonstrated to have been instrumental in raising women's political awareness and their expectations of state and society today. The ensuing discussion of women's participation in formal and informal peace-building activities shows that in most cases women are excluded from formal peace negotiations. Such high-level negotiations are identified as male domains, which means that they also employ discourses and practices that are closer to men's reality than to women's. As a result, women also lack direct influence in the identification of reconstruction priorities that are usually part of a peace agreement. Nevertheless, women are demonstrated to play an influential role through their work in grassroots organizations working for peace and reconciliation. From within these organizations, women constantly challenge the authorities and other members of society with demands for peace, non-discrimination, accountability, recognition of human rights, etc. While always positioned on the margins, these organizations show their ability to mobilize large numbers of women, and to translate individual grievances into legitimate social concerns. Moreover, many of them play a significant role in building a new culture of peace at the local level by organizing peace education and community-based reconciliation and social reconstruction activities. Democratization processes are generally applauded, because they are assumed to guarantee accountability and to grant all citizens the possibility to participate in political life. However, studies on elections and decentralization demonstrate several flaws when it comes to women's position. Many countries emerging from armed conflict have adopted new constitutions that grant women equal political, social and economic rights, and many governments have developed new quota systems to ensure women equal representation in decision-making institutions at all levels. However, the implementation of these laws and good intentions often runs into major obstacles. At the government level the problems include a lack of financial resources and a lack of gender awareness or political will among staff. Other major problems are to be found at the social level, where the new discourse of gender equality may run counter to existing social norms regarding gender roles. The examples discussed show that, in some cases, local authorities and male members of society may discourage or prohibit women from participating in political activities. Moreover, the fact that the division of labour has not changed in favour of women, but rather added to their burden, also poses practical limitations on the possibilities for active involvement of women. Despite these constraints, women have made remarkable contributions in many countries. In the context of elections women have organized civic education targeting women, and they have convinced women of the importance of their vote. Educated women have organized legal counselling to inform women about their rights and to help them exercise these rights. Chapter three deals with economic reconstruction and the strategies that women develop to cope with war-induced changes in the economic environment and to meet the growing responsibilities for the survival and well-being of family and relatives. The focus is on the relationship between women's economic activities and their socio-economic position. The first section of the chapter concentrates on women's involvement in agricultural production, which often constitutes a major source of income. In addition to problems of landmines, a lack of agricultural inputs and farm implements, a shattered infrastructure and the inaccessibility of markets, etc., which equally trouble male farmers, women face a number of particular challenges. First, women often lack legal rights to land and other resources which, in the context of social disintegration where a large number of women become single providers, may reduce their ability to survive on farming alone. In some countries, women are organizing themselves to lobby state and local authorities for increased access to such resources, but in many cases women are forced off the land and are compelled to seek other sources of income. Another problem facing women in agriculture is the dismantling of traditional work groups due to displacement, divorce, death, etc. This has often resulted in the creation of new co-operative associations and voluntary self-help groups which combine old institutions and current social conditions. When cultivating the family land is no longer an option, some women join the casual agricultural labour force. While this opportunity enables women to employ their skills and to earn an income, recent analyses suggest that this may in fact mean that women come to occupy a marginal position in the new structure of rural social stratification. Another area which proved to be of great importance to women's livelihoods was the burgeoning informal sector, with petty trade and small-scale businesses as major sources of income. The documentation of women's involvement in this sector showed a great variety in experiences. Some women took up activities in which they had also been involved prior to the war, but many engaged in innovative projects, even when it meant a break with existing social norms, as they took up jobs perceived to be male jobs. Some women established businesses on the basis of local resources and demand, while others established elaborate trading networks which cut across ethnic boundaries and national borders. Again, women's capacity to build and mobilize extensive social networks had a positive impact. But while women generally proved to be eager and capable entrepreneurs, the sustainability of their enterprises was often constrained by a lack of capital and marketing skills, not to mention the fact that the sector itself is highly insecure and fluctuating. Moreover, women's economic success would in some cases result in social stigmatization and exclusion, due to clashes with prevailing norms or jealousy. Finally, the formal sector is discussed. For various reasons, societies emerging from war usually experience a high unemployment rate, and women are often particularly marginalized with regard to access to formal employment. In some cases this is a result of the fact that women generally have poorer educational qualifications, but research also suggests that discriminatory practices are still frequent. One of the few areas where women seem privileged is the social sector, but because this sector is often exposed to budgetary cuts, women's access to income and status from this field is reduced. Nevertheless, women continue to perform related tasks, but as semi-professionals or even as volunteers. The fourth chapter focuses on social reconstruction, specifically on the rehabilitation of social services (health care and education) and wider issues of social integration. With regard to the first aspect, the main questions are whether the social sector recognizes women's particular needs, and whether it seeks to build on women's skills and capacities. The discussion on social integration shifts the focus to how women are positioned in processes of inclusion and exclusion, and to how women's strategies and activities influence social integration. Studies on the rehabilitation of social services suggest that even though women's needs and rights are increasingly recognized officially, women continue to be discriminated against with regard to access to education for social and cultural reasons. Health care and other social facilities also remain inadequate, with consequences not only for women's health, but also for their ability to participate in political and economic life. The material clearly demonstrates that social issues were generally given high priority by women themselves, and many women in post-conflict societies make a major contribution to their rehabilitation. In rural as well as urban areas, women have re-established primary education for children as a means to build local capacities and influence their socialization, and women are often involved in providing primary health care and socio-economic assistance on a self-help basis to people in crisis. However, as noted above, while such activities are generally welcomed, they are often considered but a natural extension of women's domestic obligations and hence are not remunerated or responded to with offers of training. In addition to ordinary health care problems, intrastate wars produce a number of specific health problems known as psycho-social traumas. These traumas may stem from experiences of forced displacement, torture, rape, violence, witnessing killings, etc. In some cases, women have been particularly vulnerable to this kind of assault on mind and body. But women have also been very active in addressing the scars that such experiences leave, organizing voluntary organizations which offer medical and psychological treatment. Moreover, they have helped former victims to overcome their distress and reintegrate, by offering skills training and income-generating activities. Another issue which has been addressed by women's organizations is the growth of violence within post-war societies. Through classroom education and workshops, women have sought to raise awareness about violence against women and to change the attitudes that consider such violence acceptable. As the discussion on social integration points out, there has long been a tendency to focus exclusively on the reintegration of returnees, internally displaced persons and demobilized soldiers, or of persons who have become marked and marginalized due to torture, disability, widowhood, etc. However, to the extent that any post-war society is inevitably undergoing profound changes in its socio-economic and political composition, the issue of integration is relevant to all members of society. This chapter focuses on this aspect from a gender and family perspective, and shows how integration often also has disintegrative aspects. Newly gained economic freedom and independence, long years of separation and exposure to new social environments and attitudes, new perceptions of the role of the family and its members, and forced migration in search of employment, all contribute to continued dismantling of existing social institutions and the establishment of new ones. Social integration, in other words, is not simply about "coming home", but about defining new guiding social values and establishing corresponding relationships and institutions based on a combination of factors including kinship, socio-economic interests, and shared experiences and circumstances. In the final chapter, conventional conceptualizations of women in conflict and post-conflict situations are examined. The chapter also contains some suggestions for alternative concepts and approaches which appear to be better tools for our understanding of women's situation and thus for the development of programmes that will assist women in their multiple efforts to rebuild their lives. It is pointed out that our understanding of women's roles in post-war societies and of their contributions to post-war reconstruction must go beyond the universalistic narrative of "women's experience of war". The specificity and diversity of women's experiences must be acknowledged. Only on this basis can we conduct comparative analyses and begin to develop a deeper general understanding of post-war reconstruction from a gender perspective. Second, the concluding chapter stresses the need to supplement the image of women as vulnerable victims with an image of women as a highly differentiated group of social actors, who possess valuable resources and capacities and who have their own agendas. Women influence the course of things, and their actions are constitutive of post-war societies. The reduction of women to targets and beneficiaries both fails to recognize their contributions and contributes to their marginalization. A third point stressed in the conclusion is the need for gender-specific data and gender-focused analysis. While special attention is given to women throughout the publication, so as to make visible the previously invisible, the aim has been to see women's situation within a gender framework which pays attention to how gender roles and relationships are continuously constructed and contested by different actors, and which recognizes the gender dimension inherent in all aspects of post-war reconstruction. The gender perspective is also relevant for the achievement of sustainable peace. As the analysis strongly suggests, the failure to recognize gender issues may produce new social tensions and contribute to the differentiating struggles over identity, status and power that are so distinctive for societies which have recently achieved peace.