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The article explores the recent state and development of churchliness and religiosity in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe from three perspectives (decline, individualization, and (re)vitalitazion) and according to three theoretical approaches (secularization theory, individualization thesis, and supply-side model of religious competition). The central results can be summarized as follows: overall, in terms of change in the religious sphere, no homogenous or characteristic pattern can be established for the whole region. While most Orthodox societies have experienced a clear religious growth, the situation in Catholic and Protestant countries has been very varied. Indeed, in countries such as the Czech Republic and East Germany, the process of secularization since the political upheavals in the early 1990s seems to be even more advanced. As far as the ability of the theoretical models to explain religious change is concerned, there is no evidence to support the theory of religious competition. In contrast, the individualization thesis can certainly claim a degree of plausibility for itself, although some findings do contradict its assumptions. All in all, a context-sensitive secularization-theory approach, one which looks at specific cultural and political developments, seems best able to explain development.

Health and health care provision are one of the most important topics in public policy, and often a highly debated topic in the political arena. The importance of considering European Union accession's impact on the health care sector of new member countries is highlighted by studies showing that accession to the Union has significant impacts on the socio-economic indicators of the new members, while the impacts on the health care system are less known. This is particularly important for a Central and East European country such as Croatia, where a policy responsive government indicates a high level of quality of democracy (Roberts, 2009) and where issues in the health care system have been carried over from the previous regime. In this study, I summarize the current status of health care in the European Union and the reasons behind the failure to create a stronger legislative framework around health care issues and its consequences. I find that the absence of more meaningful hard laws has stimulated the creation of alternative soft law practices to harmonize health systems across the Union, with uncertainty about its impact on health outcomes in new member countries, including Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

There are increasing calls for an end to the war on drugs and criticism of the perceived undue influence of the United States in global drug policies. While the Western Hemisphere has been quite vocal, little is known about the perspectives of the Eastern Hemisphere, notably the emerging democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. To develop a broader world‐view of U.S.‐led drug policies, this qualitative study was undertaken to give voice to policy administrators from Central and Eastern European countries that received drug enforcement and drug policy training from the United States. The participants' narratives reveal a concordance of views that call on the United States to: (a) establish coherent public health focused policies, (b) base drug policies on empirical evidence rather than ideology and political rhetoric, (c) avoid isolationism through authentic engagement, and (d) develop fiscally sustainable policies. Whereas these emerging democracies have not been referenced in the international dialogue calling for changes in U.S.‐led drug policy to date, their perspective of the assets and deficits of U.S.‐led drug policy concord with those of their Latin American and Western European counterparts.

As a result of Russian aggression towards Ukraine, lowering European dependence on Russian energy has become a priority for the EU. Policy responses that address energy security have the potential to accelerate the EU's path to carbon neutrality as well as to boost the funds available for energy efficiency improvements. However, due to the escalating cost of living, many fear energy policy changes may put even more pressure on those who are already struggling to pay their bills. This article argues that for geographic, historical and political reasons, the affordable and social housing sector in Central and Eastern European EU member states is the place to start with the implementation of new energy policy goals. These countries could use funds newly made available to address the needs of Ukrainian refugees while easing the housing problem that this region has been tussling with for decades.

This paper deals with Russian investments to ten Eastern European EU candidate countries. Eastern European countries are an important destination for Russian OFDI, and the share of Russia in many CEEC's inward FDI stock is substantial. Russian investments to these countries are mostly connected to the internationalisation of Russian energy sector. Russian oil and gas giants have been actively investing to almost all eastern EU candidate countries. However, OFDI constitutes only a small part of Russian capital abroad, as it covers merely 10 % of the Russian capital flight. Cyprus has been an important landing place for Russian capital flight and is currently the biggest direct investor to Russian economy. Also the investment flow from (or via) Cyprus to other Eastern European countries is relatively big. Significant share of these Cypriot investments are considered to be of Russian origin. This paper tries to anticipate the effects of the legislative changes, due to Cyprus's EU accession in 2004, on the role of Cypriot offshore sector as a landing place for Russian capital. First Published Online: 14 Oct 2010

This paper deals with Russian investments to ten Eastern European EU candidate countries. Eastern European countries are an important destination for Russian OFDI, and the share of Russia in many CEEC's inward FDI stock is substantial. Russian investments to these countries are mostly connected to the internationalisation of Russian energy sector. Russian oil and gas giants have been actively investing to almost all eastern EU candidate countries. However, OFDI constitutes only a small part of Russian capital abroad, as it covers merely 10 % of the Russian capital flight. Cyprus has been an important landing place for Russian capital flight and is currently the biggest direct investor to Russian economy. Also the investment flow from (or via) Cyprus to other Eastern European countries is relatively big. Significant share of these Cypriot investments are considered to be of Russian origin. This paper tries to anticipate the effects of the legislative changes, due to Cyprus's EU accession in 2004, on the role of Cypriot offshore sector as a landing place for Russian capital. First Published Online: 14 Oct 2010

The article uses firm-level data to test the hypothesis that the opening of central and east European economies to international trade and capital provides an impetus for environmental improvements in industrial enterprises. The analysis reveals that although export-oriented firms adopt clean technologies faster, foreign investment is not necessarily associated with higher rates of clean-technology adoption. Moreover, even the significance of trade in promoting cleaner technology can be overshadowed by domestic factors such as regulatory enforcement. Multinational enterprises introduce more readily formal environmental management practices that respond to public pressures. These findings challenge claims that international capital and trade are likely to be the leading stimulus for clean-technology diffusion in transition countries. The analysis contributes to the political economy literature by testing the linkage between openness and firm-level environmental strategies and specifying conditions for a positive relationship between markets and environmental performance.

This article examines the economic and social transformation occurring in post-communist societies, with a particular focus on the emergence of new social risks (NSRs) and the subsequent welfare state responses. It argues that Central and Eastern European countries are characterised by broader NSR types (a mix of old and new social risks) and groups than those present in the West. In order to deal more effectively with the requirements of the post-industrial, knowledge-based, and service economy, the reasons for a new political economy of skill formation and for a new empowering politics of the welfare state capable of strengthening the potential of individuals to adapt to more fl exible labour markets are discussed. The new empowering politics of the welfare state proposed here would consist of four main pillars: 1) a guaranteed minimum income; 2) a basic income for children; 3) state investments for education and human capital formation; and 4) a guaranteed basic pension. The aim is to empower the individual through de-commodification, childhood investment, human capital formation, and a rebalancing of life risks. The article concludes by refl ecting on the political feasibility of this proposal.

Recommends that international financial institutions change from a strategy of capital transfers to banking and trade reform. Focuses on the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, EEC, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.