Suchergebnisse

The career of Sir Aston Webb (1849-1930) is arguably one of the most impressive of all late-Victorian and Edwardian architects. Living in an important era in British social, political and cultural history, Webb's career and rise to prominence paralleled one of the most exciting and transitional periods in the history of British architecture, with his course reaching its peak by achieving the rank of Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) President, the President of the Royal Academy (RA) and RIBA Town Planning Chairman. Renowned architectural historian Alastair Service (1977 and 1979) for instance, noted that regardless of the architectural ideals of the period the greatest practice in terms of the sheer volume of work or money earned was that of Webb's, yet history has largely ignored Webb's importance partly due to his designs lacking the stylistic creativity of many of his generation. This proposed paper therefore will thus rectify this situation through highlighting Webb's largest work, the Queen Victoria Memorial Scheme (1901-12) –a monumental undertaking on a par with contemporary American City Beautiful projects, which with the London County Council's Kingsway- Aldwych plan 'Hausmannised' the metropolis. By this means the work will also demonstrate how Webb was not merely an architect of unappreciated ability, a designer who arguably more than any other of his time helped define British civic design and town planning in practice prior to the onset of World War One in 1914. ; La carrera de Sir Aston Webb (1849-1930) es posiblemente una de las más impresionantes de todos los arquitectos tardovictorianos y de la época eduardiana. En una importante época de la sociedad, la política y la historia británicas, la carrera de Webb y su salto a la fama anduvieron paralelos a uno de los períodos más excitantes en la historia de la arquitectura británica, alcanzando su pico de protagonismo cuando le concedieron el rango de Presidente del Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA), el de Presidente de la Royal Academy (RA) y el de Presidente de Town Planning de la RIBA. El célebre historiador de arquitectura Alastair Service, por ejemplo, apuntó que, a pesar de los ideales arquitectónicos del período, el mayor arquitecto en términos de volumen total de trabajo o de dinero ganado fue Webb, aunque la historia haya ignorado casi absolutamente su importancia, debido en parte a que sus proyectos carecían de la creatividad estilística que poseían muchos de sus coetáneos. Es por ello que en este artículo se intenta rectificar esta situación, subrayando la importancia del trabajo más grande de Webb, el proyecto del Queen Victoria Memorial (1901-1912) –una empresa monumental a la misma altura que los proyectos American City Beautiful, que junto al plan London County Council's Kingsway-Aldwych "haussmanizaron" la metrópolis. De este modo, este trabajo también demostrará que Webb no era simplemente un arquitecto de incomparables aptitudes, sino que posiblemente fue el diseñador que más ayudó en este período a definir el diseño cívico y la planificación urbana británicas de un modo práctico, antes del comienzo de la Primera Guerra Mundial en 1914.

Canada is now getting a good look at just how aggressively protectionist the Trump administration in the U.S. is ready to act. It has hit Canadian newsprint exports with punishing tariffs based on unjustified claims that the Canadian industry is both subsidized and dumping product below fair-market value into the U.S. marketplace. This latest trade skirmish, following President Donald Trump's demands to renegotiate NAFTA, American-instigated trade challenges to Canadian exports of softwood lumber (yet again) and Bombardier aircraft, and Washington's initial threats to levy duty on Canadian aluminum and steel (now on hold), should set off alarm bells beyond the newsprint industry. Canada's policy-makers and exporters should be on notice that the administration is clearly eager to penalize the exports of an ostensibly free-trade partner based on overwrought claims. While newsprint sales have been declining everywhere, Canadian producers have nevertheless been able to gain a larger share of the shrinking market, having grown from controlling 60 per cent of combined U.S. and Canadian production in 1990 to 69 per cent in 2016, while developing new products and innovating to maintain a sustainable industry. Complaints about subsidies and dumping from U.S. competitors are plainly intended to halt and possibly reverse that trend. But in addition to hurting Canadian paper producers, including 21 mills in Canada and impacting thousands of workers, also punished in the process will be already struggling American newspaper publishers who will have to pay more for newsprint. While the U.S. has longstanding arguments about the market distortion caused by government's role in Canada's softwood lumber industry, the justifications it now considers as valid for claims of Canadian subsidization of newsprint are much broader and more creative. They include government programs to help the industry manage pine beetle infestations, provincial school tax-credit programs, local municipal revitalization programs and even the construction and repair of public access roads and bridges. It is hard to see how many of the dozens of programs identified by the Americans as subsidies fit the traditional definition. If these are now considered subsidies, then suffice it to say that there is scarcely a Canadian export that could not be accused of enjoying subsidies and become subject to trade disputes and tariffs. The signals are as unmissable as they are distressing. The U.S. government has begun using new laws that have never been tried and dusting off old laws that have not been used in decades to erect protectionist barriers. There was a 62-per-cent jump in the number of anti-dumping and countervailing-duty investigations initiated in the first year of the Trump administration compared to the previous year. The U.S. is leading the world in enacting discriminatory trade measures and its pace is speeding up. Canada's government must mobilize to fight off these attacks against the country's exports through the use of NAFTA's Chapter 19 dispute-resolution panel mechanism, while ensuring it retains that mechanism in whatever form of NAFTA emerges from renegotiations. What is happening to the newsprint industry today could be happening to many more Canadian exporters soon.

This dissertation considers two intellectual impediments to interdisciplinary dialogue between Christian theologians, ethicists, and economists: scarcity and the status of economics as a wertfrei science. Using the landmark methodological work of Lionel Robbins, An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economics Science, to frame the discussion, this dissertation seeks to remove these two intellectual impediments to interdisciplinary dialogue by considering three nested questions. They are: (1) Is scarcity—as defined by Robbins—an accurate description of the world? (2) If scarcity, as defined by Robbins, is an accurate description of the world, how is this to be justified theologically, and what are the implications for the demarcation of economics? (3) Is economics a wertfrei science, and, if it is, what are the implications for interdisciplinary dialogue? Chapter 1 elucidates these questions by outlining Robbins's conception of scarcity, his scarcity definition of economics, and his understanding of economics as a wertfrei science. The first part of Chapter 2 considers question (1) by examining various challenges that have been leveled at Robbins's understanding of scarcity as a description of the world. Having shown that the various challenges fail to overturn Robbins's understanding of scarcity as a description of the world, the second part of Chapter 2 begins to consider question (2) by framing Robbins's understanding of scarcity in terminology more familiar to the Christian theologian and ethicist. Chapter 3 continues to consider question (2) by developing a theodicy that accounts for why humans find themselves in a world in which the degree of scarcity is such that human needs, at times, go unmet. Chapters 2 and 3, then, provide a theological rationale for scarcity and a theological rationale for the existence of economics as the study of scarcity-constrained choice. Chapter 4 turns to question (3), returning to Robbins's understanding of economics as a wertfrei science as presented within An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economics Science, and what this means for the relationship between economic science and ethics. This chapter also introduces a later essay written by Robbins, Economics and Political Economy, to further elucidate Robbins's understanding of the relationship between economic science and ethics, and his advocacy for political economy as the discipline that seeks to integrate the deliverances of both economic science and ethics with a view to offering policy advice. This chapter argues for a retrieval of political economy, but (contra Robbins) based on a realist meta-ethics. Chapter 5, which is the culminating and capstone chapter, argues for Christian political economy as the site for interdisciplinary dialogue between Christian theologians, ethicists, and economists, now that the intellectual impediments of scarcity and economics as a wertfrei science have been overcome. As a particular instantiation of political economy, Christian political economy draws on the deliverances of both Christian ethics and economic science. In doing so, it respects and understands the scope and nature of economic science and seeks to maintain its theological integrity by drawing from Christian ethics.

Este artículo analiza los debates que se produjeron en un sector de la intelectualidad de los Estados Unidos en torno a la relación entre los medios de comunicación y la sociedad, entre mediados de la década del cuarenta y principios de la del cincuenta. Puntualmente, se analizan las reflexiones teóricas de autores como Paul Lazarsfeld, Harold Lasswell, Robert Merton, y Gladys y Kurt Lang. Se aborda el análisis a partir de la indagación de los itinerarios académicos de los autores mencionados y sus posicionamientos dentro del campo intelectual norteamericano. Desde aquí se reconstruyen tres ejes que preocuparon, de manera disímil, a este conjunto de investigadores: las discusiones sobre los procesos de democratización cultural, los límites y alcances de las funciones de los medios masivos en la sociedad y, por último, la cuestión de la influencia política de los medios. Consideramos que pensar relacionalmente las producciones de estos autores permite visualizar las divergencias y los matices de esta franja de la tradición norteamericana de la comunicación conocida como Mass Communication Research. ; This article considers the discussions that part of the United States intelligentsia, in the late 1940s and early 50s, had about the relationship between communications media and society. Specifically, it delves into the theoretical reflections of authors such as Paul Lazarsfeld, Harold Lasswell, Robert Merton, and Gladys and Kurt Lang. Our analysis stems from our exploration of the academic itineraries of the aforementioned authors and their place among American intellectuals. With this as our starting point, we reconstruct three lines of inquiry that, with varying degrees of intensity, preoccupied this group of investigators: processes of cultural democratization, the reach and limits of mass media's social function, and media's political influence. By thinking about how the outputs of these authors relate to each other, we can visualize the divergences and nuances within the American communications tradition known as Mass Communication Research. ; Este artigo analisa os debates que ocorreram em um setor da intelligentsia dos Estados Unidos em torno à relação entre os meios de comunicação e a sociedade, entre meados dos anos quarenta e o início dos anos cinquenta. Especificamente, são analisadas as reflexões teóricas de autores como Paul Lazarsfeld, Harold Lasswell, Robert Merton e Gladys e Kurt Lang. O analise é abordado reconstruindo os itinerários acadêmicos dos autores acima mencionados e seu posicionamento no campo intelectual norte-americano. A partir daqui, são identificados três eixos que ocuparam –de forma diferente– a este grupo de pesquisadores: as discussões em torno dos processos de democratização cultural; os limites e alcances das funções dos meios de comunicação na sociedade e, finalmente, a questão da influência política dos meios de comunicação social. Consideramos que pensar concomitantemente as produções de cada um desses autores, permite visualizar as divergências e as nuances dentro dessa franja da tradição norte-americana em comunicação conhecida como Mass Communication Research. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social ; Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas

This thesis examines the Irish Executive?s reaction to the threat posed by transatlantic Fenianism from the closing phase of the US Civil War to the end of Fenian activity in the year following the Rising of February/March 1867. It proposes that the Fenian conspiracy was the catalyst for a substantial development in the Executive?s ability to assert its control throughout the country in the name of maintaining state security. Its central argument is that the government?s adoption of a policy of deterrence, combined with the systematic reform of the composition and distribution of military force on the island, at first delayed, and later helped to suppress the abortive rising that eventually emerged. The Executive?s response was influenced by the suppression of the Young Ireland rising in 1848 and other imperial revolts, but needed to balance the needs of both ?Home? and ?Imperial? Defence. This set in motion a security policy that would influence the governance of Ireland throughout the remainder of the century. Methodologically, the thesis examines these actions in the light of recent developments in counterinsurgency theory and practice, and by using Michael Mann?s theory of the ?Infrastructural Power of the State? as a tool to facilitate this analysis. Where possible, the thesis views these elements in a transnational context, particularly by considering the wide range of imperial experiences of senior administrators and military commanders and assessing how those experiences influenced Irish affairs. This framework adds to current knowledge by demonstrating the capacities and limitations of the mid-Victorian governance of Ireland. It does this by contrasting the stated policy goals of the Executive and assessing them against the actual actions on the ground. The thesis is structured into three broad thematic sections. The first, the ?Civil Sphere? examines the use of coercive legislation and policing as tools of counterinsurgency. Chapter One focuses primarily on how the suspension of Habeas Corpus was used to influence the potential insurgents and imprison those who threatened state security. Chapter Two considers how the Irish Constabulary shifted from its usual civil duties to embrace more militarized functions at a time of crisis. Chapters Three and Four in second section, the ?Military Sphere?, examine the Army and Irish Militia. The reform and redeployment of the army for political ends and the formation of Flying Columns at the outbreak of the rising are contrasted with the implications of the suspension of the Militia?s annual training. The three chapters of the final section, the frequently overlooked ?Naval Sphere?, examine the role of the Royal Navy, Royal Marines, and the Irish Coastguard and assess their contribution to counterinsurgency activities. While each chapter deals with a specific institution, the coordinating role of the Irish Executive is never far from the surface. The thesis concludes that without vigorous Executives, led by Lords Wodehouse and Naas respectively, to coordinate the disparate branches of state power, the suppression of Fenianism would have been significantly more problematic.

The subject of the thesis centers around how the Jew as a figure is seen and represented in the Islamist discourse in Turkey throughout the years between 1946 and 1980 while the Islamist thinking and movement is developing from an intellectual form to a politically active one. This particular period is chosen with a view to analyzing how the Islamist thinking starts to manifest itself more freely after the transition to democratic system in 1946 until the coup d'état of 1980, which interrupts the political life in Turkey for a certain period. Taking as its reference the Islamist press activity during the era, the research studies how the Islamist thinking created its own antisemitic concepts in its perception of the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the modernist reforms, which began in the Tanzimat era and later composed the identity of the newly created Turkish Republic. In this connection, the thesis also studies the "Dönme community", perceived as a "secret jewish community" by the Islamist discourse and held responsible for the modernization movement, which is seen as hostile towards traditional Islamic values. The research also discusses how the Turkish-Israeli and Arab-Israeli relations affect the perception of Jews especially around the period of the Six Days War, also helping to see how the Arab Islamist thinkers became more influential over the Turkish Islamism particularly in the sixties. Moreover, the research focuses on how the conspiracy theories regenerating from the European antisemitic discourse, such as Jewish world domination, transforms into a political propaganda tool for the Islamic discourse, especially in the seventies once the Islamism enters into the political arena. ; La thèse porte sur la manière dont la figure du Juif est perçue et représentée dans le discours islamiste en Turquie entre 1946 et 1980, alors que la pensée et le mouvement islamiste évoluent d'un courant de pensée vers une politique active. Choisie à dessein, cette période permet d'appréhender la manière dont la pensée islamiste commence à apparaître plus librement, depuis l'avènement du système démocratique en 1946 jusqu'au coup d'État de 1980 qui interrompt, pour un temps, la vie politique en Turquie. Essentiellement fondée sur l'activité de la presse islamiste de l'époque, cette étude observe comment la pensée islamiste crée et incorpore ses propres concepts antisémites dans sa vision de la chute de l'Empire Ottoman et des réformes modernistes, qui débutent sous l'ère des Tanzimat et composent plus tard le socle de la République turque. Dans cette perspective, la place de la communauté Dönme est observée car décrite comme une « communauté juive secrète » responsable du mouvement de modernisation, lequel est considéré comme hostile aux valeurs islamiques traditionnelles. Nous examinerons comment les relations turco-israéliennes et arabo-israéliennes affectent la perception des Juifs, en particulier à partir de la guerre des Six Jours, et comment l'islamisme turc s'est imprégné des penseurs islamistes arabes, surtout durant les années soixante. Enfin, la recherche se concentre sur la façon dont les théories du complot tirées du discours antisémite européen, telles que la domination mondiale par les juifs, se transforment en outil de propagande politique du discours islamiste dès lors que l'Islamisme fait son entrée en politique au cours des années soixante-dix.

The twentieth century postmodern world not only created an era of a decentered way of life but also tremendously triggered a decentered literary style that somehow achieves to encompass the entire story of human life. Although the term postmodern seems to be a broad concept that has different effects in different geographies, it magically succeeds to unite differences and reflect a common story behind a veil. Chuck Palahniuk's The Fight Club (1999) and George Perec's A Man Asleep (1967) are marvelous examples for that. While Palahniuk's story is the voice of the reflections of postmodern human life in the United States, therefore American postmodern literature, Perec's story becomes the voice of postmodern human life in France. Although two works signify different geographies, a comparative analysis of these works highlight the reality that two different cultures are bounded with each other in terms of the literary concepts; 'daily life;' 'sleep,' 'headache – pain,' 'depression,' 'addiction,' 'the double' and 'the notion of success.' Perec's and Palahniuk's nameless characters' lives surrounded by cultural codes of abundance at first sight, which later became their captivity that triggers either depression or schizophrenia. At this point, a comparative analysis that acts as a bridge between two different cultures and geographies postulate the idea that in the postmodern world of fragmentation, comparative literature achieves to form a web of wholeness which helps the reader to develop a cultural, historical, social and psychological analysis of stories which are the stories of all of us. ; 1960 yıllara girişle birlikte, sosyo-politik değişimlerin yarattığı dönüşüm yaşamın her alanında post modernism olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Sanat, tarih, felsefe, sosyoloji ve pek çok alanda yansımalarına tanık olunan bu dönemde elbette edebiyat eserleri de bu yeni döngüye kapılmış ve değişime aynalık etmiştir. Sadece Amerika'yı değil Avrupa'yı da etkisi altına alan bu dönem insan yaşamının değişim karşısında sergilemiş olduğu psikolojik ve fiziksel savaşı edebiyat eserleri yoluyla ustaca yansıtmıştır. Amerikalı yazar Chuck Palahniuk ve Fransız yazar George Perec kurmaca düzlemde post modern yaşamı en etkili biçimde yansıtanların başında gelmektedir. Yeni dünya düzeninde monotonluk, yalnızlık, depresyon ve stres ile çarpışmak zorunda kalan bireyi başarıyla yansıtmışlar ve adeta döneme ışık tutmuşlardır. Perec ve Palahniuk'u dönemin yazarlarından ayıran en önemli nokta ise eserlerinde erkek bedeni ve ruhunu odağa alarak dönemin psikolojik bir açılımını gerçekleştirmiş olmalarıdır. İki eserin karşılaştırmalı olarak incelenmesi Amerikan ve Fransız toplumu arasında bir köprü kurarak farklı coğrafyalardan, farklı zaman dilimlerinden, farklı kültürler üzerinden okuyucuya ışık tutmaktadır. İki adsız kahramanın kahve, televizyon, alışveriş, uyu, uykusuzluk, depresyon, şizofreni ve yalnızlık ile kesişen yaşamları okuyucunun içsel sesine kulak vererek az ya da çok kendi yaşamından bir parça bulabileceği bir düzleme kucak açar. Kurgusal düzlemde pek çok kültürel kod ve temel yapı taşları ile yansıtılan hikâyeler günümüz dünyasında erkek olarak verilen mücadelenin yansıması haline gelmektedir. Bu açıdan bakıldığında psikolojik ve sosyolojik olarak 'erkek karakter' olmaktan öte insan olmanın zorlukları aktarılmaktadır. Tarihsel süreç içerisinde Amerikan ve Fransız toplumu üzerinden yansıtılan hikâyeler küreselleşen dünyada her birimizin hikâyesine dönüşür.

23 p.-9 fig.-4 tab. ; Tracking bacterial evolution during chronic infection provides insights into how host selection pressures shape bacterial genomes. The human-restricted opportunistic pathogen nontypeable Haemophilus influenzae (NTHi) infects the lower airways of patients suffering chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) and contributes to disease progression. To identify bacterial genetic variation associated with bacterial adaptation to the COPD lung, we sequenced the genomes of 92 isolates collected from the sputum of 13 COPD patients over 1 to 9years. Individuals were colonized by distinct clonal types (CTs) over time, but the same CT was often reisolated at a later time or found in different patients. Although genomes from the same CT were nearly identical, intra-CT variation due to mutation and recombination occurred. Recurrent mutations in several genes were likely involved in COPD lung adaptation. Notably, nearly a third of CTs were polymorphic for null alleles of ompP1 (also called fadL), which encodes a bifunctional membrane protein that both binds the human carcinoembryonic antigen-related cell adhesion molecule 1 (hCEACAM1) receptor and imports long-chain fatty acids (LCFAs). Our computational studies provide plausible three-dimensional models for FadL's interaction with hCEACAM1 and LCFA binding. We show that recurrent fadL mutations are likely a case of antagonistic pleiotropy, since loss of FadL reduces NTHi's ability to infect epithelia but also increases its resistance to bactericidal LCFAs enriched within the COPD lung. Supporting this interpretation, truncated fadL alleles are common in publicly available NTHi genomes isolated from the lower airway tract but rare in others. These results shed light on molecular mechanisms of bacterial pathoadaptation and guide future research toward developing novel COPD therapeutics.IMPORTANCE Nontypeable Haemophilus influenzae is an important pathogen in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). To elucidate the bacterial pathways undergoing in vivo evolutionary adaptation, we compared bacterial genomes collected over time from 13 COPD patients and identified recurrent genetic changes arising in independent bacterial lineages colonizing different patients. Besides finding changes in phase-variable genes, we found recurrent loss-of-function mutations in the ompP1 (fadL) gene. We show that loss of OmpP1/FadL function reduces this bacterium's ability to infect cells via the hCEACAM1 epithelial receptor but also increases its resistance to bactericidal fatty acids enriched within the COPD lung, suggesting a case of antagonistic pleiotropy that restricts DeltafadL strains' niche. These results show how H. influenzae adapts to host-generated inflammatory mediators in the COPD airways. ; This work has been funded by MINECO grants SAF2012-31166 and SAF2015-66520-R to J.G. and grants CTQ2014-57141-R and CTQ2017-88353-R to S.M.-S.; grant 03/2016 from the Health Department, Regional Government of Navarra, Spain, and SEPAR grant 31/2015 to J.G.; and NIDCD grant 5R01 DC 02148 and NIDDK grant 1U01 DK082316 from the U.S. National Institutes of Health to G.D.E. CIBERES is an initiative from the Instituto de Salud Carlos III (ISCIII), Madrid, Spain. J.M. and L.P.-R. were funded by Ph.D.studentships BES-2013-062644 and BES-2012-053653 from MINECO, Spain. ; Peer reviewed

Context of report Following a proposal from Alan Jones at RIBA Board it was agreed in the November 2017 Board meeting of The Royal Institute of British Architects that he could progress the topic of Social Mobility with the RIBA Policy team. This paper has been created to outline the issues around social mobility and its relationship with government and the professions. The paper has been structured around a variety of sources to encourage discussion as to how the RIBA may wish to broaden its understanding and engagement with social mobility. Extract from paper: Background Over recent months the need for the RIBA to increase awareness and action around Social Mobility has been raised by Alan Jones in RIBA Council, RIBA Board and RIBA Education Committee. In the RIBA Board meeting of 16th November 2017, it was agreed that Alan Jones should work with the RIBA Policy Unit to explore social mobility and its relevance to the RIBA. This paper has been created in the style of a "reader", with Appendix A containing a collection of quotes and sources that together highlight the increasing focus within the United Kingdom on social mobility and implies relevance across many aspects of the RIBA, to its strategy and direction, the current membership and the future profession. All quoted text is in italics and links to publications and resources are indicated thus. A first draft of this paper was initially reviewed by Yemi Aladerun, RIBA Council with her suggested additions incorporated into a second draft circulated to senior members of RIBA Board. Alan Jones and Andrew Forth, Head of RIBA Policy and Public Affairs have reviewed the paper and agreed the recommendations presented. Proposed Recommendations It seems appropriate to identify the proposed recommendations at this point to give each reader a perspective on the main body of the paper. 1 For this paper to be considered within various sectors of RIBA to discuss and determine the need to increase the understanding and engagement with social mobility within our profession and institute: Architects for Change BATB - in relation to the Schools Outreach Programme Education Membership, Nations and Regions Practice RIBA Chief Executives Office / Policy Unit in relation to how the legal, accountancy and engineering institutes have been and are addressing social mobility RIBA HR Department - in relation to recruitment and social mobility policies / strategies Each Vice President / Chair / Director / Executive / Head leading the area highlighted will ensure a written summary of the discussion, conclusions and potential future actions (immediate, low cost and longer term) is created in time for (2) below. 2 A second paper should to be brought to Board on social mobility by July 2018 latest. This report would comprise of the summaries within (1) with discussion, conclusion and agreement on presentation to RIBA Council for consideration. 3 The RIBA should add a social mobility information request to each membership application and renewal, in accordance with questionnaire template contained within The Social Mobility Toolkit for the Professions, published by Professions for Good, 2012.

Not Available ; I t is a matter of pleasure that "ICAR HRM Policy: Training and Capacity Building" has been formulated for the first time based on National Training Policy - 2012 of Government of India for training and capacity enhancement of ICAR employees. This Policy focuses on the tenet of 'competency-based training for all' which means that all cadres should get due emphasis for training and capacity building. The Policy gives guidelines on competency framework; objectives; nature of training; training targets; role of ICAR and training institutions; trainer development; foreign training; funding; implementation, coordination, monitoring and evaluation. It also encompasses model training schemes for scientific, technical, administrative (including finance and accounts), stenographer services and skilled supporting staffs. The Policy envisages for transforming the employees of ICAR by developing strategic human resource management system, which shall look at the individual as a vital resource to be valued, motivated, developed and enabled to achieve the overall Organisation's mission and objectives. The Policy document has been finalised after long process of consultations, meetings and presentations with NAARM, Hyderabad, the Senior Officers' Committee (SOC) of ICAR and valued inputs received from SMDs and employees of ICAR for improvement with the concurrence of the IFD of ICAR. It would be difficult to enumerate the names of large number of contributors, but I would like to mention the guidance and valuable support of Dr S Ayyappan, Former Secretary, DARE & DG, ICAR and Dr D Rama Rao, Former Director, NAARM, Hyderabad in the initial phase; and later of Sh C. Roul, Additional Secretary, DARE & Secretary, ICAR and Dr T. Mohapatra, Secretary, DARE & DG, ICAR. The Policy document was cleared by Administrative Sub-Committee of the Governing Body of ICAR under the Chairmanship of Sh. C. Roul, Additional Secretary, DARE & Secretary, ICAR and finally approved by the 242nd Meeting of Governing Body of ICAR Society on 29th November, 2017 for adoption and implementation in the ICAR system. I am personally grateful to each one of the members of this highest Body of ICAR Society including the Chairman, Dr T. Mohapatra. I would like to particularly mention the valuable contributions made by Dr N K Jain, Principal Scientist (HRM Unit); Sh Devendra Kumar, Director (Finance) and entire IFD team; Dr Sanjeev Saxena, ADG (IP&TM) and Sh Kanhaiya Chaudhary, Director (AE). Time to time necessary support was also provided by Sh Ajay Kohli, PA and Sh Sanjay Kumar, Assistant from the HRM Unit, ICAR HQs. The efforts and support rendered by Hindi Division of ICAR are appreciably acknowledged for translating the policy document. The contribution of DKMA, New Delhi is also duly acknowledged for printing the policy document. It is expected that implementation of this Policy in ICAR would develop professional, impartial, effective and efficient ICAR personnel that are responsive to the needs of the farmers, citizens and other stakeholders, and able to realize Organisational mandate and vision. The Policy would certainly help every employee to enhance his/her competency to perform better and contribute significantly in enhancing the organisational performance.

Nakon što je Austro-Ugarska po mandatu europskih sila 1878. okupirala i uspostavila svoju upravu u Bosni i Hercegovini, pokrenula je izlaženje službenih novina koje su bile posrednik između nove vlasti i stanovništva u Bosni i Hercegovini. U Sarajevu su 1. rujna 1878. počele izlaziti Bosansko-hercegovačke novine, koje su trebale obavještavati pučanstvo o aktivnostima nove vlasti, ali i smirivati nestabilnu situaciju u društvu zbog koje su u pojedinim krajevima Bosne i Hercegovine još uvijek trajali oružani sukobi. Iako su službene novine koje su tiskane krajem turske vladavine u Bosni i Hercegovini izlazile na ćirilici, a samo pojedini zakonski i podzakonski akti bili tiskani (i) latinicom, austro-ugarska je vlast odmah zauzela jasan stav da se Bosna i Hercegovina i u vezi sa službenim pismom mora približiti zapadnoeuropskim zemljama. Zbog toga je uvedena latinica kao glavno pismo u javnu uporabu, a uporaba je ostalih pisama, isprva, ograničena samo na uporabu unutar vjerskih zajednica. Monarhija se u tom početnom razdoblju oslanjala uglavnom na zaposlenike iz Hrvatske i omogućila je da se u bosanskohercegovačku upravu uvede književni i administrativni jezik kakav se tada bio rabio u Hrvatskoj, čime je omogućeno da se Bosna i Hercegovina brzo i sa što manje komplikacija uključi u austro-ugarski administrativni sustav. U ovom opisano je pokretanje Bosansko-hercegovačkih novina i jezik njegovih prvih brojeva iz 1878. te su prikazane okolnosti koje su dovele do austro-ugarske okupacije Bosne i Hercegovine. ; After the occupation of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary as mandated by the powerful European countries, the newly established government saw the need for an official publication to serve as a means of communication between the new administration and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Consequently, the newspaper Bosansko-hercegovačke novine was established on September 1, 1878 in Sarajevo, with the aim of informing the public of the new government's plans and intentions, as well as decreasing tensions as lingering armed conflict in parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina had created a heated situation. Since the official press during the last days of Turkish rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina was printed in the Cyrillic script and later on only a selection of legislative acts were printed in the Roman script, the Austro-Hungarian administration firmly stated that Bosnia and Herzegovina must in that respect reflect the practices of other European countries. Thus, the public administration was to use the Roman script, while the remaining scripts were, at first, reserved for use solely within religious communities. Since in the early years of the occupation the Monarchy relied mostly on the personnel from Croatia for their administrative needs, it only made sense to employ the same language used there to facilitate a quick and painless integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Austro-Hungarian administrative system. This paper will outline the circumstances which led to the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the establishment of The Bosansko-hercegovačke novine and analyze the language used in its first issues published in 1878.

Contributions de : Frédéric Caille 1, 2 Mamadou Badji 3 Bruno Legendre Jean-Pierre Girardier Grégoire Sissoko Alexandre Mouthon 2 Jean-François Havard 4 Ibrahima Ly 3 Mohamed Ayib Daffe Babacar Sarr 5 Jean-François Joye 1 Baba Aliou Thiam 6 Jean-François Dreuille 1 Abdou Moumouni Dioffo Albert-Michel Wright Salamatou Doudou1 CDPPOC - Centre de Droit Privé et Public des Obligations et de la Consommation2 TRIANGLE - Triangle : action, discours, pensée politique et économique3 UCAD - Université Cheikh Anta Diop4 PRISME-GSPE - Politique, Religion, Institutions et Sociétés : Mutations Européennes - Groupe de Sociologie Politique Européenne5 CERDI - Centre d'Études et de Recherches sur le Développement International6 LERPDES - Laboratoire d'Etudes et de Recherches en Politiques, Droit de l'Environnement et de la Santé ; International audience ; Solar energy is a promise for development and prosperity in Africa. It was announced and experimented on the African continent almost sixty years ago in the spirit of open science and energy technology commons. Dryers and boilers, solar pumps and thermodynamic power plants: as early as the late 1950's, pioneers have developed and implemented techniques and installations, particularly in Senegal.This book is the outcome of two scientific study days organized in Dakar in May 2016. Charged with symbolic sensibility, it is the first ever attempt to account the history and the future of solar energy in Africa. In the first part of the book, Western Africa's solar energy policies of the last half-century are examined from a socio-historical standpoint. Testimonies from hands-on actors in the solar energy field are completed by a reissue of a reference text published by professor Abdou Moumouni Dioffo, Nigerian Solar Energy pioneer as early as 1964. In the second part, the book interrogates present time pursuits and prolongations of solar energy, both in France and in Senegal, with a focus on respective law and regulation frameworks. Can solar energy be considered (or must it be considered) as a commons, or in other words, as a fundamental human right? Which legal rights in Senegal impact solar energy? How do they compare to the French body of law and what can be ascertained from this comparison?Bringing together French and Senegalese jurists and Energy Sociology and Politics experts, the collected texts are an invitation, as much as a tool, for pursuing African History and Solar Energy Law research. ; "Le présent ouvrage, issu de deux journées d'études organisées à Dakar en mai 2016, rend compte pour la première fois, de manière particulièrement symbolique, de l'histoire et du futur de l'énergie solaire en Afrique. Il rassemble, dans une première partie, des témoignages d'acteurs et une mise en perspective sociohistorique large des politiques de l'énergie solaire en Afrique de l'Ouest sur un demi-siècle. Ce regard est complété par la réédition d'un texte de référence du professeur Abdou Moumouni Dioffo, pionnier nigérien de l'énergie solaire dès 1964. Dans une seconde partie, cet ouvrage interroge également les prolongements actuels de l'énergie solaire en France et au Sénégal, en particulier son encadrement juridique et réglementaire. (.)" (Présentationde l'éditeur)

Contributions de : Frédéric Caille 1, 2 Mamadou Badji 3 Bruno Legendre Jean-Pierre Girardier Grégoire Sissoko Alexandre Mouthon 2 Jean-François Havard 4 Ibrahima Ly 3 Mohamed Ayib Daffe Babacar Sarr 5 Jean-François Joye 1 Baba Aliou Thiam 6 Jean-François Dreuille 1 Abdou Moumouni Dioffo Albert-Michel Wright Salamatou Doudou1 CDPPOC - Centre de Droit Privé et Public des Obligations et de la Consommation2 TRIANGLE - Triangle : action, discours, pensée politique et économique3 UCAD - Université Cheikh Anta Diop4 PRISME-GSPE - Politique, Religion, Institutions et Sociétés : Mutations Européennes - Groupe de Sociologie Politique Européenne5 CERDI - Centre d'Études et de Recherches sur le Développement International6 LERPDES - Laboratoire d'Etudes et de Recherches en Politiques, Droit de l'Environnement et de la Santé ; International audience ; Solar energy is a promise for development and prosperity in Africa. It was announced and experimented on the African continent almost sixty years ago in the spirit of open science and energy technology commons. Dryers and boilers, solar pumps and thermodynamic power plants: as early as the late 1950's, pioneers have developed and implemented techniques and installations, particularly in Senegal.This book is the outcome of two scientific study days organized in Dakar in May 2016. Charged with symbolic sensibility, it is the first ever attempt to account the history and the future of solar energy in Africa. In the first part of the book, Western Africa's solar energy policies of the last half-century are examined from a socio-historical standpoint. Testimonies from hands-on actors in the solar energy field are completed by a reissue of a reference text published by professor Abdou Moumouni Dioffo, Nigerian Solar Energy pioneer as early as 1964. In the second part, the book interrogates present time pursuits and prolongations of solar energy, both in France and in Senegal, with a focus on respective law and regulation frameworks. Can solar energy be considered (or must it be considered) as a commons, or in other words, as a fundamental human right? Which legal rights in Senegal impact solar energy? How do they compare to the French body of law and what can be ascertained from this comparison?Bringing together French and Senegalese jurists and Energy Sociology and Politics experts, the collected texts are an invitation, as much as a tool, for pursuing African History and Solar Energy Law research. ; "Le présent ouvrage, issu de deux journées d'études organisées à Dakar en mai 2016, rend compte pour la première fois, de manière particulièrement symbolique, de l'histoire et du futur de l'énergie solaire en Afrique. Il rassemble, dans une première partie, des témoignages d'acteurs et une mise en perspective sociohistorique large des politiques de l'énergie solaire en Afrique de l'Ouest sur un demi-siècle. Ce regard est complété par la réédition d'un texte de référence du professeur Abdou Moumouni Dioffo, pionnier nigérien de l'énergie solaire dès 1964. Dans une seconde partie, cet ouvrage interroge également les prolongements actuels de l'énergie solaire en France et au Sénégal, en particulier son encadrement juridique et réglementaire. (.)" (Présentationde l'éditeur)

El presente artículo explica el origen y evolución de la política y normas que adoptaron los países miembros de la Comunidad Andina sobre integración y desarrollo fronterizo, bajo la mirada de la propia experiencia del autor de éste artículo cuando fue funcionario de la Secretaría de Comunidad Andina. Hace una crítica a la forma como se establecieron las Zonas de Integración Fronteriza (ZIF) y destaca la excepción de la ZIF conformada entre el Táchira (Venezuela) y Norte de Santander (Colombia). Posteriormente como funcionario de la Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF), describe como con el apoyo de cooperaciones técnicas otorgadas por esta entidad a los países, se han venido elaborando las bases para adoptar planes, programas y proyectos de integración y desarrollo fronterizo, que exceden incluso el ámbito andino, pues se realizaron experiencias en las fronteras entre Bolivia y Argentina, así como entre Perú y Brasil. También describe los realizados entre Colombia y Perú como también entre Bolivia y Perú.Se concluye con algunas reflexiones generales. ; This article explains the origin and evolution of the policies and rules adopted by the Andean Community member countries on integration and border development, according to the author's own experience when he was an official of the Secretariat of the Andean Community. He thus criticizes the way in which the "Border Integration Zones" (BIZ) have been established and emphasizes the exception of the BIZ formed between Tachira (in Venezuela) and Norte de Santander (in Colombia). Later, as an official of the Andean Development Corporation (CAF), he describes how, with the support of the technical cooperation granted to countries by this entity, have been laid the foundations for adopting plans, programs and integration projects and border development, even beyond the Andean scope, since then the experiments were conducted at the borders of Bolivia and Argentina then Peru and Brazil. It also refers to those made between Colombia and Peru as well as between Bolivia and Peru. It concludes with some general reflections. ; Cet article explique l'origine et l'évolution des politiques et des règles adoptées par les pays membres de la Communauté Andine sur l'intégration et le développement frontalier, selon la propre expérience de l'auteur de cet article lorsqu'il était fonctionnaire du Secrétariat de la Communauté Andine. Il formule ainsi une critique sur la façon dont se sont établies les « Zones d'Intégration Frontalières » (ZIF) et met l'accent sur l'exception des ZIF formées entre Tachira (au Venezuela) et Norte de Santander (en Colombie).Plus tard, en tant que fonctionnaire de la Corporation Andine de Développement (CAF), il décrit comment, avec le soutien des coopérations techniques accordées aux pays par cette entité, ont été établies les bases pour adopter des plans, programmes et projets d'intégration et de développement frontaliers, au-delà même de la portée andine, puisque les expériences ont été menées aux frontières de la Bolivie et l'Argentine puis du Pérou et Brésil. Il évoque également celles réalisées entre la Colombie et le Pérou ainsi qu'entre la Bolivie et le Pérou. Il conclue par quelques réfexions générales. ; 23-36 ; aldeamundo@gmail.com

The article considers the life and work of journalist and researcher Bohdan Osadczuk (1920–2011), his importance for strengthening the Polish-Ukrainian relations in 1950-2000s, his collaboration with Jerzy Gedroyc, Editor-in-Chief of exile magazine «Kultura», published in Paris between 1947–2000s. The author of the article set himself the task of creating a realistic biography of Bogdan Osadchuk. With this purpose in mind, little-known or even unknown facts were collected and studied, previously inaccessible archival documents were analyzed The article states that Bogdan Osadchuk grew up and was raised in a multicultural environment. Therefore, he condemned any chauvinism, professed liberal values. He was able to combine the identity of the Ukrainian emigrant with the identity of the European democrat. He lived for 70 years in Berlin (1941–2011), where he graduated from the University of Berlin, and where he became known as journalist Alexander Korab. Under this pseudonym, readers of German newspapers and the oldest Swiss newspaper «Neue Zürcher Zeitung» knew him for decades. For this authoritative publication he wrote for more than half a century materials about events in the USSR and the countries of the «socialist camp». In addition, he actively collaborated with radio and television.The article shows how Soviet and Polish secret services hunted Bogdan Osadchuk, followed him, tried to recruit him. He led his own game and did not give himself a deceit. The article deals with the scientific achievements of Bogdan Osadchuk. He was a professor at two universities – the Freie Universität (Berlin) and the Ukrainian Free University (UVU) in Munich, the author of fundamental scientific publications.For the first time the circumstances of Bohdan Osadchuk's life have been covered. His scientific biography still has to be created. Bohdan Osadchuk's most important studies should be worked out and republished. ; W artykule rozpatruje się życie i działalność dziennikarza i badacza Bohdana Osadczuka (1920–2011), jego doniosłość dla umocnienia polsko-ukraińskich stosunków w latach 1950–2011, współpraca z Jerzy Giedrojciem, redaktorem naczelnym czasopisma «Kultura». Zaakcentowano, że Bohdan Osadczuk wyrósł i wychowywał się w środowisku multykulturalnym. Jemu udało się połączyć tożsamość emigranta ukraińskiego z tożsamością demokraty europejskiego. Bohdan Osadczuk przeżył 70 lat w Berlinie (1941–2011), tu ukończył Uniwersytet Berliński, tu rozwijał jako wybitny dziennikarz Alexander Korab. Właśnie pad tym pseudonimem dziesięcioleciami jego znali czytelnicy gazet niemieckich i najstarszej szwajcarskiej gazety «Neue Zürcher Zeitung». W artykule także idzie o naukowych osiągnięciach Bohdana Osadczuka. ; У статті розглядається життя та діяльність журналіста й дослідника Богдана Осадчука (1920–2011), його значущість для зміцнення польсько-українських відносин у 1950–2000-х рр., співпраця з Єжи Гедройцем, головним редактором емігрантського журналу «Культура». Наголошено, що Богдан Осадчук виріс і виховувався в мультикультурному середовищі. Йому вдалося поєднати ідентичність українського емігранта з ідентичністю європейського демократа. Богдан Осадчук прожив 70 років у Берліні (1941-2011), тут закінчив Берлінський університет, тут став відомий як журналіст Олександр Кораб (Alexander Korab). Саме під цим псевдонімом його десятиліттями знали читачі німецьких газет і найстарішої швейцарської газети «Neue Zürcher Zeitung». У статті також йдеться про наукові здобутки Богдана Осадчука.