Suchergebnisse

Ever since the European Union expanded to admit first eights Central and Eastern European countries in 2004, and then two more in 2007, internal migration has become a major social and political matter especially in Britain, which is one of the main destinations for thousands of migrants. This article builds on the body of data provided by British national institutions to examine the kingdom's economic interests in revising its own deal in European migration policy. It presents the contemporary concerns with migrants' flows from new member states in the wider perspective of Britain's complex relationship with Europe and its own contested integration with the Union. The paper's main objective though is to argue whether questioning the existing integration principles, including the principle of free movement, is justified or whether it has just become a convenient matter in the discussion on Britain's likely withdrawal from the organization in 2017.

Preamble -- Part One Principles -- Title I Categories and Areas of Union Competence -- Title II Provisions Having General Application -- Part Two non-Discrimination and Citizenship of the Union -- Part Three Union Policies and Internal Actions -- Title I The Internal Market -- Title II Free Movement of Goods -- Chapter 1 The Customs Union -- Chapter 2 Customs Cooperation -- Chapter 3 Prohibition of Quantitative Restrictions Between Member States -- Title III Agriculture and Fisheries -- Title IV Free Movement of Persons, Services and Capital -- Chapter 1 Workers -- Chapter 2 Right of Establishment -- Chapter 3 Services -- Chapter 4 Capital and Payments -- Title V Area of Freedom, Security and Justice -- Chapter 1 General Provisions -- Chapter 2 Policies on Border Checks, Asylum and Immigration -- Chapter 3 Judicial Cooperation in Civil Matters -- Chapter 4 Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters -- Chapter 5 Police Cooperation.

A European unemployment insurance scheme has gained increased attention as a new and ambitious common fiscal instrument which could be used for temporary cross-country transfers. Part of the national stabilizers composing unemployment insurance schemes would be transferred to the central level. Unemployed are then insured by both layers. When a country is hit by an asymmetric shock, it would receive positive net transfers from the central fund in the form of reduced taxes and increased benefits, providing risk-sharing for the whole union. We build a two-country DSGE model with supply, demand and labor market shocks in order to capture the recent national insurance system and the unemployment insurance union (UIU) design. The model is calibrated to the euro area core and periphery data and matches the empirically observed cyclicality of the net replacement rate, the wage and unemployment dynamics. This baseline scenario is then compared to an optimal unemployment insurance union with passive and active benefit policies. For all underlying shocks, we find that the UIU reduces the fluctuation of consumption and unemployment while it increases the fluctuations of the trade balance. In case of a positive domestic government spending shock the UIU reduces the negative crowding out effect on private consumption and investment. The model will be used to analyze the effects of national and supranational benefit policies on labour market patterns and welfare.

This study estimates the impact on Burkina Faso of eliminating tariffs on imports from the EU under EPAs, considering trade, revenue and welfare effects. At complete elimination of tariffs on all products imports from trade classification sections (TDC 01-13) from the EU. Burkina Faso is likely to experience both welfare gains and losses depending on the values of imports of each trade classification section in question. The overall welfare effect relative to GDP tends to be very small and positive, but potential tariff revenue losses are enormous even when the country has up to fifteen twenty-five years in which to implement the tariff reductions, unless with scope for tax substitution. EPAs effects are concentrated on those product sections where trade creation outweighs trade diversion such as Animal products, Vegetable products, Animal/Veg. products, Mineral products, and Textiles products. Besides, product sections with the greatest market opportunities for EU suppliers to displace any of the other suppliers, ECOWAS and/or ROW include sections where trade diversion outweighs trade creation effects, such as prepared foodstuffs, product of chemicals, plastics, raw hides & skin, etc. The sensitive products (SPs) to be excluded from tariff removal should include sections in which ECOWAS member nations are suppliers to regional importers so that excluding them as SPs would improve the welfare gain compared to estimates where tariff are removed from those products in which ECOWAS have zero potential. The results at this level of aggregation will provide useful information to the on-going negotiations between ECOWAS and the EU in determining Burkinabe"s products to be exempted from tariff removal during EPAs based on the severity of the effects on varied trade classification (TDC) sections, among other considerations.

The relevance of the topic of the article is due to the fact that today in Ukraine the state mechanisms for the protection of national values, which are actively developing in the member states of the European Union, in particular in the field of international law, are not functioning effectively enough. Our European partners implement the protection of national values through their organizational and institutional state mechanisms, counting on the entire range of assistance within the EU.
The purpose of this article is to study the system of formation of the protection of national values in the member states of the European Union, which ensures the development of a democratic legal state and its public administration.
As a result, the dualism of the system of protection of national values in the member states of the European Union was investigated, which does not mean the mutual absorption of organizational or institutional state mechanisms or the primacy of one over the other. The system of protection of national values should be perceived as an expanded range of capabilities of the EU member states, which are united by a single civilizational dimension and have a completely material basis for building basic interaction among themselves. After all, the majority of EU member states are mononational, although in the context of the global migration trend, large ethnic groups from African and Asian countries are constantly entering the territory of the EU, which brings relevant features to the process of formation and implementation of internal state policy.
The utilitarian nature of the EU and the system of international legal norms that the Union implements through its organizational and institutional mechanisms is that member states can always count on the entire range of assistance, including in the context of ensuring sustainable development and protecting the system of national values. After all, for the EU and its members, the category of "national values" is taken absolutely literally, that is, in relation to each individual member state, such a system has its own expression and uniqueness.
Thus, it should be stated that the EU has its own system of basic values, which have been expressed both in separate legal acts and in the general idea of the European community. The latter is enshrined in the preamble of the Treaty on the European Union, where even the unity of the cultural, religious space and common historical past is reflected.

Over the past twenty years trade politics within the European Union (EU) have changed in three ways. First, the concerns of traditional trade actors have shifted to more 'behind-the-border' issues, especially regulation and investment. Second, new actors - parliaments, non-trade agencies, and non-governmental organizations - have become more engaged. Third, the leadership of the EU (and the United States) has been challenged by influential developing countries. The EU has responded to the new trade politics by advocating a 'deep' trade agenda: seeking multilateral agreements on the making of domestic rules. This response reflects the EU's own experience of market integration. Where the new trade politics have affected EU policy it has been through changing views about the purposes and priority of trade policy at the highest political levels, rather than more directly via interest group lobbying. While the EU has been unsuccessful in promoting its agenda within the World Trade Organization, it is pursuing it through other forums where its influence is greater.

Commentary on the changes to society brought about by independence, the need to re-establish peace, and the importance of union and justice for overcoming tyranny

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Chapter 2. The Genesis of the "European Idea" and its Early Implementation Efforts -- Chapter 3. From the Ruins of World War II to the Dawn of a New Europe (1945-1950) -- Chapter 4. From Schuman Declaration to the Establishment of the European Communities (1950-1958) -- Chapter 5. From Crisis to the Luxembourg Compromise: The Period of Stagnation (1958-1969) -- Chapter 6. From The Hague Conference to the Crises of the 1970s (1969-1979) -- Chapter 7. From Enlargement to the South to the Single European Act (1979-1986) -- Chapter 8. From the Single Market Goal to the Treaty on European Union (1986-1993) -- Chapter 9. From the Inception of the EU to the Amsterdam Treaty (1993-1999) -- Chapter 10. From the Treaty of Nice to the Fifth and Sixth Enlargements (1999-2007) -- Chapter 11. From the Lisbon Treaty to the Seventh Enlargement (2007-2013) -- Chapter 12. From Britain's EU Exit Referendum to the COVID-19 Pandemic (2014-2020).

This enormously successful standard work has been expanded to take into account the developments of the last 10 years, including the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Sudan; the accelerating emergence of India and China as major powers; the major political developments in Latin America, including the rise and perhaps fall of Chavez in Venezuela; the march of globalisation and the popular protest movements against; the expansion eastwards of the European Union; instability in the Middle East and the question of oil and energy supply. Marked throughout by Calvocoressi's characteristic erudition and elegance, World Politics since 1945 is essential reading for those who need to understand the great sweeps of contemporary history

What are the threats to politics fifty years after the publication of Bernard Crick's classic In Defence of Politics? The chief danger lies in the forces of globalisation and the eclipse of the national state as the locus of political life. It is the hope of many in both Europe and the US that we might replace the basic structure of the sovereign state with a variety of postnational forms of organisation such as the UN or the EU. What are the forces behind these developments? Are we entering a world beyond politics increasingly administered by international law courts and tribunals no longer responsible to their national electorates? The possibility cannot be ruled out, but such a world, I suggest, would no longer be a political world.

AbstractThis paper explores how 'social market economy' became a quasi‐constitutional principle of the EU, highlighting the crucial role played in this process by the European Parliament. Based on multiple archival sources, we show that social market economy came to function as a limited repertoire: While it was advocated for various reasons by different actors, increasingly including social‐democrats, it nevertheless also solidified certain ways of conceiving the EU and its economic model. So doing, this article not only illuminates the role of the EP in the definition of a constitutionalized economic model for the EU; it also challenges the view of Europeanization as the progressive convergence around national preexisting models. Finally, two paradoxes emerge from the analysis: while supporters of the discourse of social market economy aimed at promoting the European social dimension and at addressing the EU democratic deficit, the adoption of this principle may have actually contributed to the subordination of both the 'social' and the 'political' to the 'economic'.