Suchergebnisse

I. Dünya Savaşı'ndan mağlup olarak çıkan Osmanlı İmparatorluğu kendisine dayatılan Mondros ve Sevr Anlaşmaları ile fiilen sona ermiştir. İmparatorluğun sahip olduğu topraklar yabancı güçler tarafından işgal edilmeye başlanmıştır. Mustafa Kemal'in liderliğinde bu işgallere karşı başlatılan Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı hem işgalci güçlerin durdurularak Anadolu'dan çıkarılması hem de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin kurulması açısından oldukça önemlidir. Kurtuluş Savaşı döneminde Mustafa Kemal'in sahip olduğu anlayış üzerinden dış politika şekillenmiştir. Bu olağanüstü dönemde Türk ulusunun bağımsızlığını sağlamak dış politikanın temel hedefi olmuştur. Dış politikada bu hedefi gerçekleştirmek için son derece dikkatli ve gerçekçi bir yaklaşım sergilenmiştir. Bu dönemde benimsenen dış politika ilkeleri ve gerçekleştirilen dış politika uygulamalarını anlamak oldukça önemlidir çünkü bugünde geçerli olan Türk dış politikasının temellerini oluşturmuştur. ; The Ottoman Empire, which was defeated in World War I, ended in de facto with the Mondros and Sevr Agreements imposed on it. Then, the Ottoman territories began to be occupied by foreign powers. The Turkish War of Independence which was organised Mustafa Kemal against these occupations is very important both for the removal of the occupied forces from Anatolia and the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. Therefore, it is not a surprise that Turkey's foreign policy was shaped through the understanding of Mustafa Kemal during the War of Independence. Ensuring the independence of the Turkish nation during this extraordinary period has been the main goal of foreign policy. In this direction, a careful and realistic approach has been taken in foreign policy. It is very important to understand the foreign policy principles adopted during this period and the foreign policy practices carried out because this has formed the foundations of Turkish foreign policy even today.

This article reports on a research project of the Working Group on Foreign Policy of the Netherlands. The central focus of this project is on the factors determining the effectiveness and success of foreign policy implementation. Based on three dimensions (issue area, "positive" or "negative" influence, and time), 12 cases covering 41 foreign policy goals were distinguished, which allowed testing of the impact of related hypotheses by pairwise comparisons. Among the factors determining and limiting foreign influence, four were selected as intervening variables: (1) domestic consensus, (2) ministerial commitment, (3) support of major allies, and (4) moderation of demands. Little support was found for most of the related hypotheses. Major findings include: There is no evidence that the effectiveness of Dutch foreign policy has declined over time, nor that it is easier to exercise "negative" compared with "positive" influence. A domestic consensus is a major condition for influence abroad. The support of major allies, e.g. the United States of the FRG, while not indispensable is also of major importance. Investments of time and energy should be concentrated on carefully selected topics and maintained over time. Within limits the quality of ideas can be a substitute for the lack of power characteristic of states like the Netherlands. "Bridge-builder", "loyal critic" and "moderate dissident" are suitable and effective foreign policy roles for such countries. Irrelevance threatens just as much from premature submissiveness, however, as from voicing demands which are considered as being "too radical". The road between the two is rather narrow.

A review essay on books by (1) Robert J. Art, A Grand Strategy for America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell U Press, 2003); (2) G. John Ikenberry (Ed), America Unrivaled: The Future of the Balance of Power (Ithaca, NY: Cornell U Press, 2002); (3) Charles A. Kupchan, The End of the American Era: U.S. Foreign Policy and the Geopolitics of the Twenty-First Century (New York: Knopf, 2002); (4) Henry R. Nau, At Home Abroad: Identity and Power in American Foreign Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell U Press, 2002); & (5) Joseph S. Nye, Jr., The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone (New York: Oxford U Press, 2002).

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Note on Sources and Texts -- Introduction -- 1. On Whether or Not the Florentines Should Wage War against the Church -- 2. On Whether or Not the Florentines Should Accept the Peace Agreement that the Duke of Milan is Offering -- 3. On Whether or Not the Florentines Should Launch a War of Aggression against Lucca -- 4. On Whether or Not the King of France Should Make Peace with the Duke of Milan -- 5. On Whether or Not the Venetians Should Sign an Offensive Alliance with the King of France -- 6. On Whether the Venetians Should Ally with the King of the Romans or Stick to the Alliance with the King of France -- 7. On Whether the Venetians Should Ally with the Emperor or Stick to the Alliance with the King of France -- 8. On Whether the Emperor Should Be Magnanimous towards the King of France, Whom He Holds Prisoner, or Impose Severe Terms on Him -- 9. On Whether or Not the Venetians Should Make an Agreement with the Emperor or Risk War against Him -- 10. On Whether the Pope Should Make an Agreement with the Emperor or Wage War against Him -- 11. On Whether the Emperor Should Make an Agreement with the Italian States or the King of France -- Name index -- Subject index

This book, first published in 1993, is an analytical review that discusses the changes in the international security policies of the USA and USSR at the end of the Cold War, as well as the main events that occurred in the area of arms control. A distinctive feature of this work is the detailed analysis of competing Russian views concerning arms control agreements and Russian military reforms.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theory and Methodology -- 3. The "Cognitive Prior" and the European Challenge -- 4. The Indonesian Government and the ASEAN Charter -- 5. Non-Governmental Organizations and the ASEAN Charter -- 6. The Legislature and the ASEAN Charter -- 7. The Charter and the Academe -- 8. The Press and the ASEAN Charter -- 9. Business and the ASEAN Charter -- 10. Indonesian Visions of Regionalism: From Yudhoyono to Jokowi -- 11. Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Index

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- Abstract -- Chapter 2 The Cables and Their Reception -- Abstract -- Understanding the Cables -- The Cables -- Australian Politics and the Wikileaks Cables -- Chapter 3 Australia and the United States: Comparative Notes -- Abstract -- Chapter 4 Strategic Objectives (1) -- Abstract -- Iraq -- Afghanistan -- Pakistan -- India -- Nuclear Issues -- Missile Defense-An Enhanced First-Strike System -- Russia and Missile Defense -- Chapter 5 Strategic Objectives (2) -- Abstract -- The Georgian War -- NATO Enlargement -- The Ukrainian Crisis -- North Korea -- Iran -- Israel -- Chapter 6 Commercial Objectives -- Abstract -- Labor Unions -- Intellectual Property Rights -- Opposition to Developing Countries' Priorities -- Subsidies -- Tax Havens -- Looking to the Future -- Chapter 7 Public Diplomacy -- Abstract -- Osama bin Laden -- Jordan -- The Vatican -- Iraq -- Substance Not Style -- Kuwait -- Saudi Arabia -- Chapter 8 Anti-terrorist Financing -- Abstract -- Chapter 9 Climate Change -- Abstract -- Chapter 10 What Uncle Sam Wants -- Abstract -- Index.