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В современных демократиях выборы в органы законодательной власти осуществляются посредством прямых всеобщих выборов. Как правило, процедура избрания парламентариев определена на национальном конституционном уровне. Особенным в данном контексте представляется законодательный орган Европейского союза, избираемый, начиная с 1979 г., путем прямых выборов и представляющий на сегодняшний день интересы более чем 500 млн граждан 28 стран ЕС. Компетенции по законодательному регулированию избирательного права при выборе депутатов Европарламента поделены между Сообществом и национальными властями. Основными требованиями избирательного права, установленными правом ЕС, являются соблюдение пропорциональной формулы проведения выборов, а также наделение избирательными правами всех граждан ЕС, проживающих на территории стран ЕС, вне зависимости от национальной принадлежности. Выборы в Европарламент не имеют закрепления в польской Конституции, а их процедуры регулируются правовыми актами ЕС, а также Избирательным кодексом Республики Польша. Сложность избирательного процесса в значительной мере искажает пропорциональность представительства в Европарламенте отдельных регионов Польши.The elections into the legislative bodies in contemporary democracies take part through the direct general election. The procedure of the election of the parliament members usually takes place at the national level. So the special place here has the election of the European Union legislative body, that has being electing since 1979 using the direct elections, and representing now the interests of more than 500 million citizens of the 28 countries of the EU. The legislative competence for the regulation of the suffrage in the choice of members of the European Parliament, divided between the European Community and national authorities. The main requirements of the EU electoral law are the compliance with the proportional formula of elections, as well as the granting of the electoral rights (both active and passive) to all EU citizens, residing on the territory of the EU. Election of the European Parliament is a unique procedure because it has no any defined status in the Polish Constitution, and the election procedures are regulated by the legal acts of the EU and the Electoral code of the Republic of Poland.

In the European Union, the Commission prepares a reform of the legislation on immigration and asylum, vis-a-vis a steady rise in the number of immigrants and asylum seekers. The economic, social and political difficulties, that a large number of States in Africa, Asia and even Europe encounter, will maintain a strong request for entry from abroad. This situation will confront the E.U in search of a difficult balance between the national interests and a duty of care. Thus, is there a sufficient protection for the foreigners in the European Union Law ? Then, is there a general status applicable to all the foreigners ? It should be noted that the rights of foreigners are at the same time limited and variable. Limited when one confronts the status of foreign and that of the European citizens; and variables to the extent that foreigners are not given all the same rights. Thus, it is estimated that the Union should develop a more proactive migration policy based on the management and not on the prevention of the migratory movements. This policy should be based on a clear framework of the aliens 'rights. It should guarantee to migrant workers a legal framework as regards equal treatment with the nationals. A common framework should be developed in the conditions of entry and residence, starting from a consensus between the public authorities and the social partners concerning the needs of the labor market. ; Dans l'Union Européenne, la Commission prépare une réforme de la législation applicable en matière d'immigration et d'asile, face à une montée continue du nombre des immigrés et de demandeurs d'asile. Les difficultés économiques, sociales et politiques que rencontrent un grand nombre d'Etats des continents africain, asiatique et même européen, maintiendront une demande forte d'entrée d'étrangers. Cette situation confrontera l'U.E à la recherche d'un difficile équilibre entre les intérêts nationaux et un certain devoir d'assistance. Ainsi, y'a-t-il une protection suffisante pour les étrangers dans le droit de l'U.E ...

In the South African common law of contract there appears to be support for the open norm of public policy as a general clause to ameliorate the effects of unfair contracts and terms which are contrary to public policy. The courts have on several occasions held that contracts or terms would be regarded as contrary to public policy had they come about where the parties were in an unequal bargaining relationship and this inequality was linked with another factor(s). In this case note it is argued that the element of unequal bargaining position may be contrary to public policy if it is linked with exploitation as the other factor. The element of exploitation was highlighted in the recent court decision of Uniting Reformed Church, De Doorns v President of the Republic of South Africa 2013 5 SA 205 (WCC). In this case the applicant church owned three properties on which were three schools under the control of the State. The church and the State had concluded 20-year notarial leases in respect of each of the properties. A term in the contract provided that after the expiration of the lease period the church would transfer the properties to the State free of charge. After the expiration of the leases the State demanded the transfer of the properties. The church disputed the claim, averring that the term was unenforceable because the parties had been in an unequal bargaining position and that the enforcement of the term constituted expropriation in contravention of the property clause of the Constitution. It is submitted that expropriation without compensation is not only contrary to section 25 of the Constitution but constitutes exploitation. It is suggested that where exploitation results from an unequal bargaining relationship it provides the "further factor" that, together with the inequality in bargaining power, is sufficient to establish that the term or contract is in conflict with public policy. This contributes to giving meaning to the term "public policy". To support this argument, reference is made to the German Civil Code, the Swiss Civil Code, consumer protection legislation and the philosophy of Wertheimer.

5018 Sayılı Kamu Mali Yönetimi ve Kontrol Kanunu ile yerel yönetimlerde de uygulanmaya başlanan iç denetim, yerel birimlerin tutumlu, verimli, etkin ve kaliteli hizmet sunmasını sağlayacak, hesap verebilirlik ve şeffaflık anlayışının yerleşmesine yardımcı olacak ve yerel yöneticilerin karar verme süreçlerini kolaylaştıracak bir uygulamadır. Bu çalışmada amaç, yerel yönetim birimlerindeki iç denetim sisteminin işleyişini inceleyerek, iç denetim sistemine ilişkin aksaklıkları belirlemek ve mevcut durumla ilgili çözüm önerileri sunmaktır. Araştırma, yerel yönetim birimlerine ataması yapılan 254 iç denetçiyi kapsamaktadır. Araştırma yöntemi olarak anket yöntemi tercih edilmiştir. SPSS 19 programı ile elde edilen bulgular, değerlendirmeye tabi tutulmuştur. Çalışma sonucunda iç denetimin genel yapısının iç denetçiler tarafından doğru algılandığı tespit edilmiştir. Ancak yerel yönetimlerde iç denetimin üst yöneticilerce tam anlamıyla sahiplenilmediği ve iç denetim sürecinin tüm birimlerde aktif olarak uygulanamadığı sonucuna da ulaşılmıştır. Çalışma; mevcut durumu, sorun alanlarını tespit edip çözüm önerileri sunarak literatüre katkı da sağlamaktadır. ; Internal auditing which is now being implemented in local administrations after adoption of the Law No. 5018 on Public Finance Administration and Control is a practice that would ensure provision of effective, influential and quality service by the local administrations, help establishment of accountability and transparency and facilitate the decision making processes of local administrators. The purpose in this study is to analyze the operation of the internal auditing system in the local administration units and to offer solutions for ongoing problems and deficiencies in the operation of the system. The study involves 254 internal auditors appointed to the local administration units. Survey method is picked as a research method. Questionnaires were sent to the internal auditors via email and the results were processed by reliance on the SPSS 19 software. The research findings reveal that the general structure of internal auditing was properly perceived by the internal auditors. However, the study also finds that internal auditing is not paid adequate attention in local administrations by high level executives and that the internal auditing process is not fully implemented in all units. The study contributes to the existing literature by identifying the problems in this field and offering solutions to these problems.

Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit behandelt die Änderungen der Obsorgeregelungen durch das KindNamRÄG 2013. Die Regelungen dieser Reform traten zum Großteil am 01.02.2013 in Kraft. Den Anstoß für diese Änderungen gaben zwei Entscheidungen des Europäischen Gerichtshofes für Menschenrechte und letztlich die Erkenntnis des Verfassungsgerichtshofs. Dabei wurde festgestellt, dass aufgrund der damals geltenden Rechtslage ein unehelicher Vater bei der Obsorge diskriminiert wurde, weil die Mutter alleine mit der Obsorge des unehelichen Kindes betraut wurde und dem Vater keine Überprüfungsmöglichkeit dieser Entscheidung zustand. Dem Vater war es kaum möglich die gemeinsame oder alleinige Obsorge für sein Kind zu erwirken. In dieser Diplomabreit sollen die Änderungen, die viel weitreichender sind, als die Herstellung der Verfassungsmäßigkeit dieser Bestimmung, vorgestellt und erörtert werden. Zu Beginn wird Allgemeines zur Obsorge vorgebracht, des Weiteren werden zwei Entscheidungen des EGMR und die Erkenntnis des VfGH dargestellt, anschließend werden die Neuerungen durch das KindNamRÄG 2013 näher dargestellt und am Ende werden noch Ausführungen über die Reaktionen zusammengefasst. Allgemein ist die Reform sehr begrüßenswert, wobei es noch viele Fragen gibt, die erst in Zukunft beantwortet werden können. Einige Regelungen müssen auch noch einer Verbesserung unterzogen werden. ; The following diploma thesis deals with the change of the custody arrangement due to the child and name change reforms 2013. Most arrangements of this reform have become law on the 01/02/2013. The initiation for this change was made by two decisions of the European Court of Human Rights and the realization of the Constitutional Court. In doing so, they noticed that because of this prevailing legal position an illegitimate father had been discriminated during the custody as the mother was entrusted with the custody of the illegitimate child on her own. Moreover, the father had no right to check this decision. For the father it was hardly possible to obtain the solitary custody for his child. In this diploma thesis, the changes ? which are more comprehensive than the creation of the constitutionality of this decision ? will be presented and discussed. At the beginning, some general information about custody, the two decisions of the European Court of Human Rights and the realization of the Constitutional Court will be presented. Then the innovations by the child and name change reforms 2013 will be discussed and finally some opinions about this issue will be summarized. Although there are still some questions about this reform which can only be answered in the future, it is a good reform which has still room for improvement. ; vorgelegt von Bianca Alisa Koller ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2014 ; (VLID)239767

Obwohl zuletzt in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung weitgehend von Geschehnissen in Syrien und im Irak überlagert, werden weite Teile Afrikas weiterhin von kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen verheert.In den letzten Jahren waren es vor allem die Kony 2012-Kampagne, ebenso wie die Verurteilung Thomas Lubanga Dyilos durch den ICC und Charles Taylors vor dem Sondergerichtshof für Sierra Leone wegen des Kriegsverbrechens der Rekrutierung und Verwendung von Kindersoldaten im bewaffneten Konflikt, die breite internationale Aufmerksamkeit auf das Problem des Kindersoldatentums im Allgemeinen und im Kontext des sub-saharischen Afrikas im Speziellen erregt haben. Gleichzeitig wurden auf verschiedenen Ebenen erhebliche international Anstrengungen unternommen, um dem Problem auf rechtlicher, politischer und praktischer Ebene zu begegnen.Als alternatives Sicherheits-Paradigma widmet sich Konzept der menschlichen Sicherheit durchdringenden Bedrohungen für das Individuum im täglichen Leben.Diese Masterarbeit soll das Problem des Kindersoldatentums umfassend aus der Perspektive der menschlichen Sicherheit heraus ergründen und analysieren wie und inwiefern internationale Regelungswerke sich durch die Rekrutierung und den Gebrauch von Kindersoldaten ergebende Gefährdungen für die menschliche Sicherheit durch aufgreifen und ihnen begegnen. ; Although largely superseded in public attention and discourse over the last few months by events in Syria and Iraq, armed conflict continues to rage unabated in many African countries.In recent years, both the Kony 2012-campaign, launched by the American NGO Invisible Children and the conviction of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, leader of the Congolese UPC/FPLC-rebel-group, before the ICC as well as of former Liberian president Charles Taylor in connection with the Sierra Leonean civil war by the SCSL, for their respective complicity in the international crime of conscripting and enlisting children under the age of fifteen years into armed forces or groups or using them to participate actively in hostilities have drawn broad public attention to the problem of child soldiering in general and in the context of armed conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa in particular.At the same time, expansive international efforts have been undertaken at different levels, especially by the international child rights movement to develop international law, policies and programmes for the protection of children, including on the involvement of children in armed conflict.Conversely, human security as an alternative security-model focuses on pervasive threats to individuals everyday life.This thesis seeks to comprehensively outline the problem of child soldiering from a human security-perspective as well as to analyse the current international legal framework in light of how and in how far it addresses and remedy human security-concerns raised by child soldiering. ; Magdalena Hahn ; Zsfassungen in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2014 ; (VLID)356129

Cleo H. CherryholmesCleo H. Cherryholmes, a professor emeritus of political science and teacher education at Michigan State University, passed away at his home in Haslett, Michigan, on April 18, 2013, after a long battle with cancer.Charles F. CnuddeIt is with great sadness that I report that my friend Charles F. Cnudde passed away on Thursday, November 1 of this year, in Boston. Chuck Cnudde was the model academic: a great intellect, an outstanding scholar, an inspiring teacher, an effective administrator, and a warm and compassionate individual. His memory will be cherished by his wife Sue, daughters Kate and Emily, grandchildren Edward, Rowan, and Nicholas Borninski, son-in-law Thomas Borninski, and by a myriad of friends and professional associates who worked with him throughout his distinguished career.Joseph HabererOur colleague and friend, Joseph Haberer (1929–2013), was a true intellectual, a force of life, and a mensch. He was critical to building the current shape of our department and university, not to mention our discipline and community. Joe's commitment to meaningful scholarship, justice, and excellence in education has made him a role model for many of us, who only wish we had his deep reserves of energy, unfailing commitment to the highest standards of scholarship, and laser-like focus on his goals. He accomplished so much while being a loyal friend, beloved husband and father, and general ray of "sunshine" into so many lives (as one student characterized it).David Halloran LumsdaineDavid Halloran Lumsdaine, professor of political science at Gordon College, died on February 27, 2013, of complications following a heart attack. After 64 years of life, he left behind two brothers, two nieces and a nephew, numerous cousins, and many dear friends, colleagues, and former undergraduate and grad students.William E. Nelson, Jr.March 19, 1941–May 16, 2013Alan RosenthalOn July 10, 2013, Alan Rosenthal died at his home in Princeton, New Jersey. He was 81. According to the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University, where he was director from 1974 to 1993 and a member of the faculty from 1966 to his death, the cause of death was cancer. From our different perspectives, we offer these three tributes.

The progressive developments in biotechnology present many delicate issues to be resolved in the context of family law. Among them, the child's right to know their biological origin is a controversial issue and increasingly debated in recent years, as it is in conflict with the right of the parent to remain anonymous. The question is considered of particular interest to adopted children and those born and leads through medically assisted procreation (M.A.P.) given the difference in treatment offered by the legislation in individual countries. Beyond the sociologists' reflections, the analysis is faced in legal solutions that are offered in order to reconcile two fundamental human righs, though not absolute (right to anonymity and the right to identity of the biological parents of the child). If compared to the adopted children, there is a general tendency to ensure this right effectively, towards the children born through the M.A.P. there is greater resistance. The community and international instruments provide the protection of both rights, with a trend in recent years to promote the child's right to know the truth rather than the anonymity of the biological parents. In particular, art.8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (E.C.H.R.) while ensuring respect and protection for privacy and family rights, guarantees at the same time two opposing rights, such as the right to privacy and the protection of the personal data and the right to know one's origins. But how to reconcile these two rights given the important consequences on the right to health of the child? In addition, which option should be preferred: a) ensuring the stability of a family relationship already established, although artificial (thereby excluding any possibility to search for biological truth); or b) recognizing to the children who have reached a certain psycho-physical maturity the right to know their origins (thus sacrificing the right of the biological parent to remain anonymous)? In addition, would it be justifiable a different treatment on the point between adoption and M.A.P. ? DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n6p605

Artículos en revistas ; Uno de los principales debates que ha generado el fenómeno de la universalización de los derechos fundamentales tanto en el Derecho constitu- cional como en la propia Teoría General del Derecho es el del necesario equilibrio entre dicho fenómeno y la aplicación contextualizada de los derechos en un marco político, social y cultural concreto. Al amparo de este debate surge, en sede del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, la doctrina del margen de apreciación nacional, como instrumento que pretende equilibrar los principios de integración y subsidiariedad que presiden el CEDH. Dicha doctrina, más allá de su virtualidad o necesidad, carece aún hoy de una construcción precisa y sistematizada que per- mita a los actores que han de intervenir ante dicho Tribunal, Estados miembros y ciudadanos, poder prever con la suficiente seguridad jurídica el uso que de la misma se hace ¿Significa dicha falta de sistematización que hubiera de optarse por prescindir de la doctrina del margen de apreciación nacional? ; One of the main debates provoked by the phenomenon of the uni- versalization of human rights is about balance between this phenomenon and the application of human rights in specific political, social and cultural contexts, and is relevant both in the field of Constitutional Law as well as in the field of Legal Theory. The doctrine of the national margin of appreciation, created by the Eu- ropean Court of Human Rights, has arisen as a response to this debate. This doc- trine can be considered a real instrument attempting to balance the two principles of integration and subsidiarity of the European Convention on Human Rights. Currently, this legal doctrine lacks a systematic and complete construction which would allow the main actors of the European system of Human Rights, Member States and citizens to predict, with enough legal certainty, the use of the doctrine by the Court. Does this mean that it is better to opt not to use the doctrine of na- tional margin of appreciation? ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

When representatives of the U.S. government and Congress debated military intervention in the conflict in Bosnia in 1995, they were not just talking about an American troop contribution. The dispute became a focal point for issues such as relations with the U.N. and NATO and the general desirability of multilateral peacekeeping. What elicited the strong responses were trade-offs inherent to the internationalization of security policy: security gains were measured against concerns about the national interest, democratic legitimacy, and effects on the rule of law. However, despite their role in shaping future policy these types of responses lack systematic analysis. Following a qualitative content analysis, this paper offers a response overview. I distinguish three phases in the debate and illustrate that turning points were brought on by the momentum of events in the Balkans rather than D.C. Yet, arguments seem to have developed a 'symbolic power' independent of their direct effect on the course of events. While the U.N. was strongly contested NATO proved to be a 'common denominator' with some disciplining power over internationalization's critics. In defense of the intervention, the Clinton administration portrayed multilateralism as a useful tool. This strategy helped sell internationalization to Congress. But it also required a non-committal rhetoric which would serve opponents of international security organizations beyond 1995. ; Als Vertreter der U.S. Regierung und des Kongresses 1995 über eine militärische Intervention in Bosnien diskutierten, stand nicht nur ein amerikanischer Truppenbeitrag zur Debatte. Das Thema war Anlass für eine grundsätzliche Auseinandersetzung über das Verhältnis zur UNO, zur NATO und darüber, inwieweit friedensschaffende Maßnahmen im Verbund wünschenswert seien. Die Heftigkeit der Reaktionen lässt sich auf Güterkonflikte zurückführen, die mit der Internationalisierung von Sicherheit einhergehen: Zugewinne an Sicherheit durch internationale Organisationen werden abgewogen gegen das nationale Interesse, demokratische Legitimität und Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Obwohl diese Reaktionen Einfluss auf zukünftige Politik nehmen können, sind sie bisher nicht systematisch erforscht worden. Basierend auf einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse, liefert dieses Papier einen Überblick über die Reaktionstypen der Bosnien-Debatte. Ich unterteile die Debatte in drei Phasen und zeige, dass die Eigendynamik der Entwicklungen im Balkan die Richtung stärker beeinflusste als Washington. Dennoch entfalteten die vorgebrachten Argumente unabhängig von ihrem direkten Einfluss eine 'symbolische Kraft'. Während die UNO stark umstritten war, erwies sich die NATO als kleinster gemeinsamer Nenner, der auf die Kritiker der Internationalisierung disziplinierend wirkte. Um die Intervention zu verteidigen, stellte die Clinton-Regierung Multilateralismus als nützliches Werkzeug dar. Diese Strategie half zwar bei der Vermittlung. Sie erforderte allerdings eine unverbindliche Rhetorik, die den Gegnern internationaler Sicherheitspolitik über die Debatte von 1995 hinaus Argumente lieferte.

Developed countries have used several place-based policies to address the socioeconomic underdevelopment of their lagging regions ranging from tax exemptions to soft loans. Among these place-based policies, investment subsidies to private firms are one of the most popular in the EU. However, the empirical evidence to date is mixed and there is no general consensus on the effectiveness of such policy. Most evaluation studies have focused on the policy impact on subsidized firms, whereas the possible spillovers on other firms have been mostly overlooked. This is due to the dependence of these analyses on the Stable Unit Treatment Value Assumption (SUTVA), i.e. they assume away any possible interaction among firms. There are several situations in which this assumption is not plausible; however, there are severe empirical difficulties in disentangling the spillover effects from more relevant confounding factors. In this paper we propose evaluation strategies capable of detecting potential positive and negative spillovers. In presence of spillovers, the use of eligible but unsubsidized firms as control group will yield biased ATT estimates. We propose to build a counterfactual scenario drawing firms from the pool of firms located in non-assisted areas as similar as possible to the eligible areas. In addition to the ATT, our approach allows to estimate spillover parameters that contrast the positive agglomeration effect with the negative cross-sectional substitution and the crowding-out effect. Econometrically we adopt a Matching difference-in-differences (DID) using the recent coarsened exact matching (CEM) that dominates commonly used existing matching methods in its ability to reduce imbalance, model dependence, and bias. Our application concerns the Italian Law 488 (L488) and contrasting positive and negative spillover effects we find positive spillovers in terms of investments and negative spillovers in terms of employment, but these estimates are not statistically significant. This demonstrates that the positive effects of the subsidies on the subsidized firms? growth in terms of investments and turnover are not engendered to the detriment of the unsubsidized firms. The main methodological contribution to the literature is our novel evaluation strategy that can be adopted in other contexts to evaluate the micro spillovers of other policy instruments.

In April 1974, when Portugal recovered democracy and press freedom, after almost 50 years of political dictatorship that included a fierce media censorship, the elaboration of a new legal framework for the media was one of the strongest priorities. The importance granted to this issue was such that some of the rights and duties associated to media freedom were even inscribed in the fundamental law of the country – the Constitution itself. Among these rights and duties was the obligation for all media companies to have a newsroom council, elected by the journalists, with important powers regarding for example the choice of a new editor-in-chief, the hiring of new staff members or the adoption of major editorial principles and practices. The underlying ideas were that (a) in a democratic context, democracy should be practised also in the newsroom, and (b) journalists, besides owners and managers, should have a word in the internal decision processes, in order to make sure that the media meet their social responsibilities. This strong example of what we could call 'participative democracy' didn't last long, at least in these terms. With the successive changes that brought the country closer to the general political model of European western democracies, newsroom councils kept their place but lost some of their powers and, therefore, many journalists felt less and less motivated to actively engage with them. In this paper, we intend to make a brief historical description of the changes that allegedly weakened the role of the newsroom councils, in spite of their potential as a means of media accountability and of press self-regulation. In a second moment, we'll present the results of a survey among the existing newsroom councils of national news media, in order to try to understand the consequences of these legal changes in what regards journalists' participation in the editorial process. Furthermore, we intend to find out if such changes altered the balance of power within media companies, opening the way to a more ...

More than two decades ago in the European Union law, competition has started entering economic activities, organised traditionally under the concept of services of general economic interest. Special and exclusive rights have gradually been abolished in important industries like telecommunications, postal services, energy or railways. European Union policy has opted to prioritize efficiency over social issues in those industries by adopting liberalisation agendas. Previous monopolies have undertaken long restructuring processes to meet upcoming competition. However, entering and positioning in the market has not proven to be a short process for new-comers either. Although network industries display differences among themselves, there are common trans-sector issues which allow a horizontal approach. This brings into focus the actual role of different national regulatory and competition authorities in different stages of market regulation and the ways of coordinating their function in multisector patternsin the future. In this respect and as a way to move ahead, we propose an integrated institutional pathway, allowing more expertise sharing (shared services) among national regulators and their better positioning in the Croatian society and economy. ; Prije više od dva desetljeća u pravu Europske unije konkurencija se počela uvoditi u niz gospodarskih aktivnosti koje se nazivaju službama od općeg gospodarskog interesa. Posebna i isključiva prava države su postupno ukinuta u važnim industrijama kao što su telekomunikacije, pošta, energija ili željeznice. Politika liberalizacije Europske unije je dala prioritet učinkovitosti nad socijalnim pitanjima. Prijašnji državni monopoli su morali proći dugačke procese restrukturiranja kako bi bili sposobni odgovoriti zahtjevima nadolazeće konkurencije. Ulazak i pozicioniranje na tržištu se nije pokazalo kao brz postupak niti za novopridošle aktere. Iako između raznih mrežnih industrija postoje razlike, ipak postoje zajedničke transektorske karakteristike koje omogućuju horizontalni pristup. On dovodi do skretanja pažnje na ulogu nacionalnih regulacijskih tijela u raznim fazama regulacije tržišta i načina koordinacije njihovih funkcija u ovom multisektorskom području. Kao način način unaprijeđenja stanja u radu se predlaže jedan integrirani institucionalni put koji bi omogućio širu razmjenu znanja (kroz zajedničke službe) među nacionalnim regulatorima, a time i njihovo bolje pozicioniranje u hrvatskom društvu i gospodarstvu.

CARIM-East: Creating an Observatory of Migration East of Europe ; This is the translated version of CARIM-East RR 2012/10 ; In the early 90-ies of the 20 century, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Belarus had to face the problem of migration management and, in particular, of international labor flows. The development of the Belarusian legislation regulating social relations in the field of labor migration took place against the background of significant social, economic and political changes. Belarus as a sovereign state faced a number of challenges due to a significant intensification of migration; it became both the host country for labor migrants and their country of origin. It should be noted that the Republic of Belarus had no experience in the field of legal regulation of international labor migration. Therefore, the development of the Belarusian legislation in this area took place, on the one hand, in accordance with international law. On the other hand, Belarusian legislation copied many provisions from the regulations of the former Soviet Union, with all their advantages and flaws. In the first half of the 1990s laws were passed, which established the basis of the legal regulation of migration in general and in particular influenced the legislation on labor migration. Most important legislative acts on labor migration have been adopted during the last 20 years. However, current trends in this area of social relations demonstrate insufficient efficacy of the current legislation, as well as the existence of gaps in legal regulations. It is necessary to develop an efficient, transparent and flexible legal instrument for labor migration management, balancing the rights of migrant workers and the economic interests of business entities, on the one hand, and the interests of national security, on the other hand. In addition, it is important to ensure the compliance of the national system for labor migration management with international standards. ; CARIM-East is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

Labour hire, the practice of hiring out employees to clients by a labour broker, has been a part of Namibia's history since the early 1900s in the form of the contract labour system. This form of employment was characterized by inhumanity and unfair labour practices. These employees were subjected to harsh working conditions, inhumane living conditions and influx control. The contract labour system continued until 1977, when it was abolished by the General Law Amendment Proclamation of 1977. It was during the 1990s that the hiring out of employees returned in the form of labour hire. It continued in this form without being regulated until it was banned in the Namibian Labour Act of 2007. In 2009 Africa Personnel Services, Namibia's largest labour broker, brought a case before the court against the Namibian Government in an attempt to have the ban nullified on grounds of unconstitutionality. It argued that the ban infringed on its right to carry on any trade or business of its choice as contained in section 21(1)(j) of the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia. APS triumphed. It was not until April 2012 that new legislation was promulgated in order to officially lift the ban and to regulate labour hire in its current form. This new legislation came into force in August 2012. Various very important provisions are contained in the Labour Amendment Act 2 of 2012 concerning labour brokers. Part IV of the Employment Services Act 8 of 2011, containing provisions for the regulation of labour brokers as juristic persons per se, was also introduced and came into force in September 2012. The aim of this note is to serve as a lesson to the South African government as to what could happen if labour brokers continue without legislation properly addressing the pitfalls associated with labour brokers. Also, it could serve as an example as to how the employees of a labour broker should be protected. In this regard the history of labour hire and the current strides in Namibia cannot be ignored.