Suchergebnisse

Issue 4.6 of the Review for Religious, 1945. ; ¯ for " " ' NOVEMBER 15, 1945 ";Joseph's Jubilee, ¯ , . Francis Latin Psaffer . Michael J. ~ ;nce of Rel;9;ous . ~,dam Consider ,~n~ic~ris~? . A.gusfi, C. I:~:No÷ of TMs Fold . Job. S. Co~( s from fhe C~ounci] of Trent . A., ~)~0ne but Jesus" . Charles F. Theology for Everybody . '. Gerald Co~municafions Ouesfions Answered.' ¯ Decisions of the HolySee 'Books Reviewed Index t"o Volume Four " EVlE FOR RELIGI VOLUME IV NOVEMBER 15, 1945 NUMBER, CONTENTS ST. JOSEPH'S JUBILEE Francis L. Filas. S.J . TI~tE NEW LATIN PSALTE'RNMichael J. Gruenthaner, S.J . 365_'~ BOOKLET NOTICES . ". ~ . 372 CORRESPONDENCE O'F RELIGIOUS--Adam C. Ellis, S.J . 373~. WHY'NOT CONSIDER ANTICHRIST?Augustin C. Wand. S.J. STILL NOT OF THIS FOLD~-John E. oogan. s.J . CONCERNING COMMUNICATIONS . 398 S.PiRITUAL READINGS FROM .THE COUNCIL OF TRENT IIN Augustine Klaas; S.J. " . 39,~ "NO ONE BUT JESUS"-~Charles F. Donovan. S.J . 4~5~' BCOKS RECEIVED .~. .'; . 409 LITURGICAL PROCEEDINGS .~. . : . MORAL THEOLOGY FOR EVERYBODY.---Gerald Kelly, S.3. DECISIONS OF THE HOLY SEE . 421" NEW CONTRIBUTORS . 422. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- 47. Sick Sister Requests Comm.union_ . . 48: Number of Siiters in United States .° . .423 49. Superior's Duty to Demand Salaries . 423 50. Apostates from Religion Exi:ommunicated .424 51. Right to Introduce New Devotions . BdOK REVIEWS-- Christian Denominations: Further Discourses on the. Ho!y Ghost: Moral Theology; The Ho.ly Sacrifice: Augustine's Quest for Wisdom .425~ INDEX TO VOLUME IV . ~ . ~ . 429 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. November. 1945. V61. IV. No. 6. Published bi-monthly : ,January. March. May, July, September. and .November at the College Pres.s, if 606 Harrison Street; Topeka. Kansas, by St. Mary's College; St. Marys, Kansas.l with ecclesiastical approbation. Entered as second class matter January 15. at the Post Office, Topeka. Kansas. under the act of March 3, 187,9. Editorial Board: Adam C. Ellis. S.3. G. Augustine Ellard. S.3., Gerald Kelly, Editorial Secretary: Alfred-F. Schneider. S.J. " Copyright. 1945. by Adam C. Ellis. Permission is hereby granted for quotation: of 'reasonable length, provided 'due credit be given this rewew and ,the authoi, Subscription price: 2 dollars a year. // Printed in U. S. Before writin~ to u~, ple~se"consult notice on Inside back cover. .:(. ~, St. Joseph's Jubilee Francis L: Filas, S.J. ~N DECEMBER 8, seventy-fivE years ago, Pope Pius IX, acceding to the wishes of hundreds of bishops and thousands-of priests and faithful, declared St. Joseph Patron. of the Universal Chtirch. This action on the part of the Holy Father marked, the end of the era of ~t. Joseph's obscurit~y and ushered in'a period ~when the humble, lovable foster-father of-Jesus was honored to an extent far.beyond th~ most optimistic hope~ of the early proponents.ofhis devotion. The prese.nt sketch purposes tO relate how and why St. Joseph obtained his outstanding ,position in the devotional life of/he Church. .~ ¯ Pope Leo XHI in his encyclical, Quamquam Pluries, su~cinc-t[y set forth the basis for Joseph's p.atronage: ' The Holy Family which Josepl~ governed, as with paternal authority, so he.wrote, contained the beginnings.of the new. "Church. Here was Mary, the Mother of God, who was to become the m6ther of all Christians when she bore them 6n .Ca!vary amid the sufferings of her Redeemer Son. At. that same time ,Jesus-became the firstborn of Christians, ~is brothers by adoption~ and redemption. Consequently Joseph, tl4e "watchful defender of Christ" and "chaste guardian of the Virgin,'.' .cherishes with singular affection the multitudes who make up the Church of his foster Son: Over this multitude "he rules with a sort of paternal authority, because he is the husband of Mary and the father of Jesus Christ. Thus, it is conformable to reason and in every .way becoming to blessed Joseph that as once it was his sacred trustto .guard with watchful care the family of Nazareth, no matter what befell, so now, by .virtue of his 361 FRANCIS L.FILAS Reoie~v for Religious heavenly patronage, he is in turn to protect and defend the Church of. Christ." This concept of~ Joseph's patronage lay.hidde~ and unnoticed for centuries. Probably the first to propose it was John Gerson, the chancellor of the University of Paris, who described it in a sermon to the members of the Council of Constance on September.8, 1416. Gerson'~ sermon had ¯ for its purpose the adoption of a feast of the espousals of Joseph and Mary. With deep anxiety ~he chancellor noted the disastrous results of the great Western Schism bf 13 78, a woufid which-was still unhealed. He asked for approv.ai - of the feast of the. espousals "in Order that through the merits of Mary and through the intercession of so great, so powerful.ahd in a certain way so omnipotent an intercessor ~ith his b~ide., the Church might be led to her only true and safe lord, the supren~e pastor, her spouse in place~ of Christ." The suggestion made by Gerson Was not acted upon,. but once it had been put forth, the idea continued to recur to friends of St. Joseph. What really began to receive marked emphasis .was Joseph's part as guardian of the H01y Family. The full understandink of this role contained the: idea of ~Joseph's further guardianship of the Church. It Was next elaborated in the Summa of the Gifts of St. doseph, a pioneeringbook written by the Dominican. Isidor de Isolani in 1-522. His work gathered the various materihls that.had already been published about St.Joseph and told of the Saint's life, wrtues, blessings, and. glory in Heaven. Isolani also d~ew a glowing picture of Joseph's future glory_on earth. While depicting the exceptional hbn-ors he felt sure would be granted his Saint, he had this to say: "For the honor of His name God has chosen St.-Joseph as head and special patron of the kingdom of the Church, Militant." _ 362 November, 194.5 ST. JOSEPH'S JUBILEE, The theme of St. Joseph's guidanceof the Holy Fam'ily and the Church ~ontinued to run.through the,d~votion as it flourished up to the middle of the 18th cenl:ury. Here, in common with t-he fortunes of the; Church, it suffered a relapse; but with the reign of Plus IX, a hundred year~ later, i~t again surged forward. During t.he 1860's various 'petitions from~ bishops,, priests, and the faithful were~sent to the HolySee, askin~ for St. Josephls full. glorification in the liturgy, and for the declaration of his patronage of the Universal Church. Three special.petitions were presented to the Vatican Council in 1869-70. It seems, that these three were the petitions that moved Pius IX to n~ake his declaration on the Feast of the Immaculate Conception in 1870. Qer~on's purpose was. ~chieved; St. ~Jos~ph was offi- ~ cially proclaimed Patron Of tl~e Universal ,Church--and how sorely the,Church needed that help! Plus had already ' been stripped of his temporal holdings. In a score of countries rampan,t anticlericalism was riding apparently unchecke~t against a Church which the infallible savant~ of that "progressive" era declared dying if not already dead. ~The stre.ngth of the papac~y h~d been c6mpletely broken. so they said; the prestige of the prisoner of the Vatican was shorn from him and his successors for .all time. But as usual with enemie~ of ~he Church, they forgot Christ's promise to be v~ith His Church forever. They forgot the power of its.~mother, of her who was conceived without sin-~in fact they merely laughed at and disregarded the "out-dated" dogma about ~hero which the Pope had expounded. Probably they did not even kn6w of the .Holy Father's action reg,arding St. Joseph on that momentous Feast of theImmaculate Conception in 1870. Now, seventy-five, years later, what is. the prestige of the Churc~ St. doseph protects? Or what is the power.of 363 FRANCIS L. FILAS the Pope, so intangible, yet so compelling, ~hat kept the. Nazi invaders from settin~g foot on the territory of Vatican City? The world press invariably seeks the reaction of the Holy Father on every moral issue that-arises. The ChurCh "is daily recognized as a stable force, if not the or~ly stable force, in a world going somewhere towards" progress "or destr_uction'with, awesomerapidity. It is hard to dismiss i~his resurgence of the Church since. 1870 as mere chance. St. ,Joseph's patronage has shown its effects. Nor hasthe Church been ungrateful t6 its protector. In the last seventy-fi~ve years the popes have lavishly show-ered liturgical honors on St. ,Joseph. He alone of all saints except our Blessed Lady has~been given two feasts of excep-tional r~ink, a spe.cial preface in the Mass, a l!tany, in his ~ honor, separate invocation in the prayers for the dying, and particular mention in the Divine Praises. Now, as the Church is facing a continued crisis in its own and in-the world's history, ,Joseph isoagain the standard-bearer, spear-heading the campaign against atheistic communism, the threat of our times. His name is ever linked with those of ,Jesus and Mary. In all these tributes the mind of the Church can be discerned implicitly: St. ,Joseph is worthy of sp~cial.venerati0n~ second only .to Mary and above the veneration granted any other angel or saint. As we commemorate the 75th anniversary of his patronage of the Universal Church, we should humbly thank Almighty God for ~having given St. ,Joseph to us. and thank, too, our protector for his services to the Church just as Mary and ,Jesus thanked him ~or all he did at Betfi-lehem, in Egypt, and-at Nazareth. 364 The New Lat:in Psalt:er Micfiael J. Gru~nthaner,'S.J. THAT tl~e Psalms are. endowed with unu~uaI .poetic beauty and spiritual powe~ is concedeffby all; Cath~ olics and non-Catholics alike. They reveal to us the glorious attributes of the divinity; they speak ~o us of the sufferifigs and the triumph of the Messias; they recount to us the events and lessons of Israel's h!story; they instruct, us. in the ~ays of true wisdom. Their chief attraction, how-ever, lies in the fact that so manyof them depict .to us the anguish of thehuman heart struggling with almost every imaginable phase of .adversity and rising to heights of hero-oiSmby unshaken confidence in God and persevering prayer. ~Each Psalm, therefore,~ is a gem of religious thought. Its power to enlighten the mind and warm the. heart springs , not only from the wisdom and artistry of its human author but pr.incipally from the Holy Spirit, who inspired its pro-. duction. Need weowonder, then,.that the Psalms formed the favorite private prayer of the devout Jew in the Old .JTestament and that not a few of them,were sun. g in the Temple to enrich and spiritualize¯-the sacrificia, l.Lritual? Under the c!r~cums.tances,_~it seems but natural that the Psalms should.be ,repeatedly quoted by: Christ and° the Apostles and~that the Church should, prize them as a pre-cious heritage from the Old Dispensation: So highly did she esteem them that she allotted them a commanding poSi-tion in her liturgy. Full enjoYment of .the spiritual treasures contained within the Psalms has, however, been barred to many. The reason is that the early Church received the Psalter in an unskillful translation from the Greek, which inits turn 365 MICHAEL J. GRUENTHANER Revieu~ for R~ligious .was an imperfect tendering of the original Hebrew. St. Jerome,.to whom the Church owes so much. for his labors in behalf of the Scriptures, ameliorated ~he situation slightly by revising the Old Latin version extant in his day in accordance with better Greek manuscripts. His first emendation of the Psalter appeared in Rome about 383 and was adopted by the churches of the Eternal City; for this reason it is known as the Roman Psalter. In 386, while residing in Palestine, he published a second and more extensive revision of. the Psalter based, like the former, exclusively on the Greek or Septuagint verson. Because it first gained great popularity in Gaul, it is called the Gallican Psalter. Ultimately, it became the version current in the Latin Church and was incorporated in the Vulgate as the OfFicial translation of that Church. To facilitate religious discussion between Jews and Christians, St. Jerome also translated the Psalms directly from the Hebrew, but this so-called Hebrew Psalter never c~iptivated the ordinary ¯ clergy and the laity; it remained restricted in use to scholars. Histor~t o[ the Neu~ Version The Gallican Psalter, therefore, found in the Vulgate and the Roman Breviary, retains some of the defects of the Old Latin together with all the weaknesses of the Septua- - gjnt, its archetype. These deficiencies became ever more apparent with the progress of biblical studies in modern times. It was noted., that .the meaning of the Psalms had been obscured not infrequently and that much of their artistic merit bad evaporated in the course of the double trans, lation to which they had been subjected. To bring outthe full significance and poetic.beauty of the. Psalms, Catholic.scholars in xiarious countries began to publish translations of the Hebrew text in th~ vernacular. These proved to be so conducive to a fuller understanding and 366 November~ 1945 THE NEW LATIN PSALTER~ keener appreciation of these inspired poems that a move-ment arose among priests and religious to have a Latin ver-sion of the Psalter more consonant with the original than the official Vulgate or Gallican Psalter. ¯ This desire became so widespread that our reigning Pontiff, Pius XII, corn- " missioned the Pontifical Biblical Institute in Rome to pre-pare a new version of the Psalter in harmony with~ all the most~ approved methods of textual criticis~m. The task of preparing this translation was confided to six professors, each of whom was a specialist in one or more of the branches of bibllcal science bearin.g~ on the subject. Begun in ~lanuary, 1941, the prdject was completed after thre~ and a half.years of intense labor. The Holy Father found, the manuscript of the new version~ so satisfactory that he ~ommanded it to be printed. In accordance with this command tvco books were published by the Vatican Press in 1945" a Liber Psalmorum, and a liturgical edition in which the Psalms oof the new version are arranged according to the system followed in the breviary. The Liber Psalmorum contains a new version not only of the Psalms but also of the canticles ot~ the Old and New Testaments usually° recited in the breviary. Each of them is headed by a suitable title; the text is preceded by a short analysis exhibiting the nature and interrelation of its tho.ught. Brief footnotes have been added, explaining difficult expressionsand ideas, as well as setting forth the reasons for the translation adbpted. These notes supply the absolute minimum required for the comprehension of the text; they are not intended to supplant the more exten- o sive commentaries which supply a complete exposition of all tbd problems presented by a particular Psalm. The 'book is also provided with a brief introduction de. aling with the nature, origin, and history of the Psalms; essentials 9nly are considered and controversial issues are avoided. 367 MICHAEL J. GRUENTHANER Review [or Religious A notable feature of the book is the Morn Proprio of Pius XII, In cotidianis precibns, which is concerned with the new version. It recounts its history, character, alad purpose, and grants permission to all those who so desire to substitute the New Psalter ~for the older one in the pub-lic or private recitation of the Divine Office; this permission is to be valid as soon as the liturgical edition shall have been published. The New Psalter, therefore, has the same official standing as the Vulgate version. This is, unques-tionably, a momentous step; for the latter has been used exclusively i.n the breviary for so many centuries" it is intimately-interwoven with the writings.bf the Fathers, as ~-~the Sovereign Pontiff notes in the Motu Proprio; it has been declareff authenti~ by the Council oi: Trent. The motives ~prompting the Pope to introduce so startlin~ an innovation are well set forth in his Motu Proprio: That all may hereafter derive greater light, grace, and consolation from the recitation of the Divine .Office, so that, enlightened and impelled by these, they may in these most, difficul~ times of the Church be fittedmore and more to imitate the models of sanctity shining forth so egregiously in the Psalms and that they, may be moved to nourish and foster anew the sentiments of divine love, strenuous courage, and piou.s 'repent~ance which the Holy Spir'~t excites within us when reading the Psalm~. Basic Text ot: the New Version An attentive scrutiny of the New Psalter'shows .that: it fulfills, the ~ishes of the Holy Father. First of all, it is based upon a corrected Hebrew text; in this respect it sur-passes any of the ancient ~'ersions. The text found in our present Hebrew Bibles cannot be. accepted without reserve. It is not derived immediately from~the autograph manu-scripts of the sacred writers but from copies which in their ttirn depend on a long line of ancestors. But a text which has come down to us through so many centuries of succes-~ 368 November, 1945 THE NEW LATIN PSALTER sive copying~nec~ssarily contains a :great variety of scribal err6rs. Furthermore, the .primal text of the Psalms ~was written in consonants .only," some oL which bore a close resmblanc~ to one another; in addition, .individual words were not separated from one another as clearly, as ,in. our printed books. Consequently, copyists made not a.few mis-takes by confusing similar letters, by combining: or dividing consonants illegitimately, and by :adding ,vowels that were not approprjaSe~. ° - The New Psalter hassucceeded in eliminating not afexO of these lapses by comparing the Hebrew text with the ver-sions and. by an intelligent application of other laws of textual criticism. How the text.has been improved inthis way may be seen from a few illustrative.examples. Psalm 28:8 in the Vulgate reads: "The voice of ~thd Lord pre-pareth the stags, and he will discover the thick woods.". This puzzling sentence is now replaced by the following: "The voice of the Lord con_torts oaks and strips forests." The much debated verse ini,Psalm 109:3, "From the womb, before the daystar, I begat thee" becomes more. intelligibly, ':Before the daystar, like th~ dew, I begat thee." More examples cannot be given here; it will suffice to say 'that all the resources of modern, scientific textual criticism have been e,mployed~to approximate.as closely as. possible the wording of the Psalms as it left the hands of their inspired authors. Greater Accuracg at~d Claritg Since the principal author of the Psalms is the Holy Spiri.tl the translators strove to reproduce their thoughts .and sentiments with the greatest precision. As a result, some ~bf the statements in the Vulgaye which were difficult to understand either in themselves or in thei~ .c0~ntext, have become lucidly clear. The ,enigmatic utterance of Psalm 63:7,. "Men shall come, to a deep heart, and God sl~all be. 369 MICHAEL J. GRUENTHANER Revleu~ for Religious exalted" takes quite another 'form in. the New Psalter, "They thihk up "evil schemes, they 'conceal the plans which they.have formed, for the mind and the heart of ~ach are deep:" .The passage refers to the evil intrigues of the god~ less againstthe good; ithas no reference to the heart of God, aS the Vulgate suggests. Similarly,- psalm 44:14' in the Vulgate. implies that the glory of t.he royal bride consists in .internal virtue, b~it the new Version renders correctly, glorious, the king's daughter hnters the palace." Th~ verse merely descbibes theoutw:ird appearance of the king's bride as she enters the palace in the.wedding procession. A marked advance in clarity has been achieved by the correct translationof the Hebrew tenses. Th6ugh there are but two of them, a Perfect and an Imperfect; they can-not be translated mechanicallyby the Past and the~Future. respectively, as the Greek attempts to do, without impairing the sense. The New Psalter, on the cofitra,ry, gives each tense its proper shade of meaning. ~ Thus in Psalm 42:3 the Psalmist d~clares in the Vulgate, ~'Sehd forth thy light and thy truth: they have conducted me and brought"me unto thy holy hill and into thy tabernacles." If isevident from the context, however, that the Psalmist is far from Sion; that he is, in fact, a prisoner in the vicinity of Mount Hermbn. The LiberPsalrnorum removes the incongruity by rendering the tenses more correctly, "May they lead me, may they guide~me" to thy ho!y hill and to thy tabernacles." Other sources of confusion in the Vulgate are the slavish rendering of _certain Hebrew idiomatic expressions,. the servile adherence to the letter of the Greek protgtype, and the translationof some geographical names. Needless to sa~y, these infelicities, of tran?lation have been emended in the Liber Psalmorum. Poetic Chara~cteristics Another laudable featureof the New ~salter is the care 370 November, i945 THE NEW LATIN PSAETER , with which itendeavors to conserve the poeti~ chracteris~i~S of ~he original. Forceful metaphors "and othel poeti~ devices indicative of a vivi~l imagination ~ind :strong emo- 'tion are not denatured b3i colorless or. insipid rendering's. Thus'in Psalm 17:3 God is addressed as a rock, a fortress,. a shield, and a tower; the ,forcefulness of these epithe.ts is much attenuated in the Vulgate. Again, in Ps'alm 23:7 the New Psalter correctly bids the gates to raise: their heads in order that tl-ie king of glory may enter; the Vulgate, however/avoids this vivid personification.by addressing the command" to the princes. Even the word-painting which is occasionMly found in the P~alms has been skillfully imitated in the new Ladr~ "version. Conspicuous examples_may be ieen in Psalm 28, in which a thunderstorm passing through P~lestine is desribed and inPsalm 92: 3, 4, which pictures the tumult of the waves breaking upon the seashore. The Liber Psalmorum also attends to the outward form - of Hebrew poetry, The verses are printed in stichs and trheefriar icnosm, abninda tthioen a lipnhtoa b,settriocpahl:e.s sitsr uincdtuicrea toefd .c eRretapient iPtisoanlms,s are also made clear to the reader. .Improved Latinit~ Aquality of the New Psalter which will appeal tO many is its improved Latinity. Expressions and, construc~i0ns which" entered the Vulgate from later Latin and from ,the conversfional .language of the people have been ex~ludedl Instead, the vocabulaiy, style, and grammar of the classical period have been adopted, without, however, disrega;ding the venerable tradition of the. Church; for the discarded words and pl~rases have to a large extent been replaced by others v~hich are classical and which are at'the same time found in other books of the Vulgate and the liturgy. Certain 371 MICHAEL J. GRUENTH~NER words, however, which have acquired adistinct.ively Chris-tian meaning, such .a~ $aluator, gr.atia; dilectio, .have been retained, even though the significance attached-to them has no support in classical usage. Though classical, the style is no~ involved: it is simple, smooth, ~lear, suitable for th~ r.ecitation of the Psalms in public. The LiberP~almorum is noW available in an American edition (Benziger Brothers), and the. liturgical edition will soon be reprinted in the United States. There can° be 'no ,doubt that the study and use of the New Psalter will con-tribute much towards a proper appraisal of the .unique literary qualities of the inspired lyric poems which it trhns-lares so felicitously; it w_ill,prove, above all, ~to be a power-ful means towards the attainment of that ideal of spiritual perfection w.hich 'is ever before the eyes of the devout priest hnd religious, whose life in God draws so much of its sus-tenance from the recitation of the Divine Office. BOOKLETS Maryknoll Mission Letters, Volume i, 1945, contains letters' from China, Latin America, and Central America. Besides the usual wholesome mission news. the volume outalns'mahy inter.estlng items: for example, the story of a snake charmer, an encounter with a tiger, and how it feels to be stung by a scorpion. Price $.50. Order from: Field Afar.Press; 121 East 39th St., N.Y. Let's Look at 8ancti{~!ing Grace, by Francis P. Le Buffe, S:J., contains the sub.- stance of lectures given at the Summer School of Catholic Action. It is a dear-cut, s]istematical, .and simple presentation of a, difficult and involved subject. Readers will l~ke the homely examples and the naive diagrams. The first part of the bobklet deals with grace; the secofid part with the sacyaments, ,channels of-grace". A small bibliography is. suggested. Price $.10. Order from: ~The Queen's~Work, 3742 ¯ West Pine Bl~'d., St. Louis 8, Mo. Fa_ther.Albert A. Murray, C:P~S., informs us that many religious wrote for the booklet, Holy Hour for Conversions, after we announce.d it in our January number (p. 47). He wants our re_aders to know that the booklets are still available, free of charge. Write to: The Paulist Fathers, 911 South Wabash Ave., Chicago 5, Ill. 372 C6rrespondence ot: ReligiQus Adam C. Ellis,. S.J. [~DITORS' ~NOTI~': As a number of quesuons regarding the correspondence of reli-gious have been riceived by the Questions and Ans~vers Department of,.the REVIEW, it. was thought desirable to publish an article on this important subject. The answers to the qu9~tions received will be found in the follow.'ing article.] ~'VERY man has a natural right~ to keep_.his secrets jt~st ~ as he has a right to hold and possess'p'roperty. Since man by nature isa s~cial being,, it frequently becomes necessary to communicate secrets in, writing, and his natural right~ to secrecy then ~xtends to all s.uch writings. This point is most practical :in regard to correspondence or letter writing, and moral theologians tell us that one who reads the letters of another contrary to his wishes violates "a nat-ural secret and may sin .gravely ~gainst justice. .,- When a man unites with his fellow men in any kind Of society, he usually does so in order to share in the benefits to be derived from such a.union benefits which hecannot conven!entiy obtain by himself but which are.the fruits of mutual efforts and of the pooling of individual resources whether these beomaterial objects or the higher and better things of, mind and heart. Experience teaches that in pro-portion to the benefits derived from such common enter~ prises, the individual members must give up certain rights which are not compatible with the common ~good aimed ~t by the society: In a word, if the members of a society wish to share in the benefits which are inherent in the organiza-. tion, they must comply with the conditions laid down for member~ship; and these conditions ~almost always curtail individual rights to a greater or less degree. Such is the reason for and the source of limitations put upon religious in regard to letter writing. Practically every re!igious institute in the Churc~h lays down certain condl- - 3.73 ADAM C. ELLIS Reoielo For Religious tions for such correspondence, and the candidate who applies for admission implicitly accepts all the limitations and restrictions contained in the rule and constitutions in order that he may share .in. the benefits to be derived from membership in the religious society. It will be helpful, therefore, both for superior~ and for subjects, to study, in detail the rights and obligations of both in regard to this matter of correspondence. The Law and Its Purpose Before the Co'de was promulgated,' there was ,no general ilnacwom oinf~g. tahned Couhtugrocihn gr emqauiilr tion gth ael lc ernesliogrisohuips otof tshuebirm suitp teh-.eir riors. Nevertheless, in practically all orders, and congrega-tions, .this was required by the constitutions or .by custom. The Norroae of 1901; which established the standards of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops" and Regulars for the approval of constitutions of new institutes with simple-vows and Which were based upon the practice of the same Congregation during the preceding fifty years, contained two articles on the'subject. Art.~ 179 required that "all-letters to be sent by the religious, as well as all letters sent to them, shall be given to the local superior who may read them at his discretion. Superiors, however, shall use this facultY with that moderation which prudence and charity dictate, and they are bound to secrecy regarding informa-tion thus-obtained." Art." 180 Stated that all letters" addressed to higher superiors (general and provincial), or to the local ordinary, or to the Sacred Congregation, and all letters received from these same persons, were free from such inspection and censorship. These provisions of the Normae were incorporated in all :constitutions approved by the S~cred Congregation during the past forty ye, ars and" more. 374 . b[ooembero 1945 CORRESPONDENCE OF RELIGIOUS The Code of Car~on Latu,.promulgated in~ 1917, has only one canon (No. 611 ) regarding the correspondenci~ of religious. This ca~on, ,which we shall consider presently, does not give sup~biors the right to read the letters of their ~ subjects. Rather it .supposes that this right is contained in the constitutions br, customs of individual institutes, to which it leaves the positive statement of all regulations con-~ "cerning letter writing. ° ~ The purposd of all rdstraint put upon the corresPond-ence of religious is the same as that of the law ofenclosure "--to shield the religious from the temptations, the cares, hnd the distractions of the world which religious have for-saken by their religious profession. There may be no qess danger in communication,with externs by means of letters ~h~in in conversation with them either in the parlor of the religious house or in the homes of secular persons. The religious who has heeded Christ's call, "Come, follow me," has fr.eely renounced the pleasures he might have enjoyed lawfully in the world, in order to follow Christ more closely by striving after perfection through the observance 6f the vows and the constitutions within the security of the cloister. Mere physical s~paration from the world will not attain this end if religious are allowed unrestrained contact with pe/sons in the world by means of correspondence. Hence it is evident that some kind of restraint or super-vision over such correspondence is necessary fob the protec-tion both of the individual and of the community. Rights and Obligations o~: Superiors " The constitutions and customs of each institute deter-mine what rights a superior has in regard to the cokre-spondence of his subjects. More often, especially in con. gregations of Sisters and Brothers, the constitutions pre, scribe what was stated in the Normae mentioned above. Let 375 ADAM C. ELLIS' Review for Religiou,~ us ~take these prescriptions as.a, starting point. All letters. written by-religious and. all letters addressed to religious must pass through the hands of the local supe riot; who has the right to r~ead, them. Thi~, means ~first of all that the 16cal superior isentrus~ed with the task of expediting:.,the mail of the community. He should~see to it, therefore,,,th;it all outgoing lett.drs are mailed promptly after they, ' have" been censored and that incoming letters are delivered-to the persons tO whom they .are addressed within a reasonable time. The right to read the letters of his subjects does not impose an obligation on the superior to do .'so, unless the constitutions impose it specifically. Hefice superiors are to -use their discretion. They-shou!d be fnore careful to read th,e letters of younger religious since these are in a period of sp!ritua! formation, and 'should be trained to use.modera-tion and prudence in regard to their correspondence both as to subject matter and~as, tochoice of persons. However, Superiors may well be more~ready to trust older religious whom;they know'by experience to be prudent in this mat-ter. , Such a0policy is.in,conformity with the moderation recommended by. the Normae. This moderation is to be based on a prudence and charity which will.prompt supe-riors to.instruct,those subjects who are imprudent.in-their " correspondence, pointing out tO them their defects and. .imprudences.so that they,~ may learn-.the norms of religious" moderation. This,-of coarse, should be done in such marl,. ner. as to a,void giving offense and:t0 "convirice. the subject that the only motive the super!or has in checking his cor-respondence'is hi~bwn'. flood afid'th:it of the"~ommunity. The Oblig[~tior~ or: Secrec~/. All commentatorson th~- subject 'of the ~orrespondence of religious.emphasize the. fact that the superior is bound by'the natural la,w to-k~ep Secret whatever information he 376 Nouember2,1945 CORRESPONDENCE OF .RELIGIO~S acquires by reading the letters of his subjects:- This obli-ga. ti~n binds in conscience and~ is of its: natureserious when the subject mat~ter is serious. Superiors, therefore, have,no right to communicate to others information obtained, by reading the correspondence of their subjects, nor may they themselves make use of such information except to prevent harm to the religious himself or to the community. ¯ It is tbe;duty of every superior to safeguard the welfare of individual subjects and of ~the community as a whole. Hence occasion~ may arise when it becomes, necessary, to make known to.higher superiors information received from reading letters. Whendver ~his is-.necessary, the superior may use such knowledge since in taking his vow of obedi-. ence according to the constitutions .the religious freely, giyces the superior the authority to do so. -Prudence and discre-tion Will be the twin guardians of the secret-and will indb care to the superior.the cases in which he should make use of his know!edge and the precautions .which should protect all ievelations of-this kind for instance, not-to make known too're than is necessary. Keeping in mind:the purpose'of all restrictionsregarding correspondence, namely, the protection of religious from the temptations, the cares, and the distractions of the world, superiors will more readily abstain from reading lettdrs" written by corresponddnts who have a spiritual, outlook and spiritual ~hilos0PhY. of life. This will be ~he case especially in regard to the correspondence of pious parents, brothers, and sisters of the religious. We believe that, as a general rule, superiors'should not rea'd letters received by older religious from the members of their immediate family; and. they may also show. their confidence- in'younger-reli-gious by not reading such letters unless some special circum-stance demands it, as in the case of parents who areopposed "to the vocation of their child and who may endeavor to 377 ADAM C. ELLIS Review for Religious ~nduce him to return to the family circle. While it is trde that parents and relatives of religious are usually aware that their correspondence is subject to inspec-tion by the religious superior, an'd that they have confidence in their discretion, nevertheless occasions will arise when they wish to communicate family secrets to their children and tothem alone. If they mark such a letter '-'personal," the superior should neither open it nor read it. If in some rare case h~ has good reason for. suspecting an abuse, he may refuse to give such. a letter to the religious to whom it is ~iddressed. In regard to correspondents of religious who are una-ware of the restrictions imposed upon 'communications by the constitutions and whose letters contain matter which the superior considers undesirable for the religious, the natural .right of the sender would seem to demand that the superior should not simply destroy such a letter, but rather return it to the ~ender _with an explanation of the regula-tions regarding the correspondence of religious and with a warning to desist from-se_nding such letters in the future. Usually it will be more prudent and less offensive to the unsuspecting correspondent to have the religious write hir~ and explain the situation to him. Rights and Duties of Subjects To begin, witl~, religious should .not look upon the restrictions placed upon letter writing by the constitutions as an unjustifiable restriction of their natural rights, but rather as a wise protection from the sp!rit of-the world which they have freely abandoned in order to serve God more perfectly in the religious life. As they grow older and become more experienced, tbey'will obtain a greater realization of the need to pro.tect, their reputatio~l as well as the good name of the communi'ty in which they live:, 578 November, 1945 CORRESPONDENCE OF RELIGIOUS Regularly permission must be obtained to write letters, either for each individual letter, as is usually the cas.e with novices; or a general permission is given which is.renewed from time to time. After the letter is written it is put unsealed into the superior's mail box. Similarly all letters addressed to the members of a religious community are first given to the superior before' they are distributed. The superior may open them and read them befor~ passing them on to the religious to whom they are addressed. Except for privileged letters---of which more will be said presently-- all correspondence of religious is thus subject to the authority of the superior according to the regulations con: tained in the constitutions and customs of each-individual institute. Some are. more strict than others, depending upon the spirit and particular end of each institute. While it. is true that these regulations of the constitutions regarding correspondence have the same binding force as ¯ other prescriptions and normally do not bind under pain of sin, it is likewise true that secret correspondence carried on contrary to the provisions of the rule is dangerous and can readily become sinful. Religious'should learn to be circumspect when they write letters, especially to people living in the world. Con-sciously or unconsciously such,people have a high regard for the religious state, and sometimes their expectations of reli-gious are even. higher than are those of religious superiors. They have never heard of.the distifiction that religious have not as yet ac~luired perfection, but are in the state of acquirifig it. Hence they are not a little surprised, to say the least, to find a religious writing about matters which are ~worldly, or uncharitable, or gossipy. Furthermore a reli-gious,- especially when he writes to members of other com-munities, must remember that individual communities as such also have a right to their secrets and that a religious 379. or o ADAM C, ELI~IS ¯ who Without rhyme or re~ison retails-.local difficulties and happenings which are not edifying offends againsvcharity, if not against justice. _ -, .: . Ex~eptions contained in Canon. 611 " -°° "All religious,-whetJ~er men or-women,, can fr@dy" send 161~e~s, exeml~t from all control (nulll obnoxlas.lnspectionl), to the Holy See and. its Le~gate in the cou~ntry,~to their Cardinal Protector, to their own h;cjher supe~r;ors, fo ~he super;o~ of their house.when absent, to the local ordinary to ~hom they are subject, and, in the case of nuns subject tO the jurisdiction ~f regularS, to the.higher.superlors 6f-th~ order; and from all these p~rsons the religi~us;'~ne~ or ~vomen, can also receive leffers which' r;obody has a right to open.:-(CanOn 611.) These exceptions may be.divided into two classesi let-ters Written to certain ecclesiatical superiors, that is, to the Holy See, the Apostolic Delegate, the local ordinary; ~nd tO the Cardinal Protector. While the l~st mentioned is not, strictly speaking, an ecclesiastical superior,, still he has specialrelation to the congr~g~ition orinstitute and fre-quehtly,, takes care of its correspondehce witl~ the Holy See: The second class of-persons mentioned in the exc_eption are certain religious superiors, that is, all higher superiors .(superiors .general and provincial superiors) and one'.s own local superior ~hen.that superior hap'pens to be absent, from the community. Every religious h,as a strict.~rigl~t to send letters to any~of these persons and to receive letters from them and such letters are not subject, to inspection. It may be well to compare the persons mentioned in the canon with those mentione'd in the Norrnae. There are three notable, differences: (1) the Normae.did not include the Cardinal Protector, the Code ~loes; (2) the Norrnae included councillorsand assistants, the. Code omits therri; (3) the Norrnae meritioned only the S. Congregation o'f -Bishops and Regulars, the Code includes a_ll the Roman Congregations in the term "Holy See." Neither the Norrnae nor the Code grants the right of free correspondence with. ~380 November, "I 9,15 CORRESPONDENCE 6F RELIGIOUS the confess0r~. The ~constitutions~ ~ay~ of course, extend the liberty .g~anted by the Code to' other persons ,not men-tioned in the canon, for instance, to the general ouncillors~ but unless .they are ~xplicitly mentioned in th~ constitu~ tions, these persons are not entitled to the privilege under the Code., ' " . What is meant by the term "free from all inspection"? ¯The authorized English translation of the canons of :the Code which pe~rtain to religious, publishe.d .,by the Vatican Press, translates it by "exempt from all control." The least that one.can conclude from the text.of the Code .is that every religious has the right to send such letters sealed with, out aski.ng .any permission ,from superiors. Although 'the literal interpretation of the Latin text of the Code would seem to require that all "such correspondence must-.pass through, the hands-of superiors, even though they.may not ope~ or read them, still the phrase employed in the author~ ized translationo, e"x e m "pt from all control," would seem to permit the sending and recdving of such letters withou.t their passing through file hands of the local superior. :This opinion was defended even before the Code by canonists who knew the .viewpoint of the S. Congregation of Reli- " gious and is held today by a number of authoritative com-mentators. Their reason for~ this opinion is that otherwise tht liberty granted .~ by the'Code would be restricted, and religious would not bd free in such correspondence. Does this mean that.a religious may send such letters throtigh any intermediary whatever, and that he may pro-cure stamps from anybody in Order to mail such privileged letters freely? - 0pinionsdiffer in this matter,, and a reason-abl. e reconciliation of divergent views seems to be as follows. °Whenever their rights are sufficiently protected hy having such sealed letters pais through the ordinary channels, reli- .g~ous should ~foll0.w this method: Usually there.will be, no ADA~ C. ELLIS " Review for Religious inconvenience in sending ~ealed letters to high'e~ superiors through .the hands ofthe local superior. Bht if the ~religious has a good reason for not wanting his supe.rior to know that he is writing to higher superiors, especially to ecclesi, asti~al superiors, he may mail the letter personally or have someone else mail.it, being careful to select a prudent person who will not be astonished at his request. It i.s customary in some communities for the assistant superior or some older religious to provide stamps for' this purpose, and this is a laudable custom: A religious, therefore, who for good reasons obtain~ a stamp "from ~a prudent person and sends an exempted letter without havingit pass through the hands of his superior violates neither the rule nor his vow of poverty. The permission" of the Holy See is implicit in the ~authorization to send such a lette~ freely~. Such cases will occur rarely, and if the restrictions above laid down are observed, there, will be little danger of abuses. These can occur, of ~ourse, but the fear of. an abuse does not take away the right granted by the law. R~!igious seldom send le~t-ters to the local ordinary, much less to the Holy See, with-° out a serious reason; and if it be necessary, these high authorities will curb any excess on the part of indiscreet correspondents. ¯Letters of Cdt~science As we have seen a.bove, neither the No~rnae nor the Code allow free correspondence with th~ confessor or spiritual director~ and canonists who are intimately acquainted with the mind of the S. Congret~ation.of Religious tell us that the S. Congregation judges that such correspondence can easily lead to abuse, especially in communities of religious women; hence it will never allow the constitutions approved by it to include the confessor among the persons excepted. On.theother'~hand it recommends that superiors use their discretion in individtial cases, and grant permi& 382. November° 1945 CORRESPONDENCE OF RELIGIOUS sion for such letters when it ~s reaso.n~ably requested. ;While it is true that superiors are not bound" in strict justice to do so, nevertheless, in'certain cas.es they will .be b6und by charity to bring ~elief to the spiritual need of their subjects. If the superior has granted permission for letters of conscience, he may not read them,-nor the answers received to them. This p~rmissiQn, however, does not give .the sender~the right to mail such lette/s without the knowledge bf the superior~ In these cases it is customary to use two envelopes. The letter is placed in the inner envelope, .sealed, and marked "conscience matter." This isthen, placed in an outer envelopi~ containing the address and. is pu,t unsealed .into the superior's mail box. If the superior has not granted permission to the reli-gious to send a letter of conscience, and the" subject writ,es such a letter, that letter is subje~t to the ini;pection of th~ superior. If an incoming, letter is marked "conscience mat-ter," the superior may not read it; but, as prudence dictates, he may or may not give it to the religious subject to whom it is addressed: ,If he deems, it necessary to refuse to give the letter to the religious,-he.should return it to the sender unopened, warn him that such correspondence is not per-mitted and that any such letters .sent in the future w_ill be opened or destroye.d. Religious on. their part should be reasonable in their requests to send such "conscience" letters, and they should ¯ realize that it is preferable to receive spiritual direction by word of mouth rather than by letter. The. director is able to ask questions, and obtain information necessary to give sound direction, and the religious has the oppoitunity t6 ask for further information or advice. Thus he can be'cer-tain that he clearly understands the direction given. In a letter; however, a religious may find it difficult to express himself clearly and fully so as to .give a complete pic.t.ure to 383 ADAM C. ELLIS R. euieu~ for Religious the direct'or and to avoid giving a false impression Which may lead to wrong advice. It is also possible for a religious to misunderstand or misinterpret the advice given by the director in a letter. Then there is tlde possibledanger, that' a letter may be lost, or opened by others, oreven that it be Published. Conclusion " In conclusion it may be well to sum up briefly what has been said on this subject~. (1) The Code of Canon Law does not give religious superiors the right to read the correspondence b.f their sub-jects. This right comes from the constitutions 0f the indi-vidual institute or.from custom, and is stiictly limited by them. (2) The superior who has the right and the duty of _inspecting the correspondence of his subjects-is strictly bound by. the natural law Of secrecy in regard to the con-tents of such correspondence. He may refuse .to send out certain letters Written by religious, and he may refuse to deliver undesirable letters addressed to religious, but if be has read them he is bound to secrecy in regard to, their contents. (3) Canon 611 gives the religi_ous the right to corre-spond freely with certain ecclesiastical and religious supe-riors. Such letters are free from all inspectio.n on the part of superiors, fis are all replies received to them. Superiors may neither open nor read such letters. (.4) Normally religio.us should mail such exempt let-ters'. after their have sealed them; through their superiors. For a good reason, however, religious may get stamps from a prudent person and mail siach letters directly without the knowledge of their superio.r: (5) As tO letters Of conscience, they are not en.cour-aged, and may not be sdnt or received without.the permis- 384 CORRESPONDENCE OF RI~LIGIOUS 385 s~on of th.e superior. However, once permission is granted for such letters, the superior¯ may-neither .open" hotread .them or the replies received to them. (6).In regard to ordinary letters received by religious, superiors should be moderate in the use of the powers granted to them by the constitutions. This is especially the case in the correspondence of religious with their parents and nea~ relatives. Superiors should not iead such letters when it is evident that. they contain family secrets. (7) When a letter is received from an undesirable.cor-respondent, it will be mor~ prudent for the superior to return it to the sender, or, preferably, to. permit the reli-gious to Whom it was addressed to write to the correspond-ent explaining the regulations of the institute in th~ n4atter and warning him to desist from sending such letters in the future. (8) Re_ligious should not look upon the restrictio~ns placed upon letter writing by the constitutions as an intol-erable burden or as an oldfashioned restriction .of~ rights, but rather they should consider them as a protection for themselves and their reputation, as well as for the good name of the communi[y in which they live. (9) Religious should learn to be prudent and mod-erate in writing letters, especially to people in the world-. The latter normally have a very high esteem for the reli-gious life andfor religious in general, and they are apt to be stfrprised at finding a religious expressing himself in his let-ters regarding matters which are wor~ldly, or uncharitable, o or just gossipy. (10) Religious communities as such also have a right to their secrets, and religious should show their loyalty by carefully abstaining from revealing in their letters any untoward, happenings which might ngt, be edifying to members of other communities, much less to externs. /'hy Not: Consider An!:ichrist ?" Augustin C. Wand, S.J: THE theme of the Antichrist has for many Catholics an air of the mysterious, the legendary, and the bizarre. If it is mentioned at all it is apt to be shrugged off as unreal and distantly removed. Not even its broad outlines and salient features enter into the thought-and life either" of, the ordinary Christian or bf the seeker for the higher things of the Spirit. It is,. as it were, taboo among serious Christians, whilst the rationalist critics treat it as a bit of Yet it w~is not always thus. The Fathers of the Church abound in direct statements and in allusions to the person and~the career of this opponent of Christ. The earliest of these found a well developed tradition on the subject~' among the Jews, as a careful study of the so-called Old Testament Apocrypha has show.n. ~ This tradition was somewhat clarified and fixed by St. Paul and St. John. From these writers we c'an see that in its primary and proper sense Antichrist is a definite person in whom hatred for Christ and opposition to His Worl~ i's, as it were, per-sonified. The term "Antichrist" is not a proper ~name but a descriptive expression for which also several other words are used. St. Paul tells the Thessal0nians jn his second let-ter that before Christ's return an6tiqer person will appear who-leads a great rebellion against God and tries to be treated as God himself. A great deceiver himself, he is likewise equipped by the devil with great powers for wbrking "signs and lying wonders," so that many who are incautious and ove.rconfident in themse.lves will be seriously misled. After having had his way in working evil for a 386 WHY NOT CONSIDt:R ANTICHRISTI tirrie this great seducer will be overcome by Christ (II Thess. 2:3-12). St: otohn gi~;es us the name Antichrist and fells about the helpers and the spirit of this terrifying indi-vidual.~ ([ 3ohn 2: 1.8-22: 4:3 : II John, 7). These are the main traits which the "New Testament writers have left us regarding the cartier of'the man whom St. Paul names the "man of sift': and the "son of perdition:" Aided and directed by these and other revelations the early Christian writers dwelt often and at length on the subject in learned;works, in sermons to the people, in Com-mentaries on the Scriptures, and in poetical, compositions. Already in the Doctrine of the Ttoeloe Apostle~ and in the so-called Epistle ot:Barnabas, in St. 3ustin, in Irenaeus, and in Tertullian numerou~ allusions to Antichrist a~e found and lessons are drawn from the theme.In the third cen-tury St. Hippolytus wrote a special treatise on the subject. He also spo_ke at length on it in his Commentarg on Daniel, as did St. Jerome and Th~odoretus. Victorinus of Pettau enlarged on it when interpreting the Apocalypse, St. Greg-ory the Great when explaining the Book of ,Job, Rhabanus Maurus.when handling the Bo.ok of dudges and the el:?istles of St. Paul. The poet Commodian and the rhetorician Lactantius spin long passages, filling in from the sibyls and other apocryphal sources, The. theme was, therefore, a familiar one during the whole of the patristic times. The subject thus bequeathed to the Middle Ages fur~ nished a stimulating, topic for tbi vivid imagination of ~hose"sti'rring times. About the middle of the tenth,cen-tury the abbot Adso wrote a tract for the queen Gerberga. In the main this repeated the traditional teaching but 'it added'also a few sibylline verses. Two centuries later we find a Ludus de Antichristo, showing that drama had seized upon the subject. About the same time another movement started which was to have. fateful consequences: 387 AUGUSTIN C. ¯WAND " Reoieu~ for Religious The abbo~ Joachim of Flora-thought ~to find the 'various epochs°of the history of the Church depicted in the suc-cessive visions a~nd figures of the Apocalypse. The spark thus lighted soon caused a conflagration~ .During the r~li-gious controversies of the late Middle. Ages feelings ran high. Some followers of Joachim thought t6 find Anti-christ in this or that pope of the time. Wycliffe and.Huss carried this tendency to new extremes. Along these paths the sixteenth-century reformers went to greater lengths: From Luther onwards the cry resounded that "the Pope is Antichrist." Thus it continued with greater Or lessuinsist- -ehce until well into the nineteenth century. John Henry Newman, while still an Anglican, wrote a lengthy essay in which he surveyed the history of this party cry and acutely pointed out the baleful conclusions that might be drawn from such a slogan) The din of this noisy campaign has, perhaps, led Cath-olics to fight shy of the subject of Antichrist.~ I~ is true that such leading-theologians as Suarez, Bellarmine, and Lessius wrote learned treatises On the subject; but these did hot reach the people and the later Scholastics soon. forgot about -them~ So we ring that preachers and spiritual writers, compilers of meditation books, and even at times the authors of theological textbooks have had little or nothing to say concer~ning Antichrist and the lessons that .can be drawn from the subject. - .0 - At the same time ~rationalists have seized upon the theme and have enervated it by their speculations. For them it is a bit of curious folk-lore. Its roots they trace to the ancient mythologies and its development is explained through various fortuitous h~ippenings. Nothing Super-natural has entered into this strhnge and curious story. So 1J.~H. Newman, Essays CriticalTat~d Historical II, 112-185. 388 WHY NOT CONSIDER .ANTICHRIST? "much have these critics:had the field ~t~themselves that Bousset, a leader in t.his ~investigation, has not found.it worth w, hile; either in' his book or in: several larger treatises in encyclopedias, to mention that there is another concep,. tion of 'this phenomenon. ' r YetCatholics should bear in mind that, if God found it worth while to make a revelation concerning events that are to precede the second coming of .Christ,_He :did this~for . a definite, and seri6us purpose~ Cardinal.~ Newman remarks. on this subjecti o- . - If dreadful scenes still~await the ChurCh, if~t_hey have been fore, told, and foretoldth~it christians may be prepared for ,them, no,calam-ity can be~greater than a belief that they have already ,been fulfilled, and that there is nothing to look.out for or fo fear: no devic~ of Satan can be more crafty than to make us think that they are not to come.2 The tone with which our Lord, St. Paul, and, St. ,John spoke was that of serious concern. Difficult.ies there are in understanding their language and obscurities ~emain but; as Father Martindale remarks, "The upshot . is not to make, us careless. We have to obey the reiterated command~" to Watch . We have. [not to] lap Ourselve~ in false security precisely because [ the' horrible revelation ] has not come." The fullest ~and clearest statement of the d~octrine on Antichrist, though the term is not mentioned, is contained in the second epistle of St. Paul: to the Thessalonians (2:3- 12), which has already been summarized. However we are warned in the very text that the teaching is not mean~ to ~0e clear on all points. St. John uses the term Antichrist and gives some additional points in.his epistles (I, 2:1 22; 4.'3; II:7). Yet he speaks more about the followers of Antichrist than about the leader hinise~lf, The Apo~a- 2--1. c. p. 113 f. *C. C: Martindale, Antichrist, p. 24. 389 lypse;of :St.3ohn certalnly,has some matters that belong to the subject. Of Antichrist but the use of this book is b~set with difficulties and calls for the guidance of an experienced hand. The Fathers of the Church often spoke at length.on the subject. However in reading them a few cautions will be needed. Most of them stood too r~ear to the Roman Em, pire to .disengage themselves from the thought that the fate of,the world and of the Church was bound up with the destiny of that grand old institution. As is often the case with prophecy, the course of events has helped to clarify the. meaning to a certain extent: we now know that Rome has passed and still thegreat conflict has not cbme to an end. Our vision has been directed to a more distant futur~ but that does not impair the absolute truth of the predic[ion. ~ndependently of any reference to a particular political power, St. Augustine has indicated the prospect i1~ a few terse sentences: The first persecution of the Church was violent . the-second persecution is deceptive, sucl~ as is now being carried on by heretics and false brethren of .every description: the third through the agency of Antichrist is still to come, than Which there is nothing more dangerous, as it will be both violent and deceptive. Its force will rest onpolitical power, its deceit on miracles.4 Cardinal Newman has summed up the teachings of the Fathers in a series of lectur~ that will prove very handy2 The best introduction to the subject in English pr6bably is the pamphlet of Father C. C. Martindale, S.J., called Antichrist and published by the Catholic Truth Society of London. ~ 4Enarr.in Psalm. IX, n. 27: MPL. 36, 128. 5j. H. Newman, Discussions and Arguments on Various Subjects, 44-~108. "~90 S ill 0t: This Fold John E. Coogan, ~.J. THEODORE Maynard remarks in his,,Storb, of Ameri- .can Catholicism that there still is a mysterious leth-argy" in our Negro apostolate. Despite the heroic work done by individuals and groups, both clericai and lay, the'work of winning our thirteen million N~groes to the Church does not seem to get under way. The battle for the soul of the race still remains to be joined: so far all tha~ can be found is local skirmishes. Most of Negro A~merica even today remains absolutely unchurched. The two-hundred and fifty, varieties of Protestantism claim something less than one-half of Negro America, frequently to merely -nominal. affiliation. Negro Catholics represent only some two per (ent of the racial group. We Catholics publish slightly more favorable statistics from time t'o time; buc little jus.tificati9n is shown for the reputed rise except that where things are so bad, inevi'table change, must be an improvement. After all, some are being converted; and it is easy for us to fail to count those~ who are falling away. The Church in America has shown in other fidds than the race apostolate that, when we really make up our minds, things happen. For example, our Catholic school system taken as a whole, from kindergarten to university, is an achievement without precedent elsewhere. True, it teaches only half our Catholic students; another half still throng the halls, of Horace Mann. But the educational achievement of double-taxed Catholics is tremendous. Proportionate success in .the race apostolate would recall the, mass conversiqns of the primitive Church. .This statement is the more clearly true because there is 391 JOHN E. COOGAN Repieu~ ?or Reliyiofis no large group in America. that responds so r.eadily to sin-cere, he:irtfelt Catholic'. effdrt; seldom has fruit hung so ripe bn the tree, seldom were fields so ready for the harvest. "The mere announcement bf the opening, bf a Catholic school in o the corner of an old warehouse in. a Negro neighborhood has brought children by the hundreds, eager t6 be taught the things, of Holy God. Last year four thousand children applied for admission to 'a midweste~rn colored Catholic s~hool that could accept only one in ten. Another school was forced to ~u~rn away six hundred disappointed children for sheer lack of room. During thepast summer a nearby vacation school was so en~thusiastically attended that the opening-day teaching staff: had hastily to be doubled, and yet one-hundred and fifty children had to be sent~home. Evidence of whole-souled Catholic interest in the colored - brings an explosive response. ¯ ' The apparent explanation of our slight progress in the Negro apostolate is ,that the collective heart of Catholic America has not been touched. The Holy Father could say, six years ago, We confess that We feel a special paternal affection, which is cer-tainly inspired of Heaven, for the Negro people dwel!ing among you; for in the field of religion .and education We know that they need special care and comfort and are very deserving of" it. We therefore invoke an abundance of heavenly blessing and We pray fruitful suc-cess for those whose generous zeal is devoted t6 their welfare. (Sectura Laetitiae, America Press edition, n. ~14) And in 1942 the American hierarchy, speaking, through the Administra~ivej Board of the National Catholic"Welfare Conference, could say of "our .colored fellow-citizens," "We.fully appreci,ate their many native gifts and aptitudes which, ennobled and enriched by ~ true Christian life, will make them a powerful influence in the establishment of a Christian social order." But the Catholic masses are largely heedless, and little is done. 392 Nooernber, 1945 STILL NOT OF THIS FOLD The eminent non-Catholic Negro historian, Dr. Ca~- ter Woodson, has described racial prejudice as Teutonic and Protestant. Dr.'Louis Snyder, of the department of his-tory of the College .of the City of New York, makes it con- ~equent upon "the division between Church and Statb during the Reformation and the developing territorial con-solidation and rise of national states." In confirmation of: these explanations, last year in Chicago the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church tldus confessed Protestant responsibility 'for racial prejudice: It is a sorry and alarming fact that Anglo-Saxon white Protestants seem to be imbudd with more feeling of racial superiority and are guilty of more arrogant snobbery toward those of another color than any other people. The church has apparently not succeeded in incul-cating humility in English-speaking whites. Equal candor would,, however, compel CatholiCs to acknowledge that here in North Americ&,-almos~ alone in all the Catholic world, many of us have become infected with this same intoldrant spirit; .we too seem to feel that we so-called ~whites are made of finer stuff, and that the Negr~ is definitely second-rate. And although we would be willing to go to some expense for the conversion of such a second-rate' people living in some remote region of the earth --say in the Congo or Uganda--we do °not want many such converts here if they are going to move in on us and use the same religious facilities. We might hear with a sort of mild. cosmopolitan satisfaction the story of the conversion of the King of Bungo; but we would not want to have to look past his kinky head to see our parish altar. Africa~is the dark continent, the land of the primitives; and America is a white man's country! . All right, all right! We'll ~tolerate a Negro or two on a side aisle of the.church, or back near the door. Certainly we understand: Catholic means. world-wide, for all. But do you suppose we want Negroes 393 JOHN E. COOGAN Review for Religio~zs coming, in here just like us? Perhaps in another hundred years; more likely, a thousand. B°ut not nbw! It's all right ¯ to love your neighbor, but we've got to be practical. This impression of Negro ~inferiority extends princi-pally to his intellectual and moral powers: "'He is a recent primitive, unfortunately dragged from his benighted jungle life into the world of white men with mind. s sharpened and deepened by two thousand years of civilization. The Negro is mentally in the childhood of the race." This manner of reasoning°implies'a process of mental evolution, a "trans-mission of acquired' characteristics" that is al.toge.ther unknown to s~ience. Presuppos.ing a similar environment, there is nothing that can. be taught to a white child that cannot be taught to a colored. In interesting confirmation of this, a Catholic. army chaplain, recently returned from Nigeria, reports the native children positively superior in educational performance to his prize parish school pupils in the States. Even the Congo pigmies have been found altogether normal mentally. Professor Ellsworth Faris, of the University of Chic~ig9, declares fron; personal experience amon.g them that he was impressed by their "keenness 6f intellect, native shrewdness and essentially high mentality." Obviously a pigmy father less_than four feet tall and weighing about seyenty-five poundsm 'to supply elephant steaks to his.hungry family must use his wits. - " Argum,ents to African dullness c~rawn from thei~ crude native cultur~ ignore the ruins of.ancient cities scattered about their continent, memorials of their achievements in days when our northern European forefathers were lurking in' cayes, clad in the skins of wild beasts. It is thought-provoking to find Cicero then advising Atticus:."Do not obtain your slaves from Britain b~cause they are so stupid and so utterly incapable of be!ng taught that they are not 394 November', 1945 STILL NOT OF THIS FOLD fit to, form a part of ,theh~usehold of Athens." ' The fact is that all' isolated areas are likely to be culturally stagnant. Inhabitants of our southern hill country are of the stock that gave greatness to early American life; but, ocut off from the busy world, they actually deteriorated culturally. The isolation of. the African continent was far more~ enduring and even more complete. For a variety of topographical reasons, the dark continent is almost impenetrable. When to this is added its long list of fierce animals, poisonous insects, and ~deadly tropical diseases, it is easy to realize the difficulty~ of either boir0~ing foreign cultures or building up one's own. But in America, we may be reminded," education is'free; why has not the Negro risen intellectua:lly to the white man's level, if his innate powers are not inferior? Who does not know that it is only a.long lifetime that the edu-cation of the Negro has been thus even nominally free? And even now,.thro.ugh the" regions of densest Negro concen-tration, four years of slip-shod schooling are still a for-tunate experience. But the fact that Ohio Negroes men-tally out-scored the whitest.of four other states in draft tests for World War. I suggests how dependent mental achievement is upon intellectual opportunity. The whole question of the relative innate mental pow-er~ of ~he several races had better, be left to experts. May it siaffice, then, to say that the United States Government Advisory Committee on Education reported in i939, It is the .consensus among America's most eminent psychologists, educationalist.s, sociologists, and anthropologists, based upon their critical appraisal of investigations of racial differences, that there is no adequate evidence to ;support an assumption of inferior native learning ability on the part of Negro children. Even more impre.ssive is the dictum of" the American A~thropological Association, the unanimous judgment of 395 JOHN E. COOGAN Review for Religious the two-hundred and eighty members,present (led by Father John Cooper, Ph.D., of the Catholic University) at-its 1938 convention in New York "Anthropology pro-vides no scientific basis for discrimination against any people on the grounds of racial inferiority . " The second major point of supposed Negro inferiority that we proposed to discuss here is that of his moral pow-ers: "He doesn't seem to possess the white man's powers of sublimation and self-control!" That dbes sound rather pharisaical, doesn't it? Despite the greater ease with which the economically more privileged conceal their.vices, peri-odic bevelations of life in ~ertain strata of whiteosociety give one a flashlight picture of an "explosion in a sewer." Con- _fess~dly, there is among our colored much" vice arising from sheer ignorance;.it must be remembered that for ~everal centuries our slave lav~ did not recognize their unions as legal marriage. Frequent shifting of partners was not merely tolerated or encouraged, but-often even required. As the competent historian, John Spencer Bassett, reminds us, the Negro slave was a chattel: "He could, according to the popular theory, be "bought, bred, worked,-neglected, marked, or treated in any other respect as a horse or a cow~" It is precisely the Negro's awareness of the moral damage suffered by his people that makes him hunger and "thirst for Catholic truth when once he sees it. Usually the ,only sort of religion he has ever really known was the emo-tional kind that enabled him to forget for a time the stern realities of life in a white man's world. It satisfied the yearning to "participate in s.or~ething bigger than himself,"~ but it offered him little aid or inspiration" to more godly; living. The Catholic Church alone could offer in its full-ness "the way, the truth, and the life," and she" usuall3r remained for him either unknown or apparently a "white° ¯ man's church.''~ And for him she commonly retains that 396- November, 1945 STILL NOT OF THIS FOLD -a.ppearance even today. Hopes for a racially better day lie largely with re.ligious, especially teachers. We religious can teach young Catholic America--our future °priests and laymen alike--what Christ meant when He proclaimed, "I am the Vine, and you are the branches" ;. and what St. Paul meant when he spoke of a Mystical Body of which we are the members and Christ the Head. And we can show how inevitable th'en it is that "As you do unto the least of these My brethren you do unto Me." The Catholic Church. is for the Negro---as indeed for the whole world--the only port in. the storm. Her emblazoned cross must arrest his wanderings and guide him home. If a naked continent can become for the world's deprived a "Land of Opportun~ity,'' then what can not Mother Church mean to an orphan pe6ple ~and'a lace oppressed? Upon .the base of the Statue of Liberty, in New York harbor, ~the s~ulp~or has carved these lines: Give me your tired, you; poo?, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore; Send these, the homeless, the tempest-tossed to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door. Such is the invitation of America. The invitation of the ~tholic Church goes still deeper and promises more: Come all you who are weary and heavy laden, And you shall find rest for your souls. The Negro will come if only our Catholic masses are taught by us to echo the welcome of ~h.e Holy Father and of our hierarchy, and to treat him as a brother; he will come with a feeling of proper pride in his human dignity and in the battles be has fought to make it respected. It will be an inspiration for us then to hear him sing 'in his Nationa! ,Negro Anthem, "Lift Every Voice And Sing": 397 God of our weary years, God of our silent tears, . _~ Thou who hast brought us thus far on the way; Thou wfTo hast by Thg" might~ Led us into the light; Keep us forever in the pdth, we pray. Lest our feet stray from the places, our God, where we met Thee, Lest our hearts, drunk with the wine of the world, we ~orget Thee, °~ Shadowed beneath Thy hand, May we forever stand, True to our God, True to our native land. ¯ °,. CONCERNING COMMUNICATIONS "Diocesan Priest," who wrote the letter against formalism in the Ju!y number (IV, p. 277) 'has sen~ another excellent communication. Unfortunately we have not space enough.for the letter, but we Wish to digest its essentials. Agaifist "Hos-pital Sister" (of. p. 355) he defends the action of the Sister who sent the first communication on formalism (of. p. 132) : "She was citing a case where formalism was carried to an extrehae, and then put the point up for discussion. Isn't that one of the purposes of the 'Communications' section of the REVIEW?" Also in reply to "Hospital Sitter" he points out that the discussion did not concern religious women only; for "Religious Priest" clearly included religious~men in his part of the discussion. Having taken care of these minor points, "Diocesan Priest"goes on tb say that both pries(s and religious do hav~ visitors who call for perfectly valid and important reasons and cannot always choose their own.time for calling. ~$uch visitors hardly be said to be "importuning" anyone. It is possible to treat these people-- and others to--harshly by adhering to the word of the rule rather than to its spirit. "Christ could have left the miracle at the marriage feast of Cana go unper-formed because His 'time had not yet come,' but kindness and charity for His fel: lowman were more important . Don't misunderstand me. I do not advocate the destruction of all formalism. I imagine that I am only one of thousands of parish priests who really envy; religious the order in their lives. I merely agree with the Sister in saying there can be too much formalism."' We regret that we can print only this brief survey of "Diocesan Priest's" let-ter. It seems to us that his two letters brought out excellent p~ints and manifested a Christlike attitude. It is possible for us religious to be¢ome~so much attached to regularity that we resent any interference with it, even for a good cause, just as it is (Continued on p. 428) .398 Spiritual Readings t:rorn t:he Council of Treni: -Ii* ' Augustine Klaa.s, S.J. Hotg, Sacrifice of the Mass SINCE under the former Testament, accOrding to the testlmony ~ of the Apostle Paul, there was no perfection because .of the. weakness of the Levitical priesthood, there was need, God the Father of mercies so ordaining, ihat .another priest should ~ise according to tb~ order of Melcbisedech (8 3), ou.r Lord Jesus Christ, who might perfect arid lead to perfection as many as Were to be sanc-tified. He, therefore, our God and Lord, though He was by His death about to offer Himself once upon the altar of the cross to God the' Father that He might there accomplish an eternal redemption, nevdrtheless, "that Hi~ priesthood might not come to an end with His death (84), at the last.supper, on the night He was betrayed, that He might leave to His beloved spouse the Church a visible sacrifice, such as the nature of man requfire'_s, whereby that bloo~ly sacrifice once to be accomplished on the cross might be represented, the memory .thereof remain even .to the end of the ~orld, and its salutary effects applied to the remission of those sins which we d.aily commit, declaring Him-self constituted a priest forever according to the order of Melchise-dech (85), offered up .to God the Father His own body and .blood under the form of bread and wine, and under the forms of those same things gave to. the Apostles, whom He then made priests of the Ne~v Testament, that they might partake, commanding them and their successors in the priesthood by these words to do likewise: Do this 'in commemoration of me (86), as the Catholic Church has always understood and "taught. For having celebrated the ancient Passover which the multitude of the children of Israel sacrificed in memory of their departure from Egypt° (87), He instituted a n~w Passover, namely, Himself, to be immolated under visible signs by the Church through the priests in memory of His own passage from this world to the Father, when by the shedding of His blood He redeemed and delivered us from the power of darkness and translated us into his 83) Hebrews 7:11 85) Psalms 109:4 rinthians 11:24 f 84) Hebrews 7:24 86) Luke22:19; ICo- 87) Exodus 13 *Selected from H. 3. Schroeder, O.P., Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, (~t. Louis: Herder, 1941). 399 AUGUSTIN~ KLAAg Reoieu~ [or Religious kingdom. (88) And tliis is indeed that clean oblation ,which cannot be defiled by any unworthiness or malic~ on the part. of those'who offer it: which the Lord foretold by Malachias was to be great amon~ the Gentiles (89), and which the Apostle Paul has dearly indicated when he says, that they who .are defiled by partaking of the table of devil~ cannot be partakers of the table of the Lord (90), under-standing by table in each case the altar. It is, finally, that [sacrifice] which was prefigured by various types of sacrifices during the period of nature and of the law (91), which, namely, comprises all the good things signified by them, as being the consummation and perfection of them all. Mass Propitiatory for the Living and Dead And inasmuch as in this divine sacrifice which is celebrated in the Mass is contained and immolated in an unbloody manner the same Christ who once offered Himself in a bloody manner on the altar of the cross, the holy council teaches that this is truly propitiatory and has this effect, that if we~ contrite and. penitent, with sincere heart and upright faith, with fear and reverence, draw nigh to God, ~e obtain merc~./ and find grace in seasonable aid. (92) For, appeased by this sacrifice, the Lord grants the grace and gift of penitence and pardons even the gravest crimes and sins. For the victim is one and the same, the same now offering by the ministry of priests who then offered Himse, lf on the cross, the manner alone of offering being different. The fruits of.that bloody sacrifice, it is well understood, are received most abundantly through this,unbloody one, so far is the latter from derogating in any way from the former. Wherefore, acco.rding to the tradition of the Apostles, it is rightly ~ offered not only for the sins, punishments, and other necessities of the faithful who are llving.,.but also for those departed in Christ but not let fully purified. The Real Presence " First of all, the holy council teaches and openly and plainly.pro2 fesses that after the consecration of bread and wine, our Lord Jesus Christ, true God and true man, is truly, really and substantially con-tained in the august sacrament of the Holy Eucharist under ~the 88) Colossians 1:13 90) See I Corinthians 89) /~lalaehias 1:11 10:21 400 ' 91) Genesis 4:4:12:8 92) Hebrews 4:16 November, 19: 5 READINGS FROM TRENt appearance of those ~ensible things. For there is no repugnance in this that our Savior sits always 'at the right hand of .the.i Father in heaven according to the natural mode of existing, and yet is in°many other places sacram~ntally present to us in Hi.s own substance by a manner of existence which, .though we can scarcely express in words, yet with our understanding illumined by faith, we can conceive a~a'd 6ught most firmly to belie,~e is possible to God. (93) For thus all our forefathers, as many as were in the true Church of Christ and who treated of this most .holy sacrament, have most openly professed that our Redeemer instituted this wonderful .sacrament at the last ~supper, when, after blessing the bread and wine, He testified in clear "and definite words ,that He gives them His own body and His own blood. Since these words, iecorded by the holy Evangelists (94) and afterwards repeated by St. Paul (95), embody~that proper and clearest meaning in which they were understood by the Fathers, it is a most contemptible action on the part of some contentious and wicked men to twist them into fictitious and imaginary tropes by which the truth of the flesh and blood of Christ is denied, contrary to the universal sense of the Church, which, as the pillar and ground of truth (96), recognizing with a mind ever grateful and unfor-getting this mostexcellent favor of Christ, has detested as satanical these unt~utl~s devised by impious men. Institution of the Holg Eucharist Therefore, our Sav.ior, when about to depart from this woHd to the Father, instituted this sacrameiat, in wh~ich He poured forth, as it were, the riches of His divine love towards men, making a remem-brance of his wonderful works (97), and commanded us in the par-ticipation of it to reverence His memory and to show forth his death until he comes (98) to judge the world. -But He wished that this sacrament should be received as th~ spiritual food of souls (99), whereby they may be nourished and strengthened~ living by the life of Him who said: He ~tbat eatetb me, the same also shall live bg me (100), and as an antidote whereby we may be freed from dail~r faults and be preserved from mortal sins. He wished it furthermore fo,be a'pledge of our future glory and' everlasting happiness, and thus be a 93) Matthew 19:26i Luke 18:27 94) Matthew 26:26- 28: Mark 14:22- 24; Luke 22:19 f 95) See I Corinthians 98) Luke22:19: ICo- I 1:24 f rinthians 11:24- 96) See I Timothy 26 3:15 99) Matthew 26:26 f "97) Psalms 110:4 100) John 6:58 401 AUGUSTINE KLAAS symbol of that one body of which He is thehead (I01) and to which He wished us to be unite~d as members by the closest bond ,of. faith, h, ope and charity, that we might all speak the same rhino an, d there. might be no schisms ambng us. (1,02) ¯ Excellence of the Holg Eucharist The most Holy Eucharist has indeed this in common with the other sacraments, that it'is a symbol of a sacred thing and a visible form of an invisible grace; but there is found in it this excellent and peculiar characteristic, that the other sacraments then first have tbe power of sanctifying when one uses them, while in the Eucharist there is the Author Himself. of sanctity before it is used. For the Apostles had not yet received the Eucharist from the hands of the Lo~d, when He Himself told them that ~vhat He was giving them is His own body. (103) This has always been the belief of:the. Church of God, that immediately after the consecration the true body. and the ~rue blood of.our Lord, together with His soul and divinity exist under the form of bread and wine,, the body under the form of bread and the blood under the form bf wine ex vi verborum; but the same body also under the form of wine and the same blood under the form of bread and the soul under both, in virtue of that natural connection and concomitance whereby the parts .of Christ the Lord, who hath now risen from the dead, to die no more (104), are mutually united. also the divinity on account of its admirable hypostatic union with His body and soul. Wherefore, it is .very true that as much is contained under either form as under'both. For Christ is whole and entire under the form of bread and under any part of that form; likewise the whole Christ is present under the form of wine and under all its parts. Transubstantiation But since Christ our Redeemer declared that to be truly His own body which He offered under the form of bread (105), it has,. there-fore, always been a firm belief in the. Church of God, and this holy council now declares it anew, that by the consecration of the bread and wine a change is brought about of the whole substance of the bread into the substance of the body of Christ our Lord, and of the 101) See I Corinthians 102) See I Corinthians 104) Romans 6:9 11:3; Ephesians 1:10 105) Luke 22:19: John . 5:23 103) Matthew 26:26; 6:48 if; I Corin- Mark 14:22 thians 11:24 402 ¯ Nooember, 1945 READINGS FROM TRENT whole substance 'of the wine into the substance of His blood. This ch.ange the holy Catholic Church properly and appropriately calls transubstantiation. Worship and Veneratio.n There is, therefore, no room for doubt that all the faithful of Christ may, in accordance with a custom always received in the C~ath-olic Church, give to ttiis most holy sacrament in veneration the wor-ship of latria, which is due to the true God. Neither is it to be less adored ~or the reason that it was instituted by Christ the Lord in order to be received. (106) For we believe that in it the same Go.d is present of whom the eternal Father, when introducing Him into, the world, says: And let all the angels o~: God adore him (107) ;. whom the: Magi, failing down, adored (108); who, ,finally,' as the Scrip-tures testify, was adored by the Apostles in Galilee. (109) The holy council declares, moreover, that the custom that this sublime and venerable sacrament be celebrated with special veneration and solemnity every year on a fixed festival'day, and that it be boine reverently and with honor in processions through the streets and pub-lic" places, was very piously and r~ligiously introduced into the Church of God. Eor it is most reasonable that some days be set aside as holy on which all Christians may with special and unusual demon-stration testify that their minds are grateful to and mindful of their common Lord and Redeemer for so ineffable and truly divine a favor whereby the victory and triumph of His death are shown forth. And thus it/deed did it ~behoove the victorious truth to celebrate a triumph over falsehood and heresy, that in the sight of so much splendor and in the midst of so great joy of the universal Church, her enemies may either vanish weakened and broken, or, overcome with shame and confouhded, may at length repent. Worthy Reception If it is unbecoming for anyone to approach any of the sacred functions except in a spi.rit of piety, assuredly, the more the holiness 'and divinity of this heavenly sacrament are understood by- a Christian, the more diligen.tly ought he to give heed lest he receive it without great reverence and holiness,~especially when we read those terrifying words of the Apostle: He that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth 106) Matthew 26:26 107) Hebreffs 1:6 -108) Matthew 2:11 109)'Matthew 28:17; Luke 24:52 403 AUGUSTINE KLAAS , ~ .and drinketh judgment to himself, not ,discernin9 the bod~l of the Lord. °( 11 O) Wherefore, he who" would communicate, must recall to-mind his precept: Let a t~an prove himself¶ (111 ) ~ Three. Wa~ls of Receiving the Hol~l Eucharist As to the us~ of this holy sacrament, our Fathers have rightly and wisely distinguished three ways of receiving it. They have taught that some receive it sacramentally only, as sinners; other's spiritually only, namely, those who eati.ng in desire the heavenly bread set before them, are by a lively faith which worketh by charit~l (I 12) made sensible of its fruit and usefulness; while the third class receives it both sa~crameritally and spiritually, and-these a~ethey who so prove and prepare' themselves beforehand that they approach this divine tabl~ clothed with the wedding garment. (I 13) As regards the reception ofthe sacrament,, it has always been the custom, in the Church of God that laics receive communion from priests, but that priests when cele-brating communicate tl~emselves, which custom ought with justice and reason to be retained as coming down from Apostolic tradition. (1.14) Finally, the holy council with paternal affection admonishes, exhorts, prays and beseeches through the b6Wels of the mercy of our GSd, that fiach and all who bear the Christian name will,nov/at last agree and be of orie mind in this sign of unity, in this bond of charity, in this symbol of concord, and that, mindful of so great a majesty and such boundless love of our Lor.d Jesus Chri~st,. who gave His own bel~)ved soul as the price of our salvation and His owri flesh to e~it (1 15), they may believe and ~renerate these sacred mysteries of His body and blood with such cofistancy and firmness of faith, with'such devotion of mind, with such piety and w~rship, that' they may be able to receive frequently that su~ersubstantial bread and that it may. truly be to them the life of the soul and the perpetual health of their mind; that being invigorated by its strength, they may be able after the journey of this miserable pilgrimage toarrive in their heavenly coun-try, there to ~eat, without any veil, the same bread of angels (1 16) which they now eat under sacred veils. 11.0) See I Corinthians 112) Galatians 5:6 115) John 6:56 ff 11:29 113) Matthew 22:11 116) Psalms 77:25 111) See I Corinthians 114) Hebrews 5:3:" 11:28 7:27 404 -"No One Dut: Jesus" Charles F, Donovan, S.J. IN ST. MATTHEW'S account of the Transfigerati0.n ~ occurs ~ seritence which "could serve as an epi.tome of-the religious life, a slogan for those in the path of. spiritual perfection: ~"Neminem viderunt nisi solum desum'" (They saw no one but Jesus). Peter and James. and John beheld' the glory of Christ, "His face shining like the sun and His garments becoming whiteas snow," and they saw Him talking to Moses and Elias. Then the voice of God spoke from the cloud': '~'This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased; to Hhn.o then, listen." When the apostles heard this, they fell to the ground in fright; but Jesus touched them and told tl~em hot to Bear. When they lobked up, they saw no one but Jesus, ¯ In its context, this little clause, "They saw no 6ne but Jesus," merely means that whereas a moment before the apostles had seen others conversing with Christ, now'.Hg stood before them alone. But taken from its context and considered by itself the sentence can have a variety of spir-itual applications. For instance, it can be taken to sum up the single-minded loyalty, the controlling purpose~ the unfaltering interest, the clear courageous vision of Jesus,. that should dominate oui lives as religious from the time of our entrance to the time of our death. ~ Either of the alternative titles of ~ Kempis' classic gives the gist and the essende of the way of perfection. The busi-ness of ~erfection is on our part a following of Christl an imitation of Christ. And as is obvious, if we are to fol-low the Leader, we must keep our eyes on Him; if weate to ¯ 405 Review for Religious -~,copy thee Model, w.e must never lose sight of Him. All . sorts of-substitute leader'--fakes every one of them, no matter how. attractive--~ry to,win our attention and lo~r- ¯ alty fro~ Christ. For a time we may follow popularity or ease or success or human respect. When we do, we are on dead-end roads¯ because we are not following the one Way t9.perfection: ~f in the big and the trivial crises of life we ¯ imitate Christ, at least to the .extent. 0f asking ourselves .~utomatic~lly, as by second nature, "How would Our Lord act or react in this .situation?" we are doing much. By c.ohStantly appealing to and applying that standard, we are ¯ walking in the fgdtsteps of the saints, those who most suc- ¯ ~.e.?sfully and u;adeviatingly saw noone but Jesus. - "They saw no one but Jesus." This motto is not pro-pbied, of .course, as a justification for a sort of.spiritual dsc~ipism, a flight ~from people and prosak reality to the gonsgling company of Christ. It is not a prop for the asocial, or a defense for those who wish -to reject com-munity life; because it. imports not an exclusive vision of J~sus, but a vision that includesall else in Christ, an ecu-menlcal, all-embracing vision of Christ. If,we live up to this ideal, it means that in all our plans and fun and strivings and world, Christ has the leading role; it means that~for us there is no interest, no pleasure, no effort, no jo.y that is not dominated by Him. When we sa~r that we should see Christ in all men and all men in Christ, that is not just a trick of speech; nor does the phrase recommend a trick of conduct on our part. We are not supposed to play m'ake-bdlie~re and substitute the attractiveness of Christ for the irritating or dull personality of our neighbor.' We don't have to pretend Christ is in our neighbor, especially when that neighbor is a religious, joined to Christ by grace, by mutual choice, and by vow. Christ has told us again and a'gain ,that He is one with, 4O6 " N?~emS~r, 1945 ":'No. ON~ BUT-~JE~US!' identified with, the just soul. Our lover therefore;~fdr~ou} companions, a love of them in Christ and of Christ- in them., involws no pretense, no mental juggling.° It must, like Christ's love fbr all of us, be genuine and sincere. It isa 'lovd with a particular character upon it, a particularbias; a special core and inspir~ition. For in all otirdealings with others, in Our devotion, our service, and our companion-ship, there is one starting point, one term, one focal object~-- Christ, our and their Lord and Lover. "They saw no one but Jesus." This watchword is of ~lpplication and help in various small but not unimportant by-ways of the religious life. For instance, take.~hat saboteur of the spiritual lffe[ distradtions in prayer; We spend .the time of praye.r planning the day's work (work that i~n't half as big to Christ as would be our .loving con- ~rersation during meditation), or grieving for the ~isitors who didn't co.me (visitors whom we left at home, r'emem-. ber, because of our love for Christ), or dreaming of the hap, piness we would have in ~a different community (although Christ is in, this community as well as that, and wants~. me here with Him). Such wasteful dissipating mind-wanderings Would not bother us and spoil the most valu, able partof our day if Our Lord really ruled our heart. We wouldn't be noticing~s0-and-so's absence, ~his one's pos- ¯ ture, or that 6ne's habit at Mass or other common exercises if our eyes, mind, and heart were riveied on the One. All our life we are going to hlive trials. We know that. Certainly we didn't enter religion to get away from them, to get a soft life. And it is in trials that our faith, ofir prac-tical faith in Christ is tested. It's easy to follow Him when things are going smoothly. It's pleasant to walk with Him on cool green.Galilean hills. BU.t the particular following that He enjoined involves a cross. "Take up your cross and follow Me " Whatever it is that gets us down, what- 407 CHAI~'B$' P. DONOVAN ' Revieu~ foroRdi~llous eve~ ,happens to be our cross, whether it is sickness ~or mis-understanding or failure or temptation of our own disposi, tibn or an unaccountable desolation or .spirituals sluggish-ness, whatever form our crosses take, we can bear them courageously,, even lightly, if in them and through them all .we See only 3~sus. ~ Remember those Sisters whom Father De Smet, him-self one of God's heroes, was bringing from'l~urope to America.The boat trip was unusually hard~ and long (they.had to go around South America to reach the west cdast in those days) and the poor Sisters began to compl~in. Father De Smet made this beautiful reproach: "I offered you an opportu.nity and you are making it a sacrifice." For the moment the Sisters viewed the arduous crossing with natural eyes only. Although they were going to America' to work for Christ, they could not see Christ on the way, upon the tossing waters o~ the Atlantic or of the Pacific. :NO doubt, after their holy ~ompanion's reminder, they saw ,Jesus again and cried in their hearts like St. ,John upon .other waters, "It is the Lord." ~ Why do we lose the clear perspective, the selfless~purity of intention that was .ours on entering religion? St. Thomas More says°somewhere that a man who gives up authority and fortune to follow Christ in the way of religious life may soon be striving anxiously for any powe.r he can gain, even if it is nothing more than the high office of tolling the bell. The SiSter who three years ago ~vas ready .to follow Christ's call to the ends of the earth, whatever the cost in suffering or 'humiliation~ to~la~ is disconsolate and bitter because she is given the third instead of the .fourth grade. Ambition, rivalry,]ealousy, c~liques--these ready and time-proven tools of Satan, chillers of fervor, spoilers of happi-ness for individuals and communities ~--get a foothold for only one reason: Christ getsp~ashed to one side, is ~ometimes 408 " ° 1945- "No ONE BUT JESUS" even pushed out of sight. And as the old saw has it, out of sight, but of mind. . . " Life becomes complicated and tense and emotionally snarled only when we lose thfit ciear vision. -Wh~ wea~ri-ness; the 'fever, and the fre~ of which the poet speaks are °inevitable where little idols of selfishness, false gods of ambition or self-indulgence are ¯set up in the place, of Jesus on the altar of out thoughts and desires. Noviceship sirn-plicity, youthful joy,., deathbed clarity are ours as long as we remain true to that .ca.pitul~tion to Cl'irist which we made at.the start of our religio.us, life. There is b~Jt on~ anchb£ one goal, one beacom one spouse for usHe of ¯ .whom the Father says, to us as to the apostie~, :'This, is.my beloved Son in whom i am well ple~ised; to Him,. theft, listen." BOoks.Received " (From¯ August 20 to'October 20) " FREDERIC PUSTET CO~, New York and Cincinnati. ¯ . . , dourney 'in the Night. By Rev. Father Brice, C.P. $2.50. Stars, By Rev. Gile~ Staab. O.F.M.Cap. $2.00., LONGMANS, GREEN ~ Co., New York and Toronto. The Heart.of Man. By Gerald Vann, O.P. $2.00. . THE BRUCE PUI~LISHING COMPANY, Milwaukee. " The Wool Merchant of Segooia. By Mabel Farnum. $2.00. The Life of Our Lord, By Sister 3aneMarie, O.P., and Sister Anne Catherine, C.S.J, $1.00 (Paper). Speech Models. "Selected and Edited by William R. Duffey a~d Aloysius Croft. $2.5.0. Tl~e Religion Teacfier and ll~e World. By .Sister Mary Rosalia, Rev. 3ohn J. Considine, M.M., and Sister Mary Julian Bedier. $1.00 (Paper.). " Heads abooe the LITURGICAL PROCEEDINGS ,~ - National Liturgical Week: 1944 is a record of the Fifth Annual Liturgical Week held.in N~w York last' December. It con'~ain'-s all prepared papers, ~ead at the meeting and brief summaries'of the discussions. Also includ~'d ire five papers read at the Liturgical Conference meeting held at St. Meinrad's the previous October. There i& a notable foreword by His Excellency, Archbishop Spellman. A reading list and an index complete the volume, which is published by The Liturgi~ cal C6nferehce,¯605 No. Michigan Blvd., Chlcago~ . ~. Moral TheOlogy t:or,l:verybody Ge')a~ld Kelly,,S.J~. THE occasion formy present remark~ is the publication ¯ !n i~nglish .of Father Heribert Jone's Moral" "The, ology,1 which it'is my not unpleasant task to review. In writing my review I am taking a cue from the" jacket of the book, which commimds it to pastors "as a. quick and convenient means for rendering, decisions in cases of con-s_ cience," to young priests and seminarians "to facilitate the repetition of Moral Theology,'-' and to the educated laity to. help them "in solving many of ~the .minor problems of' conscience that occur in their daily lives." For pa_storsl for other priests (young and old), and for seminarians who-have begun their Course of theology, my review can be very brief. Father Jone is ~/first-class moralist an~t canoeist. In.his c(~mmentary off The Code (Geset.z-buCh) 2 and in his one-volume .moral theology he has mani-fested toe a remarkab!e degree the power of' selecting impor.tant things and Of presenting his.material in a clear, ,br'ief fashion. Ndt the least of his accompiish~ents is a wholesome "modernizing" of certain sections of moral the- ' ology. For instance, he sketches the pathological obstacles to human activity a,nd he bas_es his necessarily brief remarks on scrupulosity on recent psychological, data. Father Urban Adelman's translation preserves the goodqualities,of the original German, and his adaptation of certain sections (for example, justice and marriage) to the needh bf the American priest is. especially commendable. The boSk is ne.atly pririted and the size is very handy. ~See the. "Book Review" section, p. 426 foi d~tails concerning publisher, l~ric~, etc. '~his has not been translated into English. 410 MORAL THEOLOGY FOR EVERYBODY All this does not mean that the~book is 100 percent flawless. It has its defects; but my impression is that they are few and df re.latively minor importance. For example, a p~iragraph is out of place in'the section on legal adoption; a few opinions seem to be represented as.having more value than they really have; and, though the date of the book .1945, some recent and very important decisions of the Holy See are not referred to. When the book is reprinted it would be well to include an extra page or two indicating the sub~- stance of these decisions. . ~ The jacket also recommends the book to the "educated laity." I trust that I am not misinterpreting the word "laity" in assuming that in the context it refers to all who. are nqt clerics and that it would, therefore, include non-. clerical religioui,- both men ~nd women. At any rate, I am mainly interested in the question of moral theology for religious, and I think that this is an "appropriate 0dcasion for discussing that topic in something more than a super-ficial manner. My remarks on the subject will touch upon these" four questions: should non-clerical religious an~/ moral theology? how much should they, know? and how are they to.get this knowledge? and finally, will the mere reading of Father Jone's book satisfy their needs? Meaning o~: Moral, Theologg Before answering these questions it seems advisable to indicate briefly what moral theology is. An adequate defini-tion may be briefly phrased thus: moral ,theology is the sci-. ence of obligatorg Christian perfection. Moral- theology deals specifically wi'th what we may roughly designate-as the,first two degrees of Christian perfection,3 whereas ascetical theology, according to the more common opinion 8For a description of the three degrees of perfection, confer Father Klaas's, article. "Perfection is UniOn with God," in REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, IV, i~P. 259-261. 411 Reuiew for ~eli#ious hdd today; is specifically con~cefned with~the third degree. Moral theology is the science of Christian obligation;~ ascet-ical theology is the science of Christian superero'gation. :. "Obligati6n,~' xherefore; is.-, the moral theologian's/ sphere. He discusses-, the comm~nds of God, of the Church, and of civil~s~ociety that give rise to obligations. He" e~lains the meaning of these precepts, the degree ~ind thee k{nd.of obligation they impose, the way they are to be ful-filled,- the pehalties' for violation, and so forth. He examines the subjective side of obligation: the human conscience and all the factors that concern responsibility before God. Under ~he .same aspect-~obligation--he treats of the divine and ecClesiasticallaws governing :the use of the sacraments, the sacramentals, and indul~gences. Value for Teachers From this thumbnail outline of the scope of moral tbe-ol. ogy it is obvious that at least those religious who have to .teach ,Christian doctrine could profit greatly-by some knowledge-of moral theology. For Christian doctrine inc,!udes the Commandments of God, the precepts of the Church, and certain obligations relative to the sacraments. These are moral subjects. Even in presenting them to small children the teacher who knows something of the science underlying them has a great advantage over_the teacher whose own knowledge is more or less elementary. If we consider merely the formal teaching of Christian doctrine, we may safely say that religious, particularly Sis-ters, are among the most influential "moralists" in the Church in America. They play a most important role in the formation of'c~nsciences. - "Sister says that's wrong. ¯ Sister says we must do this," how. many times have not " such statements become principles of action in the lives of ch!ldren and rehaained so even through adtilt life? That is November, 1945 MORAL ~THEOLOGY FOR EVERYBODY what I mean by '~'influence'"; and it-~cannot be'denied that religious who teach children, exercise such- influenc.e, on oa large scale: And~ I might add here that~ I have no great sympathy for the pe~ssimistic, destructive attitude.that con-centrates on the blunders .:made' by teaching° Sisters and attributes practically all. the harm of malformed consciences to them. The good they have accomplished is tremendous and far~ outweighs the harm done by occasional blunders; ¯ but this good could'be increased and the blunders could ~b~ diminished if the. religious teacher were given some training in the science of Christian morality. ~The moral teaching done by religious is not confined to the religion class. Questions are asked outside of class and advice is sought; and through the answers and the counsel given, consciences are ,,influenced perhaps even more than in the classroom. This is~as if should be. Religious are not mere instructors; their schools are not merely classrooms. The human relationship between the pupil.°and .the reli-gious teacher is,very intimate. If it were not,so, our apos-tolate of teaching would be a very dull one indeed. But with-this extende~ sphere of teaching there is also a~n extended field of opportunity, and. this implies a greater degree of responsibility to be prepared to answer the ques, tions, and to give advice. Since I have touched upon the subject of informal stu-dent counseling I may be pardoned for expanding slightly on that topic. Warm, personal relhtionships between students and teachers are the logical outcome of our system of education: This is. true in all spheres: the elementary. school, the high school, the college, and in so far as reli-gious and priests come in contact with the students--even in the universities. It is perfectly natural, foi i,n~tance, that a high schbol or college girl should place special confidence in a certain Sister; that a boy should have confidence in a 413 GERALD K~LI~Y "'" " ~ Review for Religious Br0t[~er; And because of this confidence they wilt-refer their personal 'problems to the Sister or Brother. ~. The p~rsona~l problems of youth are, of course, quite vari~d;~but certainly many of them pertain to morali[y. The question" of .likes and dislikes, of hot tempers, of char-acter weaknesses, of falling in love, of dean conversation, g!ean reading, clean thinking, conduct at dances and par-ties-~- the~e are but indications of their moral problems. They get puzzled or worried over their moral obligations, and they' will speak about these things to the reli~gious in whom they have confidence. And it seems to me that, Whenever possible, the "religious should be prepared, to answer them. The old cry, '~You'd better see your confes-sor about that," can be overdone. Boys and girls are not able tO talk to everyqne--nor are the rest of us, for that matter--and it may happen t.hat the only confessor avail-able is someone they cannot "open up to." Hence, at least in' those problems that~ do not strictly require the specialized judgment of the priest and the sac~ed priva.cy of the con-fessional, religious teachers ought to think twice before closing their lips with one hand and pointing to the con-fessional with the other. In the problems that I.have indi-cated- the ordinary problems of young people religious who have good judgment and the proper training can give .~veryhelpful counsel. But they must have some training,. some knowledge of the moral principles to be applied. - It will be noticed that in indicating the personal prob-lems of youth I said nothing about the purely physical aspects of sex. I purposely omitted mention of this because I am convinced that it is a special problem. The pa'rents are supposed to give physical sex instruction; but in defect of the ~arents religious are sometimes called upon to sup-ply the needed knowledge. A religious should not do this without an understanding with the parents, if they are 414 November, 1945 ]~'IORAL THEOLOGY FOR EVERY~ODY alive, and without the knowledge and approval of his own superior. Grave misunderstandings can result from a failure to observe these safeguards. Moreover, not every/- one is qualified to give such instruction. Those who do give it should have, not only a.knowledge of the subject, but also a wholesome professional attitude. Otherwise ~they Will manifest a morbid interest, or will be crude in their expression, or will blush and stammer--and all these are fatal mistakes in giving physical sex enlightenment. Before leaving this point of the desirablity of some moral theology for teaching religious, I should like to put the matter in a slightly different wa~. The.imparting of moral instruction, whether formally in the classroom or informally in conversation, calls for an attitude l!hat may b~ characterized as positive, moderate, and objecl!ive. The positive attitude contributes inspiration; it makes moral precepts appear in their true light, as conducive to beauty, harmony, and peace, and nor as balls-and-chain on the feet of joy. The moderate attitude steers the middle course between rigorism and laxism; it overemphasizes neither the divine nor the human elements in the life of Christian per.- fection. The objective attitude removes, as the name implies, the blight of subjectivism in moral teaching and counseling. Not what we as individuals think is right wrgng, but what the Church, through her official do~cu-ments or'approved theologians, teaches is right or wrong-- that is what we are to teach; and that is the one thing with which the truly objective attitude is concerned. The attitude that I have just described may be to soine extent the result of temperament; but only to a relatively slight extent.¢ It is attained chiefly through correct knowl-edge and appreciation of Catholic morality; hence the desirability and even need of some training in moral the-ology for teachers and counselors. 415 ,G~RA~-~D KELLY " : . Review [or Religious ,: . Personal Advantages :. ¯ :The preceding paragraphs,give at l~ast an indication t'hat some knowledge of moral theology is, decidedly bene-ficial for religious ~ngaged in the teaching apostolate. The. sa.me reasonswould apply tO any other apostolate in which the:religious might reasonably be expected to answer ques- .tions about moral matters or to give counsel: for example, n.ursing, and social service. I cannot dwell here on the needs of these other apostolates; but°I should like to say a wo'rd about the value of moral theology in the personal " lives.of the religious. In doing so, it seems advisable to deal'~rst with certain objections that are often voiced when the: question;of moral theology for religious is proposed. . We sometimes hear it said: "Religious lead an ascetical life. They are not s'upposed to live according to the norms of moral, theology." This objection is not asstrong as it is sometimes made to appear. The religious life is certainly an ascetical life, a life dedicated to the perfection of the counsels; and as~ such, the science of it belongs to ascetical the01og~r. From this I am justified in concluding that reli- 'gious ought to know some ascetical theology; but'I am noe justified in concluding that they should not know any moral theology. The f~llowing of Christ in the observance of the counsels does not free religioqs from the obligation of observing the commandments Of "God and precepts of the Church. Religious have the same obligations as. other Catholics, plus a host of other duties. The explanation of these obligations is the function of moral theology. Hence, t.hough it would not be correct to say that-the aim of the religious life is entirely contained in moral theology, it correct to say that it is partially treated there.- And in so far as it is t/eated in .moral thet)logy, this science can ben beneficial to religious. Another obj.ection which is not at all u.ncommon runs 416 ¯ November, 1945 MORAL THEOLOGY FOR E~iERYBOI~Y as follows: "If~you t~acb religious moral theo~logy you, will " be teaching them how far they can go, without cohamitting mortal sin., And they will take advantage Of that knowl-edge and commit many venial sirfS they would otherwise not fiiave committed."., I might m~ntion in passing that the phrasing °of this objection" shows a thoroughly negativ~ and- ~rror~ous concept of m'~ral theology. However, I ~vill not delay on that h~re bUt'~will merely poin~t out a m~ch more fundamental error in this 6bjectibn: namely, it s,fiows a complete lack of confidence in religious idealism. If this obje~fi0ii were really true,'Z'then I believe I could logically conclude that the religious life is°failing in its purpose. _For surely the purpose of the religious" lift is. to-keep alive in us the desire of imitating Christ even beY0n.d the sphere Of, obligation; and.if ev~fi this "desire is lacking in the majo,rity of us, ou~ institut~ have fa~iied~miserably. ~- As a matter of fact, the .objection-may have some weight in the case of a.few; it certhin, ly'does not apply to. religious as a group. If We-consider all religious, we might epitomize tile effects of moral theology on their personal lives somewhat as follow~. For a certain numbei:, th~ effect is entirely n_eutr~il; ~heir lives are neither, better'nor worse for the kiaowledge. In the, case of a comparative few the effect may be evil; they apparently 'abuse the knowledge. -E;cen in these cas~s; however, I doubt if the k~nowledge of moral theology lowers th~ir, ideahsm. Rather, their ideal-ism is already lowered, and the newl,y acquired knowledge helps them to salve their consciences. I ¯believe that.if ~these few had been taught, some moral theology while they were still fervent, it would have had no evil effect on them. Finally, in the case of the majority of religious, the effect of some knowledge is decidedly beneficial. ¯They Understand their own spiritual objectives better and they are able to dis-cuss them ~ith directors and ~onfess6rs more intelligently. 417 "~ERALD KELLY Review 'fop Religious They are fre.ed from needless worries: and many of the averiues that lead to scrupulosity are blocked off. How Much? Granted that most religious would profit by some knowledge Of moral theology, it is quite logical to ask: how much ought they to know? I can hardly give a. perfectly exact general answer to this question, but I can indicat'e certain general norms that might be of service. The first is a negative norm: they do not need a confessor's knowl-edge. _h fair percentge of the matter treated in the ordinary seminary course would be useless for non-clerical religious. On the other hand, speaking positively, it would be Very helpful to know: the fundmental principles, with the more practical applications; the main points considered under each of the Ten Commandments; the ecclesiastical precepts of fast, abstinence;' and the observance of holidays; the' obligations of the vows;, the obligations.pertainlng to the reception 'of the sacraments, particularly of the Eucharist and penance. That is a general 0utlin~. Those engaged in special work might need a bit more. Fbr instance, those teaching in college and the upper grades of high school. might well know something about the Church laws~ con-cerning marriage; nurses would need special training in medico-moral problems; social workers ought to have an acquaintance with the social aspects of Catholic morality. How to Get It? .A mother superior or brother superior might stop me at this point with the pertinent query: '"Fatherl I begin to see that some knowledge of moral th.eology would be "use-ful to many of my subjects, especially the teachers. 'But ple~ise tell me fi6w. they. are going to get this knowledge." That, in the radio parlance of the day, is the $64-question; and, since I led up to it, I ought t.o try to answer it. 418 November, 1945 MORAL THEOLOGY FOR EVERYBODy Religious can learn .some moral theology by reading, especially if the topics are well-developed and more or less self-explanatory. The main disad~vantage of this method is that it is too passive; it affords no practice in the actual solving of problems. Furthermore, if the reading is not directed by someone who knows the needs and the capacities of the religious, much time may be lost; and if the reading matter is very technical, erroneous notions may result. A secbnd method is the lecture system: a professor lec-tures, and the religious listen. A great deal of information can be assimilated in this way and, if.questions are allowed, . many practical problems can be answered. But like leading /it is too. passive. One does not have a real grip on moral principles until one has learned through actual personal effort how to use these principles in solv~ing cases. When I speak of the disadvantages of reading and .the lecture system~ I do not mean to say that they have no value. Properly used, they do impart some knowledge and they furnish a.general idea of the way moral principles are established and applied to concrete problems. But the ideal method is an active class--a class in which the professor explains the main points thoroughly, and the students have time for working problems personally, discussing questions among themselves, and consulting with the professor. Of course, this ideal method takes time. In te.aching Sisters during the summer I have found that it takes two or three 6-week sessions, with a double period each day, to cover the general program I outlined above. And I realize that, consider.ing other needs and the pressure for credits and degrees, very few religious can spare all this time for one subject. Consequently I am not expecting to see reli- ¯ gious swarming~to summer sessions of moral theology with plenty of time for discussions and problems. But surely a few can be spared now~, and there is no harm in hoping and 419 GERALD KELLY planning for future.programs. As a matter of factl in the last decade or two we have made~ great progress~in providing various advanced religion courses for teaching. ~eligious. Personally, I °hope to see the da~i. when a sort of,stream'- lined seminary co~rse-~compris!ng Sacred Scripture, the various branches of theology, and the essentials "of canon law' wili be readily available for many religious. Ea~her Jone's Book What I have said prepares the way for a brief estimate of the ~ralue of.Father Jone's book fo} non-clerical reli-gio~ s. The mere reading_of the book will undoubtedly ft~rnish much valuable information; it is a complete volume moral theology. It is a good book for ready refer-ence when one wants, answers to various problems that are treated explicitly by-the moral theologians: and for this reason it'is a handy book for the community library. But we sh6uld be careful that we do not look for too much from the mere reading of a book like this. Though. it does cover all of moral theology, it is only a compendium. Its full value can be realized only by one who has had a regular course in moral theology. ¯ For one who is just learning it is too brief; so brief, in fact, that, while solving some "minor problems of Consciende" it might .easily create others. In moral theology, as in other subjects, a little knowledge is sometimes a dangerous thing.' A fitful word about the value of the book for the laity in general. I believe that the claim ofthe publisher--that it will help them to solve their minor problems of con-science is true, with the ~eserxiatio'n mentioned above: ._namely, that the brevity of treatment may create o.ther problems. Therefore, they ought to.be in a position to supplement :the~ reading with consultation and discussion. 420 :.Decisions. o,C 'he I-Io1 .See Forb/years ago, on December 20, 1905, Pope Pius X issued the Sacra Tridentina S~jnodus, the hist0ry-making decree on frequent Communion. To recall the anniversary, we are r~printing here the hi.he articles that form the positive and practical part of the decree. The Q,ernadrnod-m (referred to in articl~ 7) forbade superiors .to interfere with the reception of Holy Communion on the-part of sub-jects. The obligation of reading this decree ahnually (see article 8) no longer exists, as its contents have been incorporated into the Code. 1. Frequent and daily Communion, as a thing most earnestly desired by Christ Our Lord and by the Catholic Cliurch, should be ope~n to all the f~ithful, of whateverrank and condition of lifd: so that no one who is in the state of grace, and who approaches the holy "table with the right intention, can lawfully be hindered therefrom. 2. A right intention consists in this: that he who approaches the holy table should do so, not out of routine, or vaing]ory, or human re~pect, but for the purpose of pleasing God, of being more closely ¯ united with Him. by charity, and of seeking this divide remedy for his weakness and defects. 3. Although it is more .expe.dient that thos~ who communicate frequen,tly~.or daily should be free from venial sin, especi;qly from . such as are fully deliberate, and from any affection thereto, never-theless it is ~ufficient that they be free from mortal °sin, with the purpose of never sinning .mortally in the future; and. if they. have this sincere purpose, it is impossible but that daily communi~nt~ should" gradually emancipate themselves from even venial sin~, and from all affection thereto. 4. But whereas the Sacraments of the New Law, though they-t~ ke dffect ex opere operato, nevertheless produce a greater effect in proportion as the dispositions of the recipient are better; therefore care is to be taken that Holy Communion bd preceded by very serious preparation, and followed by a suitable thanksgiving according to each one'~ strength, circumstances, and duties. 5. "lbhat the practice of frequent and daily Communion.may be carried out with greater prudence and more abundant merit, the con-fes~ or's advice should be asked. Confessors, however, are to be care-f~ l hot to dissuade any one from frequent and daily Communion., DECISIONg OF THE HOLY SEE provid.ed that be is in a state of grace and' approaches with a right intention. : . ~--. ~ ~- o - o 6. But since it is plain that, by the frequent Or daily reception "of thee Holy Eucharist, union with Christ is fostered, the"spiritual life more abundantly sustained, the souimore richl# endowed with~vir-tues, and an even surer.pledge of everlasting happiness bestowed on th~ recipient; therefore parish priests, confessors and preachers in accordance with the approved teachings of theRoman Catechism (Part ii, cap, 4, n. 60) are frequently, and with great zeal to exhort the faithful to this devout and salutary practical. ~7. F.requ~nt and daily Communion is to-be promoted e.speciallv in religious orders and .congregations of all kinds: with regard .to which, however, the decree Quernadrnodum,'issued on the 17th De-cember, 1890,.by the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars is .to' remain in force. It is also to be promoted especially in ecclesias~ical~ seminaries, where students are preparing for the service of the altar: as also in all Christian establishments, of whate~er kind, for training of yotith. , 8. In the case of religious institutes, whether of solemn or simpl~ ;cows, in whose rules, constitutions, or calendars, Communion is a~ssi~ned to certain fixed days, such regulatio.ns are to be regarded°as directive and not preceptive. In such cases the appointed nfimber of Communions Should be regarded a.s a minimum, and not as setting. a limit tothe devotion 6f the religious. Therefore, freedom of access to the Eucharistic table, whetiaer more frequently or daily, must always be allowed them, according to the principles above laid d~wn in this decree. And in .order that all religious, of. both sexes may c!early, understand the provisions of this decree, the Superior of each house is to see that it is read in community, in the verna~ular, every year ~¢ithin the octave of the Feast of Corpus Christi. " 9. Finally, after the publication of this decree, all ecclesiastical; writers are to cease from contentious controversies concerning the dispositions r

Anadolu, bin yıllar boyunca birçok medeniyete ev sahipliği yapmış, birçok kültürü, birçok dili bünyesinde barındırmış, prehistorik dönemlerden günümüze insanlara yurt olmuş toprak parçasıdır. XIX. yüzyılın başlarından itibaren Batılı arkeologların ilgisini çeken bu topraklar, XX. yüzyılın ortaları ile Sualtı Arkeologlarının ilgisini çekmeye başlamıştır. Özellikle sualtı araştırmaları Anadolu'nun güney ve batı kıyılarında yoğunlaşmıştır. Marmara Denizi'nde Marmara Adası etrafında, Küçükçekmece Gölü'nde sualtı araştırmaları yapılırken, Güney Marmara kıyılarında sadece 2008 yılında Kyzikos (Erdek)'te sualtı çalışmaları gerçekleştirilmiştir. Marmara Denizi, özellikle günümüzden 7100 yıl önce Ege ve Karadeniz ile birleşmesinden sonra önemini arttırmıştır. Bu tarihten sonra, Karadeniz'in kuzeyindeki medeniyetler ile Akdeniz medeniyetleri arasında bir köprü vazifesi görmüştür. Neolitik dönemden itibaren çevresinde yaşam izleri tespit edilen Marmara Denizi, özellikle kolonizasyon hareketlerinden sonra bir çok kente ev sahipliği yapmıştır. Çanakkale Boğazı üzerinden Marmara Denizi'ne giren Akdeniz medeniyetleri Marmara Denizi kıyılarında koloni kentleri kurmuşlardır. Marmara Denizi'nin güney kıyıları uzun yıllar araştırmacıların dikkatini çekmeyi beklemiştir. Anadolu topraklarının diğer bölümleri ile karşılaştırıldığında, Güney Marmara kıyılarının ne kadar boşlandığı daha net anlaşılmaktadır. Bu sebep ile, bu çalışmanın alanı olarak Güney Marmara bölgesinin antik limanları seçilmiştir. Güney Marmara kıyılarında dört farklı ilin (Çanakkale, Balıkesir, Bursa, Yalova) sınırları mevcuttur. Bakanlık her çalışma döneminde bir il için çalışma izni vermektedir. Bir dönemde bir ilin kıyı şeridinin araştırılması imkansız olduğu için çalışmamız yalnızca Bursa il sınırları içerisindeki antik limanlar ile sınırlandırılmıştır. Marmara Denizi'ndeki 135 kilometrelik Bursa kıyılarının yanı sıra İznik ve Uluabat göllerinin kıyıları da taranmıştır. Çalışmalarımıza başlamadan önce tüm antik kaynaklar, geç dönem seyyahları ve modern araştırmacılardan bölge ile ilgili bilgiler derlenmiştir. Strabon, Herodotos, Pseudo-Skylaks, Apollonius Rhodius, Xenephon, Yaşlı Plinius, Dio Chysostum, Claudius Ptolemy, Stephanos Byzantinos, Pomponius Mela ve Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus gibi bölge hakkında bilgi veren antik yazarlar incelenmiştir. Ayrıca, Seyyid Muradi, İbn Battuta, Polonya'lı Simeon, Evliya Çelebi, Jean Thevenot, Richard Pockocke ve Charles Texier gibi seyyahların bölge limanları ve liman kentleri üzerlerine yazdığı bilgiler toplanmış ve araştırmalar esnasında yol gösterici olarak göz önünde tutulmuştur. Tüm bu kaynaklarda, özellikle kıyı kentleri ve liman yapıları üzerinde durulmuştur. Özellikle deniz ticaretinin başladığı dönemlerden itibaren, antik limanlar kent bölünmesi içinde en önemli noktalar konumuna gelmişlerdir. Ticaretin kentte başladığı ilk yer olmaları nedeni ile yaşamın direkt içinde olmuşlardır. Limanlar, gemilerin barınmalarına, yük alıp boşaltmalarına, yolcu indirip bindirmelerine yarayan doğal veya yapay sığınaklardır. Kente gelen tüccarların ilk ve son gördükleri yer limanlardır. Fakat, bu kadar önemli bir konumda olmalarına rağmen, araştırmacılar tarafından hak ettiği önemi yıllar boyunca görmemişlerdir. Bugüne kadar Anadolu kıyılarında limanlar üzerine yapılan çalışmaların sayısı bunu göstermektedir. Çalışma konumuz olan Bursa ili kıyılarında bugüne kadar yapılmış bir çalışma bulunmamaktadır. İnsan elinden çıkmış olan bilinen en eski su taşıtı M.Ö. 6000 yıllarına tarihlenirken, bilinen en eski liman yapısı M.Ö. 3000'lere tarihlenmektedir. İnsanoğlunun artan ihtiyaçları doğrultusunda kullandıkları su taşıtlarının ebatlarının büyümesi neticesinde yerleşimlerde deniz taşıtlarını koruyacak güvenli alanlara ihtiyaç doğmuştur. Gemilerin karaya çekilemeyecek boyuta gelmelerinden ve sualtında inşa fırsatı veren hidrolik çimentonun kullanılması ile liman yapıları karşımıza çıkmaya başlamıştır. Limanlar, kentlerin kuruldukları yerlere göre farklı şekillerde inşa edilmişlerdir. Bulundukları yere göre ve işlevlerine göre limanları iki ayrı başlık altında gruplamak mümkündür. Bulundukları yere göre, Deniz Limanları ve Tatlı Su Limanları olarak adlandırılmışlardır. Deniz Limanları ise yine kendi içinde, kıyı şeridinin farklılık göstermesi nedeni ile doğal veya yapay limanlar olarak ikiye ayrılırlar. Göl, nehir gibi tatlı suların kıyı şeritlerinin düz olması nedeniyle bilinen tüm tatlı su limanları yapaydır. Bir limanın yapay veya doğal liman olmasını belirleyen faktör liman havzasının inşa şeklidir. Doğal limanlar, koylarda inşa edildiği için liman olarak koyun su havzası kullanılmıştır. Yapay limanlarda ise, su havzası dalgakıran veya mendirekler yardımı ile yapılmaktadır. Ayrıca antik limanlar fonksiyonlarına göre askeri limanlar, ticari limanlar ve özel limanlar olarak üç başlık altında toplamak mümkündür. Dünya üzerindeki liman araştırmaları XX. yüzyılın başlarında başlamıştır. Anadolu kıyılarında ilk araştırmalar ise 1960'dan sonra başlamaktadır. Anadolu kıyılarında bugüne kadar Phaselis, Limantepe, Myndos, Kyzikos ve Küçükçekmece göllerinde gerçekleştirilmiştir. Fakat son 20 yıl içerisinde üniversitelerde yüksek lisans ve doktora seviyelerinde liman araştırmalarının yapılması gelecek için umut vaat edicidir. Bursa kıyıları, Anadolu toprakları gibi birçok medeniyete ev sahipliği yapmıştır. Antik kaynaklardan bildiğimiz kadarı ile bölgede oturan en eski medeniye Bebrklerdir. Bölgede genel olarak yaşayan halk Trak kökenli halklardır. Mysialılar, Frigyalılar ve Bithynialılar arasında bölgede bir hakimiyet savaşı söz konusudur. Kimi zaman Bursa kıyı şeridi Mysialıların kontrolüne geçerken, kimi zaman Bithynialılar kontrolünde olmuştur. Kimi antik kaynağa göre Kios (Gemlik) Mysia kenti iken, kimine göre Phygia, kimine göre ise Bithynia topraklarındadır. Persler M.Ö. 547 yılında Lidya Krallığı'nı yok edince bölgeye hakim olmuşlardır. Perslerin tüm Anadolu'da uzun yıllar hakimiyetlerinden söz etmek mümkündür. Fakat, M.Ö. V. yüzyılın ortasından sonra Bursa kıyıları da dahil olmak üzere, Marmara Denizi'nin güney kıyılarında Yunanlıların hakim olduğu bilinmektedir. Büyük İskender'in M.Ö. 333 yılında Anadolu'ya girmesi ile Perslerin Anadolu'daki hakimiyetleri yok olmuştur. İskender, Bithynia üzerine saldırı yapsa da, burası ile fazla ilgilenmeyerek Anadolu içlerine yürüyüşüne devam etmiştir. M.Ö. 202 yılına kadar Bursa ilindeki Kios, Myrleia gibi önemli yerleşimler bu dönemde kent devletleri statüsünde gözükmektedir. M.Ö. 202 yılında Prusias tarafından yeniden inşa edilen şehirler Bithynia Krallığı hakimiyetine girmişlerdir. M.Ö. 75/74 yılında Bithynia toprakları miras yolu ile Roma İmparatorluğu'na devredilmiştir. Bu dönemde Mithradates ile Pompeius arasında bölge için önemli mücadeleler olmuştur. Bursa kıyılarında kısa bir süre Mithradates'in egemenliği söz konusu olsa da, M.Ö. 63 yılından sonra ise Roma İmparatorluğu hakimiyetindedir. M.S. 395 yılında Roma İmparatorluğu'nun ikiye bölünmesinden sonra Bursa ili kıyılarındaki yerleşimlerde Doğu Roma İmparatorluğu hakimiyetine girmişlerdir. Uzun yıllar Bizans (Doğu Roma) İmparatorluğu hakimiyetinde kalan kıyı şeridi yerleşimleri, M.S. 1320'den sonra Osmanlı İmparatorluğu hakimiyetine girmişlerdir. Kolonizasyon hareketleri sonrası Marmara Denizi'nde ticari bir hareketlilik söz konusu olmuştur. Çanakkale Boğazı üzerinden Marmara Denizi'ne giren halklar yeni koloni kentleri kurmuşlardır. Bu kurulan kentler ve siyasi olaylar hakkındaki bilgiler deniz ticaret rotalarını çizmemize yardımcı olmuştur. Antik dönemde denizciler istedikleri zaman sefer yapamıyorlardı. M.S. IV. yüzyılın sonlarında yaşamış olan antik yazar Vagetius denizcilerin sefer takvimi hakkında bilgi vermektedir. Vagetius'a göre Antik Dönem denizciliği için meteoroloji ve hakim rüzgarlar oldukça önemlidir. Gemilerin sefer yapmalarına uygun belirli tarihler mevcuttur. Denizin şiddeti ve durumu tüm yıl sefer yapılmasına imkan sağlamamaktadır. 27 Mayıs'tan 14 Eylül'e kadar sefer yapmak güvenli iken, bu tarihten itibaren yaklaşık 11 Kasım tarihlerine kadar sefer için hava şartları ve denizler şüpheli ve tehlikelidir. 11 Kasım'dan 10 Mart'a kadar ise denizlerin tamamen sefere uygun olmadığından bahsetmektedir. Denizciler, uygun hava şartları için sefer mevsimini beklemek zorundaydılar. M.S. XVII. yüzyılda da Vagetius'un verdiği tarihler sefer için geçerliliğini korumaktadır. 1775-1776 yılındaki Seyir Defteri'nde Osmanlı gemilerinin Nisan – Kasım ayları arasında sefer yaptığı anlaşılmaktadır. Vagetius'un bahsettiği tarihlerden günümüze yaklaşık 1500 yıl geçmesine ve gelişen gemi teknolojilerine rağmen, Marmara Denizi'nde Mudanya – İstanbul seferini yapan gemiler hava şartları nedeni ile en çok Kasım - Mart aylarında iptal edilmektedir. M.S. IV. yüzyıl ile M.Ö. VII. yüzyıl arasında coğrafyada ve iklim kuşaklarında çok fazla değişiklik olmadığına göre, Vagetius'un vermiş olduğu dönemlerin VII. yüzyıldan itibaren geçerli olduğunu düşünmek yanlış olmayacaktır. Antik kaynaklara göre, kurulan ilk koloni kentleri Marmara Denizi'nin güney kıyılarında kurulmuştur. M.Ö. 756 yılında Kyzikos, M.Ö. 709 yılında Parion, M.Ö. 712 yılında Astacus, Marmara Denizi'ndeki koloni kentlerinin ilk öncüleridir. Kios'un kuruluşu ise M.Ö. 627 yılına tarihlenmektedir. Marmara Denizi'nin kuzey kıyılarında yer alan, Chalkedon M.Ö. 685'te, Selymbria M.Ö. 668'den önce, Byzantium M.Ö. 668'te, Perinthos M.Ö. 602'de, Thracia Chersonesus (Gelibolu) M.Ö. 561'de kolonileştirilmişlerdir. Marmara Denizi'ndeki kolonizasyon hareketlerine baktığımızda Çanakkale Boğazı'ndan Marmara Denizi'ne girildikten sonra en erken koloni kentlerinin Marmara'nın güney kıyılarında kurulduğu görülmüştür. Bu da güney kıyılarında bir ticaretin olduğunu kabul etmemize nedendir. M.Ö. V. yüzyılda dönemin önemli deniz gücü Atina liderliğinde, Perslere karşı ortak mücadele etmek amacı ile Delos Birliği kurulmuştur. Birliğin ilk işi Çanakkale Boğazı'nı ve Marmara kıyılarını Perslerden temizlemek olmuştur. M.Ö. V. Yüzyıldaki deniz ticareti ile ilgili elimizdeki en önemli arkeolojik verilerin başında Atina Vergi Listeleri gelmektedir. Bu listelerde Attika-Delos Deniz Birliği'ne vergi veren kentler ve vergi oranları gözükmektedir. Buna göre Marmara Denizi kıyısında vergi veren birçok kentin adı ile karşılaşmaktayız. Bu kentlerden bazılarının vergi oranları da gözükmektedir. Bu listelere göre, Marmara Denizi'nin güney kıyılarında kurulmuş olan Parion 1 talent, Procennesos 3 talent, Kyzikos 9 talent, Kios 1000 drahmi, Astacus 1 talent 300 drahmi vergi verir iken, kuzey kıyılarındaki Perinthos 10 talent, Selymbria 6 talent, Byzantium 15 talent, Chalcedon 7 talent vergi vermektedir. Vergi oranlarının şehirlerin ekonomik durumu ile doğru orantılı olduğu düşünülürse, M.Ö. V. yüzyılda kuzey kıyılardaki kentlerin güney kıyılarındaki kentlerden daha zengin olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Bu gelişmiş ekonomi bize dönemin deniz ticaret rotalarını da vermektedir. Marmara Denizi'nin ticaret rotaları M.Ö. VIII. yüzyıl içerisinde güney kıyılarında daha aktif iken, M.Ö. V. yüzyıl ile birlikte ana ticaret rotası kuzey kıyılarına kaymıştır. Bu dönemde, Marmara Denizi'nin hakimiyeti tamamen Perslerin elinde gözükmektedir. Bu dönem Persler ile Yunanlıların büyük mücadeleleri vardır. Marmara Denizi'nin bir Pers gölü haline gelmesi nedeni ile Pers satraplığına bağlı tüm kıyılarda özgürce bir dolaşımdan söz etmek olasıdır. M.Ö. V. yüzyılın ortasından sonra Marmara Denizi de dahil olmak üzere Ege Denizi kıyılarında Attika Delos Deniz Birliği'nin etkisi gözükmektedir. Fakat Anadolu'daki Pers varlığı Marmara Denizi'ndeki ticaret yollarını güney kıyılarından uzak tutmuş olmalıdır. M.Ö. IV. yüzyılın sonlarında özellikle Kios'un bastırdığı altın sikkeleri kentin ekonomisinin iyiliğine işaret etmektedir. Bu da, Bursa ili topraklarındaki kentlerinde bu dönemde ticaret yolları üzerinde bulunduğunu göstermektedir. Roma Dönemi'nde tüm Marmara Denizi kıyıları Roma İmparatorluğu güvencesi altına alınmıştır. Kuzeyde Perinthos, bölgenin en önemli limanı ve Via Egnatia yolunun başlangıç noktasıdır. Ayrıca kent, Roma ordularının geçiş istasyonu ve toplanma noktası olarak oldukça önemli bir konumda bulunmaktadır. Roma dönemi kentlerine ve bölgedeki siyasi olaylara göz attığımızda Marmara'nın güney kıyıları çok daha problemlidir. Özellikle Mitridates VI'nın Bithynia kıyılarında Romalılara üstünlük kurması ve Nikaia (İznik), Mryleia (Mudanya) ve Kios (Gemlik) gibi kıyı kentlerini ele geçirmesi nedeni ile bu bölge Romalılar için ticarete elverişsiz duruma gelmiştir. M.Ö. 74 yılında Bithynia topaklarının vasiyet yolu ile Roma İmparatorluğuna bağlanmış ve M.Ö. I. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında Apameia, "Colonia Iulia Concordia Apamea" ismi ile bir Roma kolonisi olmuştur. Güney kıyıları da güvenlik altına alındıktan sonra tüm Marmara Denizi kıyıları ticarete elverişli duruma gelmiş olmalıdır. Perinthos'ta bulunan ve M.S. III. Yüzyıla tarihlenen bir yazıt Roma döneminde Perinthos ile Apameia'nın iyi ilişkiler içinde olduğunu, hatta Perinthos'ta "Apameia'yı Sevenler Cemiyeti" olduğunu göstermektedir. Bu dönemde bütün Marmara Denizi sınırları içerisinde bir ticaretin olduğu görülmektedir. Ayrıca Romalıların Marmara Denizi'nin iki yanında birer koloni kurması ve bu kolonilerin irtibatta olmaları bir tesadüf olmamalıdır. Perinthos'un Via Egnatia ile Roma ve Trakya kentlerine bağlandığı gibi, Colonia Iulia Concordia Apameia'nın da Anadolu içleri ile Prusa üzerinden bağlantısı vardır. Tüm bu veriler ışığında, M.Ö. 6000'lerde insanoğlu Marmara Denizi'ni besin sağlama amacı ile kullanmaya başlamıştır. M.Ö. VIII. yüzyıl ile birlikte Marmara Denizi deniz ticaretinde ismini duyurmuştur. Arkaik, Klasik, Helenistik, Roma, Bizans ve Osmanlı dönemleri boyunca siyasi etkiler nedeni ile farklı deniz rotaları oluşmuştur. Her dönemde, değişen deniz rotaları kentlerin gelişmelerini etkilemiştir. Marmara Denizi deniz rotası üzerindeki kentler, gelişmeye sürekli devam etmiştir. Perinthos Antik Kenti ile Via Egnatia örneğinde olduğu gibi, limanlar bir yol ağı ile iç bölgelere ulaşıma sahip olmalıdırlar. Bu nedenle bölgede yol ağları üzerine de bir çalışma gerçekleştirilmiştir. Liman kentleri ile iç bölgeleri bağlayan yollar tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Antik kaynaklardan bildiğimiz Prusa – Apameia bağlantısına ait arkeolojik bir veri ile karşılaşılmamıştır. Fakat yazıtlar ışığında Nicaea'dan Kios'a ulaşan bir yolun varlığı bilinmektedir. Bursa ili kıyıları kıyı yapısı, kayaç ve toprak yapısı ile antik kentlerin konumları karşılaştırılmıştır. Bu karşılaştırma sonucunda kıyı şeridi, kayaç ve toprak yapısı ile antik kentlerin konumları arasında bir bağlantı bulunamamıştır. Tarım toprakları haritası incelendiğinde ise, tüm önemli antik kentlerin (Myrleia, Kios, Daskyleion ad Mare) günümüzde zeytin dikim alanlarında kurulduğu ve verimli topraklara sahip olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Plakia Antik Kenti'nin konumu bazı antik kaynaklar tarafından verilse de, yeri hakkında soru işaretleri mevcuttur. Kent hakkında bilinenler, Rhyndakos Nehri'nin batısında, Pelasg kolonisi ve kıyı yerleşmesi olmasıdır. Yaptığımız araştırmalar esnasında, Kurşunlu/Karacabey'de sualtında oldukça tahrip edilmiş dalgakıran yapısı ile karşılaşılmıştır. Araştırma sahamızın başladığı alandan itibaren Rhyndakos Nehri'ne kadar tespit edilen tek liman kalıntısı burasıdır. Liman'ın üst kısmında bulunan manastır ve mimari parçalar bölgenin tarihini çok daha eskiye götürmektedir. Tespit ettiğimiz limanın, erken dönemlerde Plakia halkı tarafından kullanılan bir liman, Geç Antik Çağ'da ise Manastır Limanı olarak görev yaptığı düşünülmektedir. Burasının kesin olarak Plakia Antik Kenti'ne ait bir liman demek için en azından yazıtlar ile desteklenmesi gerekmektedir. Bu nedenle, bölgede başka bir liman kalıntısı bulunmamasından dolayı burasını Plakia Antik Kenti'nin limanı olarak tanımlamak uygun görülmüştür. Liman, iki dalgakıran yardımı oluşturulmuş, yapay deniz limanıdır. Dalgakıranlar iri düzensiz taşların yığılması ile meydana getirilmiştir. Daskyleion ad Mare ile Eşkel Limanı eşleştirilmesi XX. yüzyılın başlarında yapılmıştır. Bu nedenle, kentin limanını aramaya yönelik çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Eski fotoğraflardan kentin limanı tespit edilmiş, modern yapılaşmanın dalgakıran ve liman üzerindeki tahribatı belgelenmiştir. Kentin bir tek limanı olduğu ve bunun da koyun içinde inşa edildiği anlaşılmıştır. Dalgakıranı iri, düzensiz taşların yığması ile meydana getirilmiştir. Ketendere'nin gerek konumu, gerekse buluntuları nedeni ile bir kent olarak algılanmaması gerektiği anlaşılmıştır. Ketendere deresinin batı kısmında iri düzensiz taşların yığılması ile meydana getirilmiş bir dalgakıran yapısı tespit edilmiştir. Antik limanlar ve tatlı su kaynaklarının bağlantısı göz önüne alınarak burasının çok küçük deniz taşıtları için kullanıldığı ve Caesarea Germanica kentine ait olması gerektiği görüşü bildirilmiştir. Kapanca Limanı'nda yapılan çalışmalarda 2 adet dalgakıran yapısı tespit edilmiştir. Bu dalgakıranların, iri düzensiz taşların yığılması işe meydana getirildiği anlaşılmıştır. Yüzyıllardır yeri tartışma konusu olan Caesarea Germanica Antik Kenti ile Kapanca Limanı'nın ortak yönleri gösterilerek, burasının Caesarea Germanica olması gerektiği ifade edilmiştir. Trilye kıyılarında yapılan araştırmalar neticesinde ne yazık ki antik döneme tarihleyebileceğimiz hiç bir liman yapısı ile karşılaşılmamıştır. Trilye kıyı şeridindeki modern yapılaşma ve liman tahribatın en büyük sorumlularıdır. Trilye'de yapılmış olan çalışmalar incelendiğinde, burasının bir yerleşim yerinden çok bir kült olanı olarak algılanması gerektiği anlaşılmıştır. Mudanya sınırlarında yaptığımız araştırmalar daha önceden yeri tespit edilmiş olan akropol çevresinde yoğunlaştırılmıştır. Roma Dönemi'nden itibaren Bursa için çok önemli bir liman şehri olan Mudanya'da kıyı şeridinde antik döneme tarihlenebilecek herhangi bir liman kalıntısı tespit edilememiştir. Eşkel, Trilye gibi Mudanya kıyı şeridinin de yoğun olarak doldurulduğu ve yapılaşmaya gidildiği anlaşılmıştır. 1860'lı yıllarda kıyı şeridinde sözü edilen dalgakıran yapılarının bu yapılaşma nedeni yok olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Mudanya – Gemlik arasındaki araştırmalar neticesinde Sırakayalar Mevkii'nde liman yapısı tespit edilmiştir. Dalgakıranlar iri düzensiz taşların dizilmesi ile meydana gelmiştir. Limanın fonksiyonunu anlamak için çevrede yaptığımız araştırmalarda limanın yamaçlarındaki tepe üzerinde yol yapımı ve taş ocağı nedeni ile yoğun tahribatın olduğu gözlenmiştir. Hangi kente ait olduğunu tespit etmek için yaptığımız araştırmalarda, ismi bilinen fakat yeri hakkında soru işaretleri olan Bryllion Antik Kenti ile ortak noktaları tespit edilmiştir. Bu limanın yaklaşık olarak üç kilometre iç kısmında bulunan Gündoğdu'da bulunan antik kent ile bağlantısının olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Bazı bilimadamlarının Paladari olarak isimlendirdiği kentin erken dönemleri hakkında hiçbir bilgi yoktur. Antik yazarlardan bölgede olması muhtemel kentler araştırılmış ve eşlenen tek yerleşim ile filolojik eşleştirilme yapılmaya çalışılmıştır. Tüm veriler göz önünde tutulduğunda Gündoğdu'daki antik kentin Bryllion, limanın arkasındaki tepe üzerinde de Bryllion'un epineonu olan Tereia'nın bulunması gerektiği düşünülmüştür. Bu nedenle kayıp kent Bryllion ile Gündoğdu yakınındaki Çiftekayalar'ın aynı yer olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Özellikle M.S. X. yüzyıldan sonra bölge için önemli bir gemi üretim merkezi olarak bilinen Gemlik'te yapılan araştırmalar neticesinde antik döneme tarihlenebilecek herhangi bir liman veya tersane yapısı ile karşılaşılmamıştır. Kıyı şeridinin tamamen dolduğu ve yeniden yapılaşmanın olduğu anlaşılmıştır. İznik Gölü'nde yapılan araştırmalar esnasında dört farklı noktada iskele kazıkları tespit edilmiştir. Bu kazıkların yerleri ile, bölgede yerleri tahmin edilen antik kentler karşılaştırıldığında birebir örtüşme söz konusudur. Ahşapların tatlı sularda binyıllar boyunca bozulmadan kalabildiği bilinmektedir. Bodrum, Myndos, Antalya, Plakia, Eşkel, Gemlik örneklerinden de bildiğimiz gibi limanların olduğu yerler binyıllar boyunca aynı işlevde yaşamlarını sürdürmüşlerdir. Bu durum göllerde de söz konusu olmalıdır. İznik kenti çevresinde yaptığımız araştırmalarda dalgakıran benzeri bir yapı ile karşılaşılmamıştır. Kentin göl kısmında yoğun dolgu bulunmaktadır. Göl Kapı önünde tespit edilen kazıklar muhtemelen antik kentin iskelesini işaret ediyor olmalıdır. Yüzyıllar boyunca aynı mevki, eskiyen ahşapların yenilenmesi ile kullanılmış olmalıdır. Uluabat Gölü'nde yaptığımız çalışmaların sonuçları İznik Gölü'nde yaptığımız çalışmaların sonuçları ile benzerlik göstermektedir. Her iki gölde de dalgakıran veya mendirek yapısına rastlanmamıştır. Gölyazı (Apollonia ad Rhydakos)'ta yaptığımız çalışmalar neticesinde insitu şeklinde bulunan bağlama taşı limanın tam yerini bize göstermektedir. Bağlama taşı gölden yaklaşık 16 metre içeride bulunmaktadır. Aradan geçen yol ile, olması muhtemel kalıntılar tahrip edilmiştir. Antik kaynaklardan Miletopolitis Gölü kıyısında kurulduğunu bildiğimiz Miletopolis kenti günümüzde tamamen karasal bir alandadır. En yakın göl Uluabat Gölü olup, arasındaki mesafe kuş uçuşu 20 kilometredir. Strabon'un bahsettiği gölü bulmak için çevre topografyası ve coğrafyası üzerine yapılan araştırmalar ile kuruyan gölün sınırları tespit edilmiştir. Müze Müdürlüğü'nün yaptırdığı kazılar neticesinde ortaya çıkan yapılar ve topografya ışığında limanın nerede olması gerektiği açıklanmıştır. Rhyndakos Nehri'nin Uluabat Gölü ve Marmara Denizi arasında kalan kısımdaki çalışmalarda herhangi bir liman yapısı bulunamamıştır. Buradaki çalışmalarda orta boyda balıkçı teknelerinin bile günümüzde bu nehirde yolculuk ettiği ve kıyıda herhangi bir liman yapısına gereksinim duymadan demirleyebildiği anlaşılmıştır. Bu alandaki çalışmalara, herhangi bir buluntu olmaması nedeni ile ayrı bir başlık açılmamıştır. Kıyı şeridindeki ve göllerdeki çalışmalar göstermiştir ki, Bursa il sınırlarında tespit edilen tüm deniz limanlarında dalgakıranlar iri, düzensiz taşlar yardımı inşa edilmiştir. Tatlı sularda ise, herhangi bir dalgakıran yapısı ile karşılaşılmamaktadır. Tatlı sularda liman için ekstra yapılaşma gerekmemektedir. 135 kilometrelik kıyı şeridinde üç adet dalgakıran yapısı tespit edilmiştir. Eşkel, Trilye, Mudanya, ve Gemlik gibi halen yaşamın sürdüğü yerleşim yerlerinde limanların tahrip ve yok edildiği anlaşılmıştır. Kıyı şeridinin düz olması nedeni ile doğal liman hiç yoktur. Tespit edilen limanların hepsi yapay deniz limanıdır. M.Ö. VII. yüzyıldan itibaren deniz ticaretinde aktif olan Marmara Denizi kıyılarındaki limanları tarihlemek için yeterli veri mevcut değildir. Dalgakıranların yapım şeklinden tarihleme yapılamamaktadır. Fakat buluntular ışığında; Plakia Antik Kenti M.Ö. IV. yüzyıl; Daskyleion ad Mare M.Ö. IV. yüzyıl; Caesarea Germanica M.S. I. yüzyıl; Apameia/Myrleia M.Ö. IV. yüzyıl; Bryllion ve Kios M.Ö. V. yüzyıl'a tarihlendirilmektedirler. Plakia – Daskyleion ad Mare arasındaki mesafe 33 kilometre; Daskyleion ad Mare – Caesarea Germanica arası 5 km; Caesarea Germanica – Apamia/Myrleia arası 14 km; Apameia/Myrleia – Bryllion arası 9 km ve Bryllion – arası 17 kilometredir. Aralarındaki mesafeler bakımından bir ortaklık gözükmemektedir. Bu nedenle, bölgede liman kentleri kurulurken aralarındaki mesafeden çok coğrafya şartlarına dikkat edilmiştir. ; From prehistoric times to modern times, Anatolia has been home to many civilizations. It has hosted many cultures and many different languages have been spoken on this very piece of land. Since the 19th century, these lands attracted the attention of western archaeologists. Then, in the middle of the 20th century, it started to attract the attention of underwater archaeologists. Underwater research is particularly concentrated on the south and west coasts of Anatolia. While underwater research has been carried out around Marmara Island, at the lake of Küçükçekmece at the Marmara Sea, the only underwater research carried out in 2008 happened at Kyzikos (Erdek) at the south coasts of Marmara Sea. Around 7,100 years ago, after the Aegean Sea and the Black Sea connected, the importance of the Marmara Sea increased. After this period, it had officiated as a bridge between the civilization of the Northern Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. With the Neolithic Period, signs of life started to be detected around Marmara Sea and then with the colonization movements, the area hosted many cities. Mediterranean civilizations entering the Marmara Sea through the Dardanelles started to establish colonial cities at the coasts of Marmara. The south coasts of the Marmara Sea waited to attract the attention of researchers for long years. This can be seen clearly when, compared with the other parts of the Anatolian lands, the Marmara coasts were neglected. For this reason, the southern Marmara region's harbors were chosen as the area of this research. Four different provinces (Çanakkale, Balıkesir, Bursa, Yalova) had borders at the coasts of the Marmara Sea. The Turkish Ministry is providing a working permission for each province, at each period. As it was impossible to investigate the coastline of a province at a period, the research was limited to ancient harbors with the border of Bursa Province. Apart from the 135m areas at the coastline of Marmara Sea, the coasts of İznik and Uluabat lakes were also investigated. Information about the area was gathered from ancient resources, late antique travelers and modern research. The writing of the ancient authors, who gave information about the harbors of the region and harbor cities (including Strabo, Herodotus, Pseudo-Skylaks, Apollonius Rhodius, Xenophon, Pliny the Elder, Dio Chrysostom, Claudius Ptolemy, Stephanos Byzantinos, Pomponius Mela and Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus) were examined. Moreover, writing of the travelers such as Seyyid Muradi, İbn Battuta, Polish Simeon, Evliya Çelebi, Jean Thevenot, Richard Pockocke and Charles Texier were collected and considered as an adviser during the research. In all these resources, particular emphasis was laid on coastal cities and harbor structures. Since the period when maritime trade began, harbors become the most important points in the segmentation of the cities. Because they are the places where trade originated in the city, they were directly integrated into daily life. Harbors are natural or artificial places where the ships find shelter, load and unload goods, and board and drop off passengers. The first and last thing that a merchant coming to the city saw was the harbor. However, despite being in such an important position, they have not received enough attention from researchers over the years. The number of studies on the harbors of Anatolian coasts demonstrates that thus far. At the Bursa Province coastline, no research was held until today. The earliest sea-faring vessel made by humans dates back to 6000 BC, and the earliest harbor structure dates back to 3000 BC. According to the growing needs of people, water vessels also grew in size, and people needed places to protect these vessels. As a result of the size of the vessels becoming too big to be pulled to the coast easily, as well as the invention of hydrophilic cement allowing constructions underwater, harbors structures were constructed. Harbors were constructed in different ways depending on where they were found in the city. It is possible to divide harbors in two groups, according to the places where harbors were constructed and their respective functions. According to location, harbors are divided into sea harbors and freshwater harbors. Because of the diversity of coastline, sea harbors can be further categorized into natural and artificial harbors. Because lake and river coastlines are flat, all the freshwaters harbors are artificial. The main factor that determines whether the harbor is artificial or natural is the construction form of harbor's basin. Because natural harbors were constructed at bays, the natural basin of the bay would be used to form the harbor. Artificial harbors are constructed with the support of water basins, breakwaters and moles. Additionally, ancient harbors are divided even further, according to their functions: military harbors, trade harbors and private harbors. Harbor research around the world started in the 20th century AD. ; Bursa Metropolitan Municipality

This thesis deals about jūdō, with jūdō as the transcription of the Japanese word 柔道 and the abbreviation of Kōdōkan jūdō講道館柔道 the method founded in 1882 by Kanō Jigorō嘉納治五郎(1860-1938). More specifically, it comes to exploring and analyzing how he defined judo, without involving other contemporary or later interpretations. We explored the intimate connection between the creation and the creator, trying to understand what was the motivation of this man, how he structured his method, why he did it this way. We also analyzed its speech – should we say speeches – about judo. In other words, we focused on judo as the work of a man driven by his ideas, ideals and. character!In three parts, the first devoted to the process, the second on method and the third on the Discourse on Method, as well as the evolution during about sixty years, we attempted to clarify the process of creation, to distinguish between the legacy and contributions, the discourse and practice, to enable the historian, the sociologist, the educator, the philosopher, to better observe how the experience of a young idealist man (Kano Jigoro was 21 years old when he created Judo) became a global discipline. ; Cette thèse traite du jūdō, où jūdō est la transcription du mot japonais 柔道 et l'abréviation de Kōdōkan jūdō 講道館柔道, la méthode fondée en mai 1882 par Kanō Jigorō 嘉納治五郎 (1860-1938). Plus précisément, il est question d'explorer et d'analyser comment ce dernier définit le jūdō, sans y mêler les interprétations autres, contemporaines à cette création ou postérieures. Il s'agit de creuser le lien intime entre la création et le créateur, d'essayer de comprendre quelle a été la motivation de cet homme, la façon dont il a structuré sa méthode, les raisons pour lesquelles il l'a fait de cette manière, ainsi que d'analyser le – ou plutôt les – discours dont il l'a entourée ; en d'autres termes, il s'agit de se concentrer sur le jūdō comme l'œuvre d'un homme poussé par ses idées, ses idéaux et… son caractère !Il ne s'agit pas, en revanche, d'aborder cette étude sous l'angle du jūdō comme fruit d'un contexte social, historique et culturel particulier, dans un Japon dont la situation intérieure comme internationale connaît sur cette période de profonds changements, ou dans un contexte qui voit la mise en place, en Occident, de l'éducation physique, du sport, des Jeux Olympiques ou d'initiatives de méthodes de formation globale pour la jeunesse. Le judo est aujourd'hui mondialement connu et pratiqué. Au travers de sa diffusion, c'est un peu de la culture japonaise, réelle ou fantasmée, qui s'est répandue.Mais qu'est-ce que le judo ? Quelle est – était ?– son ambition réelle ? Ce sont là des questions sur lesquelles personne ne semble s'être encore réellement penché et à laquelle nous avons essayé de répondre.Apprécié des savants de renommée internationale – c'est ainsi qu'en France il s'impose au travers de la fascination qu'il exerce dans les années 1930 sur des gens comme Frédéric Joliot –, qui y voient une science de l'exploitation des principes physiques et mécaniques, tout autant que des forces de police (qui y trouvent un facteur de leur sécurité), des éducateurs et pédagogues (qui y voient pour leurs élèves un bon moyen d'apprendre à se confronter sans grand danger, ainsi qu'à gagner en maîtrise de soi et en confiance), des passionnés d'arts martiaux (qui y recherchent un message ésotérique ou simplement une attitude « traditionnelle »), des sportifs (qui s'intéressent à l'activité physique et aux compétitions sportives), des férus de self-défense ou de combat dit « réel » (qui y recherchent les clés de l'efficacité), le judo apparaît multi-facettes. Il jouit, auprès du grand public, d'une image positive et nombre de parents souhaitent y inscrire, au moins un temps, leurs enfants, pour toutes les raisons évoquées et pour cette aura globalement « éducative » qui l'entoure.Ainsi, ceux qui se rendent dans un dōjō de judo, et y revêtent un « kimono » font bien en apparence la même chose, y mettent parfois la même énergie, souvent la même passion, mais leurs mots pour décrire le judo/jūdō et leur recherche diffèrent tant qu'il semble parfois impossible de concilier leurs discours. Le judo apparaît alors sans unité, sans identité.Répertorier et croiser ces différentes conceptions d'une même activité constituerait un passionnant ouvrage sociologique, mais pour comprendre ce qui les unit au-delà des divergences apparentes, il est une question non encore résolue : qu'était le jūdō à l'origine ? Comment a-t-il été conçu ? Pour répondre à cette question, il faut remonter dans le temps, plus précisément d'un peu plus de 120 ans.120 ans, c'est peu. Pourtant la recherche, le voyage aux sources du judo n'est pas sans difficulté. Ainsi le judo appartient-il, d'une certaine manière, à la sphère dite des « arts martiaux », un domaine qu'il s'agit d'aborder avec beaucoup de précautions, avec objectivité (et donc distance) mais sans en laisser échapper les éléments essentiels (ce pour quoi l'intimité peut être un atout).La formation universitaire m'a ouvert les clés de la langue japonaise, de la compréhension des textes, et surtout de la méthode et de l'attitude du chercheur. La fréquentation assidue des dōjō (depuis 25 ans), un 4e dan [au moment de la soutenance de la thèse] et des responsabilités dans la vie du judo au niveau local (secrétaire général de la ligue de Paris) m'ont offert de porter un regard particulier et prolongé sur la discipline.En trois parties, la première consacrée à la démarche, la deuxième à la méthode et la troisième, au discours de la méthode, ainsi qu'à l'évolution de celui-ci sur presque soixante ans, il s'agira de clarifier le processus de formation, de faire la part entre l'héritage et les apports, le discours et la méthode, afin de permettre à l'historien, au sociologue, au pédagogue, au philosophe, de mieux observer comment l'expérience d'un jeune homme (Kanō Jigorō a 21 ans lorsqu'il crée le jūdō) idéaliste est devenu une discipline planétaire.EXPLICATION DES RECHERCHES PREALABLES A LA REDACTION Il était essentiel, devant la multitude des discours qui entourent le judo, d'aller chercher au plus près des sources, dans le temps comme dans l'espace, les indices laissés par Kanō Jigorō, le but étant d'offrir la vision la plus claire possible de l'ambition première du jūdō au travers d'une démarche universitaire fondée sur l'étude des écrits des générations précédentes. En 1999, lorsque j'ai débuté cette étude, je ne savais pas si Kanō Jigorō avait écrit ou non. Non seulement aucun texte de sa main ne circule en Occident – il y a bien, en annexe de Le jūdō, école de vie 4 , un texte, présenté comme étant la transcription d'un discours prononcé par Kanō Jigorō mais il est absolument inexploitable d'un point de vue scientifique puisqu'on ne sait ni dans quelle langue, ni à quelle date, ni dans quelles circonstances, il aurait été prononcé – mais, au Japon même, tous les professeurs interrogés semblaient l'ignorer ou, du moins, ne pas savoir comment y avoir accès. Il m'est ainsi vite apparu que le problème des sources représenterait la plus grosse difficulté technique de ce travail. J'ai donc commencé par essayer de me constituer un corpus réunissant témoignages et études sur l'histoire du jūdō. En langues occidentales, du moins dans celles qui me sont accessibles – français et anglais – je n'ai rien trouvé. Il y a bien sûr quantité de livres techniques, mais aucune étude sur la démarche de Kanō Jigorō. Une première bonne surprise toutefois : la découverte à la Bibliothèque nationale de France de deux écrits de Kanō Jigorō rédigés en anglais : le premier, Jiujutsu (柔術), the old samurai art of fighting without weapons , et le second Judo (Jūjutsu). Restaient les documents en langue japonaise. Laisser de côté toutes les publications techniques pour se concentrer sur les études historiques est un travail décevant : la plupart des livres historiques sur le jūdō sont des biographies de Kanō Jigorō et non des études de sa démarche, de son discours ou de la méthode. Néanmoins désireux d'approfondir cependant ma connaissance de l'homme, je passai de longs mois à étudier la vie de Kanō. J'hésitai même alors – faute de trouver les sources qui m'étaient nécessaires – à concentrer et réorienter mon travail sur l'homme plutôt que sur sa création. Leur lecture consciencieuse m'a cependant permis une découverte inattendue : l'unité des discours, jusque dans la formulation, laissant deviner qu'ils avaient puisé à la même source, qu'il devait exister un texte original, probablement écrit de la main de Kanō Jigorō. J'ai d'abord découvert un premier recueil de textes, organisé par thèmes et composé de trois tomes pour environ 1500 pages. Récent, mais au tirage confidentiel, il est difficile à trouver. Il est l'une des sources essentielles de mon travail de DEA consacré aux combats pour l'éducation menés par Kanō Jigorō dans les années 1882-1898. Par la suite, la bibliothèque de la Diète et surtout les librairies d'occasion du quartier Jinbochō à Tōkyō m'ont livré leurs trésors, et j'ai pu constituer un corpus de 575 textes de la main de Kanō Jigorō pour un total de 5000 pages. La découverte, dans un carton non déballé en provenance directe de l'éditeur, sous les étagères poussiéreuses d'une de ces fameuses librairies, d'un recueil en quinze tomes, dont je connaissais l'existence mais que je n'avais jamais pu consulter, a été déterminante !La plupart sont des articles, d'autres des transcriptions de discours ou encore des préfaces, certains font une page, d'autres plus de 200. La période couverte va de 1888 à 1938 et les thèmes abordés sont très larges : le jūdō, bien sûr, mais aussi sa vie, l'éducation, la politique, les relations internationales, des impressions de voyage… PRESENTATION DES PRINCIPES METHODOLOGIQUES A partir du corpus finalement constitué, j'ai pu me concentrer sur les textes en rapport avec le jūdō, et proposer une analyse de la façon dont Kanō le conçoit, de manière non à en explorer tous les aspects, mais en m'efforçant de constituer un socle sur lequel appuyer les recherches futures dans le domaine. De prime abord, la lecture de ces différents textes est source de confusion. En effet, les définitions du jūdō se succèdent, les explications concernant son rôle, ses buts et objectifs ne cessent d'être modifiées. Ainsi, si dégager des thèmes fut ma première tentation, ce ne fut pas la plus fructueuse. C'est pourtant l'exercice auquel se prêtent tous les auteurs et éditeurs. Or, j'avais pu noter que tous ne retiennent qu'une part de ces définitions et toujours la même. Mon hypothèse a donc été qu'il devait s'agir là d'une sorte d'état final de la pensée du fondateur. Pour m'en assurer, j'ai comparé trois textes : le plus ancien texte de présentation complète du jūdō par Kanō Jigorō – une conférence de 1889 9 – et le plus récent, une autre conférence datant de 1938 10 , soit quelques semaines avant sa mort. J'en ai ajouté un troisième, d'une part parce qu'il était à peu près à égale distance dans le temps des deux autres (publié en série entre 1915 et 1916), d'autre part parce qu'il se veut une présentation complète du jūdō. La comparaison de ces textes, tant dans le fond que dans la forme s'est révélée éclairante, l'évolution de la pensée apparaissant nettement. Classer les textes dans leur ordre chronologique permet de démontrer que le jūdō n'a pas, pour Kanō Jigorō, plusieurs définitions à la fois, mais bien une en fonction des périodes et qu'il ne revient (pratiquement) jamais sur l'une d'elles une fois passé à une nouvelle formulation, pas plus qu'il n'explique comment et pourquoi il est passé de l'une à l'autre. Ainsi l'organisation chronologique de ces textes, de 1888 à 1938, à laquelle je me suis attelé, donne soudain la vision d'une pensée en marche qui évolue d'un texte à l'autre de manière perceptible, et à la compréhension de laquelle tous les écrits peuvent enfin contribuer. Mon travail a alors consisté à constater et répertorier ces différentes étapes puis à essayer de comprendre comment et pourquoi Kanō Jigorō a pu passer de l'une à l'autre en prenant pour indices les faits, les anecdotes, évoqués dans ses différents textes. Il m'a semblé pertinent de présenter les conclusions auxquelles j'ai abouti selon une logique personnelle, reconstruite à partir de cette étude, et selon le découpage suivant : une première partie consacrée à la démarche de Kanō Jigorō, une deuxième à la méthode, sa structuration, ses éléments, leur construction et rôles, et une troisième aux discours, et évolution de ceux-ci, sur la méthode et démarche. Ainsi, la première partie consacrée à la démarche resitue-t-elle d'abord le jūdō dans l'histoire du combat – armé ou non, duel ou sur le champ de bataille, réel ou rituel – au Japon avant de s'intéresser au caractère de Kanō. Puis je retrace le parcours conceptuel de celui-ci, qui le mène de jū, « l'adaptation », à seiryoku zen.yō, « bonne utilisation de l'énergie », au travers de phases conceptuelles et formulations intermédiaires.La deuxième partie, qui concerne la méthode, décrit et explore le jūdō tel qu'il doit se pratiquer dans les dōjō pour Kanō : kata, randori, mondō, kōgi. Je les définis comme étant quatre piliers de la pratique qui concernent trois domaines : celui du combat, celui du corps, et celui de l'intelligence et de la morale, domaines auxquels sera ajouté à partir de 1915 et plus précisément encore à partir de 1922, un quatrième, celui de l'application dans la vie quotidienne des principes du jūdō. Quatre piliers, trois domaines et enfin trois éducations : l'éducation physique, l'éducation intellectuelle, et l'éducation morale.La troisième partie concerne le discours. Discours qui connaît trois grandes périodes : la première est marquée par son absence, où plutôt la seule promesse d'un idéal social, jusque 1915 ; la deuxième consiste en une période normative, jusque 1922 ; la dernière, enfin, est caractérisée par un certain apaisement, s'agissant d'inviter simplement à la réflexion d'abord de manière fortement incitative, puis plus discrètement et légèrement. Ce discours, foisonnant et souvent indissocié, je l'analyse enfin selon trois cercles contextuels : celui du combat, celui de l'attitude quotidienne, et celui de l'idéal. CONCLUSION DU TRAVAIL DE RECHERCHESi l'étude des textes m'avait permis de recenser des faits, des intentions, des colères, des étonnements, des explications, des discours, il restait à les organiser. C'est cette méthode de travail qui justifie le titre définitif : « Kanō Jigorō et l'élaboration du jūdō » car je propose de découvrir comment, petit à petit, pierre après pierre, choix après choix, Kanō construit le jūdō. Organiser les éléments est déjà source de découvertes mais c'est leur analyse qui s'est révélée la plus fructueuse. Et c'est dans ce cadre que l'idée qui est devenue le sous-titre, le « choix de la faiblesse », s'est imposée, d'abord timidement, puis de façon de plus en plus obsédante jusqu'à devenir une sorte d'évidence en comparant les faits, anecdotes et récits de Kanō. Le « choix de la faiblesse » est la thèse que je propose, c'est ma lecture du jūdō et du système de pensée de Kanō.Le jūdō est conçu pour que le faible, s'il utilise habilement ses ressources et le contexte, ait une chance de se trouver en position de force, et aussi que le fort agisse avec prudence, conscient que toute situation est relative et temporaire, préparant le temps – qui souhaitonsle lui, ne viendra pas – où il se retrouvera en position de faiblesse. Cette pensée ne conditionne pas seulement la conception et la méthode de combat mais jusqu'à la vision du comportement attendu de l'individu comme acteur social. L'étude des textes montre que Kanō Jigorō portait trois projets distincts tout autant qu'entrelacés, unis globalement dans le mot jūdō. Le premier, c'est l'étude et l'enseignement du principe qui permet l'efficacité. Le second, c'est la mise en application par chacun de ce principe dans la société. Le troisième, c'est la formation de chacun selon son idéal de l'homme et de la société.Le jūdō devait changer l'homme et la société. Cela l'a-t-il fait ? Cela le peut-il encore alors que le jūdō apparaît aujourd'hui tronqué tant dans le discours du fondateur que dans sa méthode ? C'est un autre débat. ; 起草前の研究について柔道に対しての言説は様々である。だから出来るだけ柔道の原点の理想をはっきり理解するように前の世代の文献の研究の基となる学術的方法を通して嘉納治五郎の残した手がかりを得ろうとすることは不可欠である。研究の始まった1999 年私は嘉納が文書を残していたかどうか知らなかった。西欧には何も出版されていなかった。フランス語で書かれた柔道についての本Le jūdō,école de vie1 (『人生の学校としての柔道』)の付録には嘉納の演説を基にした文献があるが、その演説が日本語であったか、他の言語であったか、いつどこでどのような状況で話されたか、全くわからず、学術的には利用出来ない。日本でも多くの柔道の指導者に彼の著作が実際にあるかどこで探したらいいかと聞いても答えを得ることはできなかった。この研究の最も難しい学術的問題はまずは文献を探すことであるということはすぐに分かった。したがって柔道の歴史についての記録や研究の本を集めるべく努力した。自分が読める言語、仏語と英語では何もないことが分かった。柔道の技についての本はたくさんあるが、嘉納治五郎が柔道をどのように構想したかについては何もなかった。ただ、パリの国立図書館でJiujutsu (柔術), the old samurai art of fighting without weapons2 とJudo (Jūjutsu)3 と題された嘉納治五郎の英語の著作を見つけ驚いた。残るは日本語の文献のみとなった。技術に関する出版物は避けて歴史のみを扱う文献を研究しても結果は期待に沿うものではなかった。柔道の歴史の本の大部分は嘉納の伝記であり、彼の仕事、書物、またその方法の研究ではなかった。嘉納治五郎の人生を出来るだけ詳しく知るべく伝記の研究に数カ月を費やした。何冊も真面目に読んでいくうち予期せぬ発見をした。どの著者でも同じことを説明しており、言葉の選び方まで近いので皆同じ原典から本を書いたということが分かった。その原典は嘉納治五郎自身の著作ではないかと考えた。そこで手に入れるのは容易ではなかったが、最近出版された、三巻からなり1500 頁に及ぶテーマ別の嘉納治五郎著作集4 を見つけることができた。1882 年から1898 年に嘉納治五郎が教育のために戦かった過程を追ったこの文献が私の専門研究課程修了論文の基となった。その後国会図書館からも、東京の神保町の古本を扱う書店からも嘉納の文献を手に入れることができ、合計約5000 頁の575 件の文献を集めて研究することができた。埃かぶって開けた形跡のない出版社のダンボール箱の中に15 巻からなる嘉納治五郎体系5 という著作集をある古本屋で発見、これが研究の中核となった。嘉納治五郎の著作の大部分は記事で、その他は演説や序文などである。1 頁だけのものもあり、200 頁以上のものもある。時期としては1888 年から1938 年までで、柔道は当然のこと、彼の生涯や教育や政治や国際関係や旅の印象なども含まれておりテーマは広い。研究方法について揃った資料文献から柔道に関するものに重点をおき、嘉納の柔道構想について分析ができたと考える。すべての側面を研究できたわけではないが少なくとも将来この分野においての調査の基となるものを築こうと力を尽くした。はじめに、これらの様々な文献はそれ自体混乱の源である。実際、柔道の定義は何度も出てくるし、柔道の役割の説明、目的などは次々と修正されていく。なのでテーマを分類したい誘惑にかられたが、それは実りの多いものではなかったし、すでに多くの著者、編集者がしてきたことだった。さて、私はすべての定義において、いつも同じある一部分のみが使われていることに気づいた。というわけで私は、この部分が創立者の完成された思想であるのではないかと仮定した。そのため、三件の文献を比較することとした。まず柔道に関して最も古い講演である1889 年のものより『柔道一班並ニ其教育上ノ價値』1 と、最も新しく、1938 年彼の亡くなる数週間前に行われた講演より、『柔道の根本精神』2。三件目には、この二つの講演のちょうど中間、1915〜1916 年に出版された、柔道の解説として完全な『講道館柔道概説』3 を選んだ。これらの文献を綿密に比較するうちだんだんと思想の進化が見えてきた。そして年代順に整理してみてわかったことは、嘉納にとって一時に複数の柔道の定義はなく、ただ時代に沿ってその定義が変わっていくということ、しかも一度過ぎると過去の定義には戻らず新しい定式に移り、どうして変化したかを説明することもなかったということである。1888 年から1938 年まで年代順の分析から、文献から文献へと進化していく発展中の思想をかいま見ることができ、その進化を理解するために、一見柔道に関係のないほかのすべての文書も助けとなった。そこで私はこれら様々な進化の過程を確認、整理し、その後、これらの文書から事実やエピソードを手がかりに、なぜ嘉納治五郎が次から次へと思想を変えていったのか、理解しようと試みた。この研究から私なりの論理で達した結論は、以下の区分に分けて提示するのが最善であろう。まずはじめに嘉納治五郎という人物の人生、背景、次に柔道の指導方法、その構造化と要素、さらにそれら要素の構成と役割、三番目にこれらについての嘉納の説明とその変化についてである。第一部では嘉納の人柄について語る前に、まず武装あるいは武器なし、決闘か戦場での戦闘、儀式的あるいは実践的など、日本における戦いの歴史上での柔道の歩みについて述べる。柔すなわち「順応」から「精力を有効に使う」という意味の精力善用まで、構想における段階を追って、60 年に及ぶ嘉納の思考の進化をたどる。第二部は指導方法に関してだが、嘉納にとって柔道がどのようにして道場で実践されるべきかを詳しく述べる。形、乱取り、問答、講義が含まれる。これらを実践の四本の柱と定義し、この四点は戦い、身体、そして知性と倫理の三分野にあてはめられる。その後、四分野目として、1915 年とさらに詳しく1922 年に柔道の原理の日常生活への応用が加えられる。このほか、体育、知育、徳育の三つの教育がある。第三部では言説を扱う。談話、論述は三つの重要な時期に分けられる。まずは1915 年までの論述の欠落の時期、あるいは社会理想主義的希望が見えるだけの時期、次に1922 年までの規範を確立した時期、その後は一種の鎮静化があり、ただ熟考を促すようなやり方へと変化する。これらの言説は豊富な上、秩序立っていないが、理想の枠の中に日常の態度、さらにその中に戦闘、というような枠組みに分けて捉え、分析することとする。結論へまだ体系化する必要があるが、この研究で、嘉納の逸話、意図、怒り、驚き、解説や談話などを抜き出すことができた。少しずつ、石をひとつずつ築き上げていくように選り抜きに選り抜きを重ねて嘉納が柔道を構築していった様を見出せる内容にふさわしく、この論文を「嘉納治五郎と柔道の構想」と名づけた。要素を整理することはそれだけで発見の多い作業だったが、それらの分析は最も実り多きものだった。そして論文の副題となった「弱さの選択」は、はじめは遠慮がちではあったが、徐々について離れないような姿で現れ、逸話や談話を通して嘉納の言説を比べると、ついには自明の理となる。「弱さの選択」は私の提案する命題であるが、それは私の柔道と嘉納の思想体系に対する解釈である。柔道は、状況に応じて巧みにその潜在的能力を活用できれば、弱い者でも、強い立場に立つことができるように構想されている。また強い者にとっては、すべての状況は相対的、一時的であることを意識し、弱い立場に立たされる時がくるとすればそれに備えるべく慎重さを持って行動できるように考案されている。この思想は戦闘法だけでなく、社会の一員として求められる個々の振る舞い方にも影響を与えている。この研究より柔道というものの中に、嘉納治五郎は絡み合う三つの異なる計画を組み込んだ。一つには効率さを活かす原理の研究と教育、二つ目には各個人によるこの原理の社会への応用、三つ目には嘉納の人と社会の理想に基づく個人の養成である。嘉納は人と社会を変えるために柔道を創った。それは果たして成功したのだろうか。創立者の目から見て、現在の柔道にはまだ欠けている部分があるのではないか。だがそれはまた別の議論である。

Introducción o motivación de la tesis: Esta Memoria se enmarca dentro de los estudios sobre Historia de las matemáticas en la España decimonónica, en particular de su presencia en las instituciones docentes, desarrollados en el Seminario de Historia de la Ciencia y de la Técnica de Aragón bajo la dirección del Prof. Dr. Mariano Hormigón en la Universidad de Zaragoza. A lo largo de más de tres décadas han sido abordados distintos aspectos de la matemática y de la Ciencia española, principalmente en el periodo que va desde la Ilustración a la Guerra Civil. Continuando con esta línea de trabajo en torno al estudio de la evolución de las matemáticas dentro de las Fuerzas Armadas españolas, en esta Memoria se presenta un estudio global del desarrollo de la enseñanza de las matemáticas en la Armada española a lo largo del siglo XIX, especialmente en los centros de formación de Guardias Marinas. Desarrollo teórico: A lo largo de la Memoria se realiza un análisis de contenidos de los textos de matemáticas ¿ manuales, tratados o compendios para la formación de los oficiales ¿ utilizados en la Armada española en el siglo XIX, debidamente contextualizados en su uso docente en los diferentes centros y planes de estudio. La agrupación de todos los textos seleccionados por disciplinas matemáticas presenta un total de seis obras sobre Aritmética, nueve sobre Álgebra, seis sobre Geometría elemental, tres sobre Geometría Descriptiva, cuatro sobre Geometría Analítica, cinco sobre Análisis Matemático, seis sobre Trigonometría Rectilínea, ocho sobre Trigonometría Esférica y cinco obras españolas y siete extranjeras para el estudio comparado de la obra de Pedro José Rodríguez Riola. Cuatro apéndices recogen la sistematización realizada para el estudio de estas obras. Se presentan en los dos primeros las Portadas e Índices de los libros seleccionados, reconstruyendo los índices de las obras que carecen de ellos. Un tercer apéndice muestra en siete subapartados las tablas que resumen los datos generales de las obras seleccionadas y el análisis comparativo de sus contenidos para las diferentes disciplinas matemáticas. El último apéndice recopila los Reglamentos, órdenes y programas de los exámenes de ingreso en la Escuela Naval Flotante, a fin de determinar el nivel matemático exigido a los Aspirantes al ingreso en este centro. El primer capítulo de la Memoria, Marco institucional y legal: centros docentes y Planes de Estudio, está conformado por dos apartados. En el primero, Presencia de las Matemáticas en la Armada a finales del s. XVIII, se repasan los antecedentes de la formación básica y superior de las Academias de Guardias Marinas en cuanto a planes de estudio y textos de matemáticas. En el segundo apartado, Las Matemáticas en la organización y estructura de los estudios desarrollados en la Armada en el siglo XIX, se revisan cronológicamente las cinco etapas en que se ha divido el siglo en relación al centro de formación existente: Academia de Guardias Marinas (1802-1824), Colegio Real y Militar de Caballeros Guardias Marinas (1825-1828), sin centro docente (1828-1844), Colegio Naval Militar (1844-68) y Escuela Naval Flotante (1869-1909). Para cada etapa se realiza una síntesis del periodo y se analizan los desarrollos de la formación básica y superior (si la hay): planes de estudio, disciplinas matemáticas y textos matemáticos utilizados. El segundo capítulo, Las Matemáticas en los textos de formación náutica militar, se compone de diez apartados. En el primer apartado, Revisión de la producción matemática en la Armada en el siglo XIX, se seleccionan aquellas obras de cuyo uso para la formación de los Guardias Marinas o para la preparación de las pruebas de ingreso en la Escuela Naval Flotante tenemos constancia. En los seis siguientes apartados se realizan los estudios comparativos del tratamiento y desarrollo de la Aritmética, el Álgebra, la Geometría elemental, la Geometría Descriptiva, la Geometría Analítica y el Análisis Matemático en la Armada durante el siglo XIX. Para cada una de las materias se examinan las obras utilizadas, se determina la presencia en los textos de los principales contenidos de la materia y se formulan conclusiones sobre la evolución y grado de actualidad de la materia a lo largo del siglo XIX. Entre los autores revisados destacan Gabriel Ciscar y Ciscar, Saturnino Montojo y Juan Cortázar, tanto por su número de obras como por su prestigio científico a nivel nacional. Son las personalidades más influyentes a lo largo del siglo XIX en la formación de los oficiales, por lo que se realizan estudios comparativos en las materias que fueron tratadas por los tres autores: Aritmética, Álgebra y Geometría elemental. En los apartados octavo y noveno se presenta un estudio más detallado y pormenorizado de los tratamientos y desarrollos de la Trigonometría Rectilínea y Esférica, al ser ambas materias de especial importancia en la formación de los Guardias Marinas por sus aplicaciones a la navegación. En el décimo y último apartado se revisa la vida y obra de Pedro José Rodríguez Riola, un autor singular cuya obra estaba pendiente de localización y estudio. Este mahonés ejerció como Professor of Mathematics and Navigation of Midshipmen of the U. S. Navy Yard, Gosport, en el estado norteamericano de Virginia, desde 1827 hasta su fallecimiento en 1838. Su principal obra, Elements of spherical trigonometry, designed as an introduction to the study of nautical astronomy, es ampliamente examinada al objeto de determinar qué obras, tanto españolas como extranjeras, pudieron influir en su elaboración. Conclusiones: En el transcurso del siglo XIX cabe distinguir tres periodos en cuanto a lo que a la enseñanza de las matemáticas en la Armada Española se refiere. En un primer periodo, correspondiente a la formación en las Academias de Guardias Marinas (1802-1824) y en el Colegio Real y Militar de Caballeros Guardias Marinas (1825-1828), la formación básica en matemáticas sufre un retroceso respecto del nivel alcanzado en el último tercio del siglo XVIII, limitándose al estudio de la Aritmética, la Geometría elemental, la Trigonometría Rectilínea y algunas nociones sobre los círculos, líneas y puntos en la esfera. El Plan de Estudios sigue el Curso de Estudios Elementales de Marina, obra que Ciscar adapta plenamente a las necesidades del momento en la Armada, de manera que los cadetes puedan asimilar todos los contenidos durante su formación. Mediante esta obra, Ciscar delimita claramente lo que un Guardia Marina debe o no debe conocer a lo largo de sus estudios. En Aritmética y Geometría elemental se presentan unos conocimientos básicos bajo un enfoque eminentemente práctico, utilizando desarrollos sintéticos en el caso de la Geometría. En Trigonometría Rectilínea se mantiene una concepción geométrica de las expresiones trigonométricas heredada de las líneas trigonométricas utilizadas en el siglo XVIII, mientras que en Trigonometría Esférica Ciscar presenta un reducido número de definiciones y propiedades básicas, apoyándose en figuras geométricas y triángulos rectilíneos, lo que supone un retroceso de contenidos respecto al siglo anterior. En cuanto a la formación superior durante este periodo, las obras de La Caille y Bézout muestran concisamente los principales contenidos sobre el Cálculo diferencial e integral y tratan de forma reducida las Ecuaciones diferenciales. La Caille sigue un enfoque geométrico, mientras Bézout se apoya principalmente en herramientas algebraicas. En el segundo periodo, correspondiente a la formación impartida en el Colegio Naval Militar (1844-1868), se produce un avance sustancial en la instrucción matemática bajo la influencia de Saturnino Montojo, figura clave durante esta etapa por su elaboración de tratados para la formación en el centro sobre Aritmética, Álgebra y Trigonometría. En el Colegio aumentan tanto las asignaturas como el nivel de la formación matemática básica: se instruye a los Aspirantes en Aritmética, Álgebra, Geometría elemental, rudimentos de Geometría Analítica, Trigonometría Rectilínea y Trigonometría Esférica. En Aritmética Montojo realiza un tratamiento más amplio y algebraico que Ciscar, aunque con un manejo básico de los números irracionales y las aproximaciones numéricas. El Álgebra elemental y superior aparece por primera vez como materias propias de los estudios básicos en la obra de Montojo, siendo reseñable la introducción de Series. En cuanto a la Trigonometría Rectilínea, se pasa de un enfoque puramente geométrico a otro algebraico y analítico. Desde una concepción geométrica de las expresiones trigonométricas heredada de las líneas trigonométricas, Montojo evoluciona hacia un enfoque algebraico-analítico basado en las funciones trigonométricas y construye las tablas trigonométricas logarítmicas mediante desarrollos en serie. Si bien la evolución es menos significativa en cuanto a métodos de resolución de triángulos rectilíneos, cabe destacar la incorporación del Teorema del Coseno y de las fórmulas de Briggs como herramientas de resolución. Los contenidos sobre Trigonometría Esférica evolucionan considerablemente durante este periodo de la mano de Montojo. El manejo de los triángulos esféricos, junto con sus propiedades básicas, pierde protagonismo, aumentando la importancia de la resolución de triángulos esféricos. El Teorema del Seno y el método del Perpendículo dejan de ser los pilares del enfoque geométrico, que es sustituido por un nuevo enfoque algebraico basado en el Teorema del Coseno para los lados. Montojo introduce también esta orientación algebraica en el estudio de los triángulos oblicuángulos, apoyándose en las analogías de Gauss-Delambre y de Neper. Incorpora además nuevos contenidos, entre los que destacan el cálculo de áreas de triángulos, las analogías diferenciales y diversas relaciones entre la Trigonometría Esférica y la Rectilínea, como el Teorema de Legendre. En cuanto a la formación superior, también se eleva el nivel en matemáticas al incluirse en los Cursos de Estudios Sublimes el Cálculo diferencial e integral, la Geometría Analítica, la Geodesia y la Geometría Descriptiva. En el tercer periodo, correspondiente a la formación impartida en la Escuela Naval Flotante (1869-1909), se produce un incremento del nivel matemático exigido a los Aspirantes a Guardias Marinas. En las pruebas de ingreso destacan la cantidad y calidad de los contenidos matemáticos que se exigen en Aritmética, Álgebra, Geometría elemental, Geometría Descriptiva, Geometría Analítica, Trigonometría y Cálculo diferencial e integral. Entre los autores de obras utilizadas para la preparación de las pruebas de ingreso destaca Juan Cortázar, tanto por la variedad de materias que trata como por el nivel de los contenidos presentados. Muchos de ellos, anteriormente contemplados en la formación de las academias y colegios precedentes, pasan a ser requisito de acceso a la Escuela Naval Flotante. Respecto a la formación ofrecida en la Escuela, las materias presentan un mayor nivel, en correspondencia con la acrecentada base matemática de acceso de los aspirantes. Las asignaturas impartidas son Análisis (Cálculo diferencial e integral, junto con nociones básicas de Ecuaciones diferenciales y Series), Complemento de Álgebra, Trigonometría Rectilínea, Trigonometría Esférica, Geometría Descriptiva y Geometría Analítica. Se eliminan pues la Aritmética, el Álgebra elemental y la Geometría elemental, cuya evolución se sigue en las obras preparatorias. Así, en Aritmética Cortázar muestra un enfoque algebraico, similar al de Montojo, en el que profundizan a finales de siglo las obras de Terry y Rivas, Serret y Salinas y Benítez, especialmente en cuanto al estudio de la divisibilidad, los logaritmos y las aproximaciones numéricas. Por otra parte, el Álgebra elemental se va entrelazando con contenidos propios del Álgebra superior en las pruebas de ingreso. No obstante, los contenidos no son introducidos de forma gradual durante el último tercio del siglo, sino que varían de un curso a otro, lo que muestra la ausencia de criterios fijos sobre los conocimientos de Álgebra superior necesarios para la formación de los Guardias Marinas; es destacable el tratamiento de los Determinantes por parte de Salinas y Benítez para los exámenes de ingreso de 1900. En cuanto a la Geometría elemental, Cortázar y Terry y Rivas ofrecen un tratamiento más teórico y profundo que Ciscar, que se acentúa a finales de siglo en las obras de Rouché y Comberousse y Ortega y Sala. La Geometría Descriptiva pasa a integrarse por primera vez en la formación de los Guardias Marinas en la Escuela Naval Flotante, especialmente en las pruebas de ingreso, aumentando a lo largo del periodo los elementos tratados y la profundidad con que son estudiados. En los primeros años de la Escuela, un capítulo de la obra de Bielsa y Ciprián o el texto de Ibáñez y Valera cubren todos los contenidos necesarios para la prueba de acceso, que aumentan significativamente con el texto de García Villar. También la Geometría Analítica es tratada por primera vez de forma independiente en la Escuela, tanto en las pruebas de ingreso como en su formación, ampliándose paulatinamente los contenidos a lo largo del último tercio del siglo mediante un enfoque cada vez más algebraico. En los primeros años la obra preparatoria de Meunier-Joannet presenta unos contenidos básicos sobre Geometría Analítica en dos dimensiones. Posteriormente, las obras de Merás y Uría y Salmon, también preparatorias, aumentan de forma considerable los contenidos; el primero estudia principalmente el plano bajo un enfoque geométrico y el segundo el espacio basándose plenamente en el Álgebra. Más tarde, la obra de De María, de uso en la formación de la Escuela, supone un aumento considerable de contenidos respecto a las anteriores obras, especialmente en dos dimensiones, bajo un planteamiento algebraico. El Cálculo diferencial e integral presenta un enfoque plenamente analítico en las obras de Meunier-Joannet y Miranda; ambos textos, adaptados para la enseñanza en escuelas navales, recogen la mayoría de los contenidos del Cálculo diferencial e integral, junto con conceptos básicos de Series y Ecuaciones diferenciales; el texto de Miranda tiene un mayor equilibrio en el tratamiento de los contenidos. En Trigonometría Rectilínea se sigue un enfoque algebraico-analítico basado en las funciones trigonométricas, aunque no todos los autores dejan atrás las líneas trigonométricas, coexistiendo ambos enfoques durante la parte final del siglo. En la elaboración y uso de las tablas trigonométricas logarítmicas del Seno, Tangente y Secante hay un retroceso respecto a la obra de Montojo por parte de algunos autores que, como Cortázar y Barreda y García, estudian los desarrollos en serie aunque sin aplicarlos directamente a la construcción de las tablas. Por otra parte, el manejo por parte de Cortázar del Teorema del Coseno ¿que aparece en la obra de Cortázar antes que en la de Montojo¿y las fórmulas de Briggs facilitan los procesos de resolución de triángulos rectilíneos, sin que esto suponga un cambio metodológico; simplemente cada autor aporta su toque personal a la hora de clasificar y resolver los distintos casos. La Trigonometría Esférica continúa con el enfoque algebraico seguido por Montojo y Cortázar en el estudio de los triángulos oblicuángulos. Adicionalmente, van adquiriendo importancia otros contenidos, como el cálculo de áreas de triángulos y las relaciones entre la Trigonometría Esférica y la Rectilínea. Por otra parte, y dada la singularidad del autor, se ha revisado la vida y obra de Pedro José Rodríguez Riola, mahonés que ejerció como Professor of Mathematics and Navigation of Midshipmen of the U.S. Navy Yard, Gosport, en el estado norteamericano de Virginia, desde 1827 hasta su fallecimiento en 1838. 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