Suchergebnisse

В статье дается анализ Гражданского кодекса Турецкой Республики 1926 г. и других законодательных актов, регулирующих правовую основу уравнения женщин в правах с мужчинами, делается попытка доказать, что права женщин, закрепленные юридически, соблюдаются в действительности с ограничениями и оглядкой на традиционное мусульманское право. ; This article provides an analysis of the Civil Code of the Turkish Republic of 1926 and the other legislation acts regulating the legal basis of the equation of women's rights with mens, an attempt is made to prove that women's rights which are enshrined legally, in fact are complied with the restrictions and caution on the traditional Muslim Law.

Abstrac A kiai (muslim cholar) leadership must be intensively observed, since it describes the patron of its connection with the community. The power of kiai's leadership has been centralistic in nature. The authority and the power of kiai in society include both social and political relationship. In terms of factual-empirical phenomena, this assumption matches the facts that show that all the political parties competing in general election use kiai to be vote getters. It influences politic attitude of loyal grass roots. However, in certain situation, the influence of kiai becomes meaningless due to the diverged authority of kiai. Kata-kata kunci Kiai, politik, citra, moral

This article aims to show how in the current political climate in the UK debates about multiculturalism, religion, and identity, in relation to Muslims, have played out in the public sphere through an examination of British news media coverage of the Geert Wilders case. Wilders, a far right Dutch MP, was refused entry to the UK in February 2009 for inciting racial hatred. Coverage of this event demonstrates the struggles around identity taking place amongst various social, political groups in the UK. I will show how Islam, in particular, is currently central to these discursive debates and how different groups' interpretations of the event attempt to assert ideas of 'Britain' and 'Britishness.'

Abstrac A kiai (muslim cholar) leadership must be intensively observed, since it describes the patron of its connection with the community. The power of kiai's leadership has been centralistic in nature. The authority and the power of kiai in society include both social and political relationship. In terms of factual-empirical phenomena, this assumption matches the facts that show that all the political parties competing in general election use kiai to be vote getters. It influences politic attitude of loyal grass roots. However, in certain situation, the influence of kiai becomes meaningless due to the diverged authority of kiai. Kata-kata kunci Kiai, politik, citra, moral

The dualism of the nationally educational system has become the object of debate in various forums and educational seminars. The dualism of the educational system is the continuity of history; both in the history of the Muslims in particular and the history of Indonesian people in general. In addition, the discourse of dualism also gained back the education system due to political turmoil ideology. Whatever the reason, dualism has some nationally negative impact on educational institutions in Indonesia mostly in Islamic educational institutions. Therefore, it was the time that education in Indonesia must be under the policy of the ministry of education to make one-policy of the educational system.

"The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis" by Lynn White Jr. poses specific challenges to Islamic metaphysics and theology that have yet to be adequately addressed by Muslim scholars. I argue that the transition from a panentheistic view of God to an increasingly supernaturalist one is indicative of a larger shift in worldview that White had failed to emphasize. Reading White's essay in light of Weber and Iqbal, I argue that a worldview dominated by rational thought is consistent with supernatural theism. The challenges posed by White's essay can be met through Iqbal's postmodern reconstruction of Islamic theology in panentheistic terms.

This paper considers how representations of Islam and Vodou have shaped the ways we understand Atlantic history, relations of power, and the symbolic importance of religion as an interpretive category. It emphasizes the Caribbean region's trope of cosmopolitanism as a key organizing principle in historiography and theory building, arguing that although cosmopolitanism can be a valuable discursive strategy in self-reflexive constructions of identity, the concept marginalizes or elides Islam and leaves ambivalent space for Africa. The paper calls for re-examining how Muslims and Islam are conceptualized as world historical and Caribbean regional phenomena, and how implicit assumptions inform our analytical vocabulary.

In this article, I provide a preliminary analysis of Buddhist–Muslim coexistence in the Songkhla Lake area in southern Thailand as it unfolds on the margins of a violent conflict in the Deep South (Patani, Yala and Narathiwat provinces). I argue that in the Songkhla Lake area, social, religious, economic and political alliances are reflected in multi-religious ritual traditions that have the potential to transcend cultural difference or manage difference constructively. The article then analyses the transformation of multi-religious coexistence and concludes that the revitalisation of Theravada Buddhism and Islam results in the uneasy coexistence of old and new practices and in a dialectic of sharing and competition.

Looking back on Yugoslavia's break-up and the subsequent warfare involving Bosnian Muslims, Croats, Albanians (Kosovars), and Serbs, two constants seem fundamental over the past two decades: Slobodan Milosevic and the ascension of Islam to independent statehood. Most academic and popular accounts, as well as official US and European positions, have placed emphasis on Milosevic's machinations to build Great Serbia, yet in the Serbian narrative itself the rebirth of Islamic power in Bosnia and Kosovo proved fundamental. This essay examines both narratives and concludes with some observations about writing contemporary history and certain risks from a hasty, inadequately prepared foreign policy consensus.

This article provides a public policy analysis of governance in the provinces populated by the Malay ethnonationality in the South of Thailand. Important stakeholders are identifi ed as well as important sociopolitical environmental factors. The fi nal sections of the paper present a proposal for a new governance structure for the Muslim South of Thailand taking into consideration the social, cultural, and economic context as well as the wellbeing and right to self-determination of the local population. This study concludes that considerable economic, political, and social opportunities for development are being lost in the South of Thailand due to misguided governance policies.

"Der Beitrag betrachtet die Migration aus der Türkei aus historischer Perspektive, untersucht deren Besonderheiten in Relation zu den anderen Zuwanderergruppen in Deutschland und zieht einen Vergleich zur Situation in der Schweiz. Migranten aus der Türkei sind in Deutschland die zweitgrößte Zuwanderergruppe und die größte Gruppe unter den Muslimen. Zwischen 1961 und 1973 wurden Arbeitsmigranten aus der Türkei wie auch aus sieben anderen Herkunftsländern angeworben. Seit 1973 ist die Zuwanderung durch Familiennachzug und Heiratsmigration sowie Fluchtmigration geprägt, inzwischen zunehmend auch durch Remigration. 'Türkiyeli' in Deutschland weisen ein spezielles Profil auf, das durch ein relativ niedriges Schulbildungsniveau, eine besonders starke Bedeutung der Religion und ausgeprägt geschlechtsspezifische Integrationsverläufe geprägt ist. In letzter Zeit lässt sich ein Trend zur Einbürgerung, zum Bildungsaufstieg und zur Verstärkung der Beziehungen zur Aufnahmegesellschaft in Form von Alltagskontakten und Mitgliedschaften in Vereinen feststellen. Obgleich die Schweiz keine Arbeitsmigranten aus der Türkei anwarb, verlief die Zuwanderung weitgehend parallel zu Deutschland. Auch im Hinblick auf die soziostrukturellen Aspekte der Integration besteht eine hohe Übereinstimmung, wobei in der Schweiz der Anteil an Flüchtlingen, Aleviten und höher gebildeten Zuwanderern aus der Türkei höher ist als in Deutschland." (Autorenreferat).

"The upheavals of the 'Arab Spring' have led many to argue that it marks the decline of globalized forms of militancy in the Muslim world and the return to 'real' politics there. By contrast this essay traces a continuity between the forms of mobilization pioneered by Al-Qaeda on the one hand, and the Arab 'revolutions' on the other. In both cases sacrificial forms of mobilization emerge outside the inherited institutions and categories of statist politics and seek to remake them. Whether they are violent or nonviolent, then, such movements illustrate the remaking of political practice in the global arena." (author's abstract)

"We investigate empirically whether political institutions or culture and religion underlie gender inequality in education. The dataset contains up to 157 countries over the 1991-2006 period. The results indicate that political institutions do not significantly influence education of girls: autocratic regimes do not discriminate against girls in denying educational opportunities and democracies do not discriminate by gender when providing educational opportunities. The primary influence on gender inequality in education is through culture and religion. Discrimination against girls is especially pronounced in Muslim dominated countries." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Forschungsmethode: empirisch-quantitativ; empirisch; Querschnitt; Längsschnitt. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1991 bis 2006.

Die konkreten Auswirkungen der medialen Darstellung von Migranten sind bisher kaum empirisch erforscht worden. Wegen der Komplexität der Wirkungsmechanismen entziehen sie sich weitgehend dem empirischen Zugriff. Allerdings gehen alle - Wissenschaftler, Politiker, interessierte Bürger und auch ein Teil der Medienmacher - davon aus, dass Medien bei der Integration eine wichtige Rolle spielen. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass der Negativismus mit der grellen Facette von Kriminalität und Gewalt die Integration der Migranten, insbesondere die Integration der Muslime, behindert. Bei den Einheimischen schürt er Ängste, Vorbehalte, Vorurteile und Ressentiments gegenüber den Migranten, und bei den Migranten verstärkt er das Gefühl, verkannt zu werden und nicht willkommen zu sein. Hinderlich wäre allerdings auch eine Tabuisierung der Integrationsprobleme. Die Probleme im Zusammenhang mit Migration und Integration sind ein wichtiger und notwendiger Bestandteil des öffentlichen Diskurses, wenn dabei die Ursachen und Lösungen nicht einseitig den Migranten zugeschoben werden, sondern auch die Defizite der bisherigen deutschen Migrations- und Integrationspolitik Beachtung finden. Genauso wichtig ist, dass die Probleme nicht das mediale Bild von Migration und Integration dominieren. Erforderlich ist eine ausgewogene Balance von negativen und positiven Aspekten. (ICF2)