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As part of a long-term partnership between the World Bank and Brazil, the Federal Government of Brazil sought the World Bank's assistance to review road safety management capacity in Brazil, building both on past experiences in the country and international best practices. This National Road Safety Management Capacity Review, therefore, was prepared by the World Bank, with the support of the Global Road Safety Facility (GRSF). The primary objective of the review is to evaluate the multi-sectoral capacity of road safety management in Brazil, identifying possible road safety challenges and presenting recommendations to address these challenges. The methodology of the review, in accordance with the guidelines of the World Bank Global Road Safety Facility, focused on examinations of key functional aspects of road safety, including institutions, legislation, financing, information, and capacities at all levels of government and among non-government actors. The review was prepared mainly based on interviews of key road safety stakeholders at the federal, state, and municipal levels, members of parliament, NGOs, and the private sector, in addition to direct inspection of roads and on-road behaviors, and the analysis of published research and reports on road safety. In addition, information and understanding gained from previous reviews of the states of São Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, and Bahia were also incorporated.

 The Best Joke in Barbie Years ago I remember encountering Félix Guattari's little essay, "Everybody Wants to be a Fascist." At the time its title seemed more clever than prescient. (Although it is worth remembering how much fascism, and the encounter with fascism was integral to Deleuze and Guattari's theorizing, well beyond the reference to Reich). Now that we are living in a different relation to fascism the problem posed by Guattari (and Deleuze) of desire seems all the more pertinent and pressing. One of the problems of using the word fascism today, especially in the US, is that it is hard to reconcile our image as a politics, a politics of state control of everything, and the current politics of outrage aimed at M&Ms, Barbie, and Taylor Swift. How can fascism be so trivial and so petty? This could be understood as the Trump problem, although it is ultimately not limited to Trump. There are a whole bunch of pundits and people getting incredibly angry about the casting of movies and how many times football games cut away to Taylor Swift celebrating in the expensive seats. The Fox News Expanded Universe is all about finding villains everywhere in every library or diverse band of superheroes. It is difficult to reconcile the petty concerns of the pundit class with the formation of an authoritarian state. I have argued before that understanding Trump, or Trumpism, means rethinking the relationship between the particular and universal, imaginary and real. Or, as Angela Mitropoulis argues, the question of fascism now should be what does it look like in contemporary captitalism, one oriented less around the post-fordist assembly line than the franchise. Or as she puts it, "What would the combination of nationalist myth and the affective labour processes of the entertainment industry mean for the politics and techniques of fascism?"It is for this reason (among others) that Alberto Toscano's Late Fascism is such an important book. As he argues in that book fascism (as well as in an interview on Hotel Bar Sessions) fascism has to be understood as kind of license, a justification of violence and anger, and a pleasure in that justification. We have to give up the cartoon image of fascism as centralized and universal domination and see it as not only incomplete persecution, unevenly applied, but persecution of some coupled with the license to persecute for others. Fascism is liberation for the racist, sexist, and homophobe, who finally gets to say and act on their desires. As Toscano argues, "...what we need to dwell on to discern the fascist potentials in the anti-state state are those subjective investments in the naturalizations of violent mastery that go together with the promotion of possessive and racialized conceptions of freedom. Here we need to reflect not just on the fact neoliberalism operates through a racial state, or that, as commentators have begun to recognize and detail, it is shaped by a racist and civilizational imaginary that delimits who is capable of market freedoms (Toscano is not referring to Tosel, but that is an important part of Tosel's work) We must also attend to the fact that the anti-state state could become an object of popular attachment or better, populist investment, only through the mediation of race." Toscano's emphasis is on race in this passage, but it could be argued to apply to sexism, homophobia, etc., to the enforcement and maintenance of any of the old hierarchies. As Toscano cites Maria Antonietta Macciochhi later in the book, "You can't talk abut fascism unless you are also prepared to discuss patriarchy." Possessive includes the family as the first and most vital possession. At this point fascism does not sound too different from classical conservatism, especially if you take the definition of the latter to be the following: "Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."  However, what Toscano emphasizes is the libidinal pleasure that comes with this, it is not just a matter of who is in and who is not, who is protected and who is not, but in the pleasure that one gets from such exclusion, a pleasure that is extended and almost deputized to the masses. While conservative hierarchies and asymmetries passed through the hallowed institutions of the state and the courts, the fascist deputies take to the streets and the virtual street fights of social media. As Toscano argues, pitting Foucault's remarks about the sexual politics of fascism in the seventies against Guattari's analysis,"For Foucault, to the extent that there is an eroticization of power under Nazism, it is conditioned by a logic of delegation, deputizing and decentralization of what remains in form and content a vertical, exclusionary, and murderous kind of power. Fascism is not just the apotheosis of the leader above the sheeplike masses of his followers; it is also, in a less spectacular but perhaps more consequential manner the reinvention of the settle logic of petty sovereignty, a highly conditional but very real 'liberalising' and 'privatising' of the monopoly of violence...Foucault's insight into the 'erotic' of a power based on the deputizing of violence is a more fecund frame, I would argue, for the analysis of both classical and late fascisms than Guattari's hyperbolic claim that "the masses invested a fantastic collective death instinct in...the fascist machine' --which misses out on the materiality of that 'transfer of power' to a 'specific fringe of the masses' that Foucault diagnosed as critical to fascism's desirability."I think that Toscano's analysis picks up an important thread that runs from discussions of fascism from Benjamin to Foucault (and beyond). As Benjamin writes in the Work of Art essay "The growing proletarianization of modern man and the increasing formation of masses are two aspects of the same process. Fascism attempts to organize the newly created proletarian masses without affecting the property structure which the masses strive to eliminate. Fascism sees its salvation in giving these masses not their right, but instead a chance to express themselves. The masses have a right to change property relations; Fascism seeks to give them an expression while preserving property. The logical result of Fascism is the introduction of aesthetics into political life."Today we could say that the right of expression includes a deputization of power and the pleasure in exercising it. In a capitalist society, in which the material conditions of existence must belong to the capitalist class, the only thing that can be extended to the masses is the power and pleasure to dominate others. Real wages keep on declining, but fascism offers the wages of whiteness, maleness, cisness, and so on, extending not the material control over one's existence but libidinal investment in the perks of one's identity.All of which brings me to Taylor Swift. I have watched with amusement and some horror as the fringes of the Fox News Expanded Universe have freaked out about Taylor Swift attending football games and, occasionally, being seen on television watching and enjoying the games. It is hard to spend even a moment thinking about something which has all of the subtlety of the "He-Man Woman Hater's Club," but I think that it is an interesting example of the kind of micro-fascism that sustains and makes possible the tendency towards macro-fascism. Three things are worth noting about this, first most of the conspiracy theories about Swift are not predicated on things that she has actually done, but what she might do, endorse Biden, campaign for Biden, etc., I think that this has to be seen as a mutation of conspiracy thinking from the actual effects of an action or event, Covid undermining Trump's presidency, to an imagined possible effect. One of the asymmetries of contemporary power is treating the fantasies or paranoid fears of one group as more valid than the actual conditions and dominations of another group. Second, and to be a little more dialectical, the fear of Swift on the right recognizes to what extent politics have been entirely subsumed by the spectacle fan form. (Hotel Bar Sessions did a show about this too) Trump's real opponent for hearts and minds, not to mention huge rallies, is not Biden but Swift. Lastly, and this really deserves its own post, some of the anger about Swift being at the game brings to mind Kate Manne's theory of misogyny, which at its core is about keeping women in their place. I would imagine that many of the men who object to seeing Swift at their games do not object to the cutaway shots of cheerleaders during the same game. It is not seeing women during the game that draws ire, but seeing one out of her place--someone who is enjoying being there and not there for their enjoyment.I used to be follow a fairly vulgar materialist line when it came to fascism. Give people, which is to say workers, actual control over their work, their lives, and their conditions and the appeal of the spectacle of fascist power would dissipate. It was a simple matter of real power versus its appearance. It increasingly seems that such an opposition overlooks the pleasures that today's mass media fascism make possible and extend to so many. It is hard to imagine a politics that could counter this that would not be a politics of affect, of the imagination, and of desires. Libidinal economy and micro-politics of desire seem less like some relic from the days of high theory and more and more like necessary conditions for thinking through the intertwining webs of desire and resentment that make up the intersection of culture, media, and politics. I think one of the pressing issues of the moment is the recognizing that all of these junk politics of grievances of popular culture should be taken seriously as the affective antechamber of fascism while at the same time not accepting them on their terms; there is nothing really to be gained by rallying to defend corporations and billionaires. 

The proposed tobacco settlement agreement, as negotiated by some state attorneys general and the tobacco industry that was made public on June 20, 1997 (Appendix F), raises a complex array of public health, public policy, legal and economic issues. It was intended to be a blueprint for national tobacco control legislation that would end the most important litigation current and potential against the tobacco industry. As with most complex legislation, the deal, after it was announced, underwent a great deal of scrutiny and criticism. Many public health and policy groups analyzed the deal in whole or in part in order to provide guidance for those who wished to distill the essential elements and implications of the deal. While many have pronounced the original deal 'dead' as a result of this criticism, it remains the fundamental framework around which most proposals for federal legislation on tobacco has been based. As a result, a careful analysis of the terms and implications of the original June 20 deal remains a worthwhile effort. This report seeks to provide policy makers and advocates with a context and analysis of the most important aspects of the deal through a series of briefing papers, which can be read independently or collectively. Each paper addresses one aspect of the deal. The papers are organized according to general topics: political issues related to the deal, financial and tax aspects of the deal, regulatory implications of the deal, and civil liability controls in the deal. For those who desire a more technical approach to the issues, we have included five technical appendices to provide additional support regarding the economic analysis of the deal, the economic analysis of the lookback provision, the political analysis of the deal, and the public health analysis of the deal, the legal analysis of the deal. To the extent that the deal is reflected in any legislative proposals that emerge, this analysis will be relevant to that legislation. In the months leading up to the publication of the deal, many commentators discussed the relative merits of entering into a negotiated resolution of the tobacco litigation. The advocates of the deal pointed to the ability to obtain specific relief, the advantages of having a national tobacco policy, and the elimination of the risks to continuing the litigation. Critics of the deal-making process were concerned that making a deal would: guarantee tobacco industry profitability; require Congressional action, which in turn would provide weak proposals because of the influence the tobacco lobby in national politics; preempt stronger state and local regulatory efforts to control tobacco; and preclude broad based public health efforts to control tobacco in the future. Many commentators have described the deal as one in which the tobacco industry accepts strong restrictions in exchange for some limitation of liability. Our analysis reaches just the opposite conclusion: A close reading of the deal reveals that the benefits to the tobacco industry are concrete and substantial whereas the public health benefits are less clear. The Funding Provisions of the Deal Are Inadequate The money in the deal is large in absolute terms but small when compared to the damage done by tobacco products. Even if one takes the more limited view of the deal that its purpose is only to reimburse the states for future Medicaid expenses plus fund the specified public health programs, the payments are not high enough to cover these limited costs. If the deal is designed to reimburse society for all damage done by tobacco, it provides less than 10 cents on the dollar. The financial portions of the deal are structured in such a manner that they will guarantee industry profits. The Taxpayers will Absorb a Substantial Fraction of the Nominal Costs to the Industry All payments by the tobacco industry, including those made 'in lieu of' punitive damages, are tax deductible, which results in a decrease in the impact of the deal on the industry and a cost shifting to American taxpayers. Taxpayers will absorb 30-40% of the cost of the deal, which will need to be recovered through increased taxes or spending cuts. The tax subsidy provided to the tobacco industry by the deal, amounting to about $4 billion a year, dwarfs both the current tobacco price support program and the funds that the deal makes available for public health programs. The Industry Will be Protected from Litigation The civil liability protections will strongly protect the tobacco industry. The deal eliminates large-scale suits that are most threatening to the industry and only allows individual cases, which the industry has been successful in defeating. In addition, the deal changes the rules of evidence and civil procedure in ways that will make it more difficult for people with cancer, heart disease, and other smoking-induced problems to win their individual cases. The deal provides the industry financial security by capping exposure. These limitations on litigation will effectively preclude injured smokers from receiving just compensation and perhaps limit future criminal and civil enforcement actions against the tobacco companies. Moreover, the caps eliminate the incentives the civil justice system to improve corporate behavior, by reducing the threat that the tobacco companies will be held fully accountable for their actions. Under the terms of the deal, the industry will avoid about $150-$200 billion in liability at a cost of $6-$7 billion. Eliminating Litigation Will Eliminate a Valuable Public Health Tool The current litigation against the tobacco industry has a discernible benefit to the public health community which will be eliminated should the litigation cease. For example, the litigation provides a ready means to educate the public about the dangers of smoking and misbehavior of the tobacco industry. Without the prosecution of the current lawsuits, a valuable health education opportunity will be lost. In addition, the litigation which the deal seeks to resolve is based upon the enforcement of laws which serve public health interests, such as consumer protection and anti-trust laws. The deal restricts use of these laws in against the tobacco industry. Losing both a timely health education opportunity and the right to fully utilize consumer protection and related laws against the tobacco industry limits the public health tools to combat death and disease related to tobacco. The public health community has an interest in preserving the right to litigation to obtain social justice. The deal compromises the rights of individuals and institutions to sue the tobacco industry without fair compensation. Similarly, the public health community has an interest in fairly allocating the damages related to a particular harm. Societal resources which are currently being expended to remedy the harms related to tobacco could be re-allocated to serve other public health interests. The litigation provides a valuable tool to force the tobacco companies to pay for the damages related to tobacco, leaving societal resources to address other public health problems. The absence of litigation will remove one tool the public health community can use to force the tobacco companies to internalize the costs of the damage tobacco does. The Deal Requires Congress to Preempt Laws in Every State The essential principle behind the deal was the willingness of the Attorneys General, private lawyers, and health officials who negotiated the deal to support substantial limitations on liability of the tobacco industry for its past and future behavior. The deal not only 'legislatively settles' the Medicaid lawsuits brought by the Attorneys General, but also effectively ends most other forms of litigation against the tobacco industry. Since most of this litigation is being brought under state (as opposed to federal) consumer protection, fraud, anti-trust, and other laws, granting the tobacco industry the immunity it seeks will require Congress to preempt these laws in every state and the District of Columbia. In addition to preempting these laws, the deal preempts existing state authority to require ingredient disclosure and may increase the strength of tobacco industry claims that local and state restrictions on tobacco industry marketing practices are illegal. Regulatory Controls are Unnecessary and Insufficient The details of the regulatory provisions in the deal favor the tobacco industry. Rather than recognizing that there are many agencies with jurisdiction over tobacco, the deal concentrates almost exclusively on the federal Food and Drug Administration (FDA). The deal also ignores the fact that most progress in tobacco use has been made at the local and state level. The FDA currently has jurisdiction over tobacco products and is executing its regulatory authority pursuant to its jurisdiction. The few provisions in the deal which are not currently a part of FDA regulations could become so even without the deal, or like the current advertising restrictions, be regulated by another agency. Furthermore, the expectations regarding the benefits attendant with many of the regulatory changes should be small. Even with the advertising restrictions in place, the tobacco industry will still find successful ways to market their products, and tobacco imagery will be ubiquitous. Similarly, the proposed regulations regarding tobacco warnings and restrictions on youth access add little new authority. The deal would essentially codify the law as it currently exists, except that it would also place limitations on future FDA authority. Although the codification of FDA authority may be desirable, the deal would add intensive rollback FDA authority by requiring the FDA to meet additional regulatory hurdles before it can regulate tobacco constituents and restricting how and when it can regulate nicotine. These hurdles will preclude much of the potential for true regulatory reform. Similarly, the secondhand tobacco smoke provisions in the deal represent a rollback of the current ability of the Department of Labor to regulate broadly. The secondhand smoke provisions within the deal accept industry claims that smokefree workplace laws would harm the hospitality industry, which is not true. The Lookback Provision Is Inadequate There are provisions in the deal designed to penalize the industry for not meeting specific targeted reductions in youth smoking. The lookback provision is a good example of how the technical details of the deal have important impacts that are not evident. The lookback provision ties goals in reducing teen smoking to the percentage of teens who are daily smokers. While 75% of smokers have their first cigarette by age 14, 75% do not become daily smokers until they reach age 18 (the cutoff for calculating the lookback penalty). Epidemiological evidence indicates that nicotine is as addictive as cocaine heroin and opiates. Symptoms of addiction begin before the onset of daily smoking. Limiting the measure of youth smoking to daily smokers will allow the tobacco industry to comply with the lookback provision by simply marketing in a way that leads children to begin smoking two years older than they do now; it will continue to recruit new adult smokers by addicting them as youths. By increasing the age of initiation by two years, the transition of most smokers to daily smoking in new smokers will occur after their eighteenth birthday. In addition, the penalty is too small to provide an effective economic incentive for the industry to reduce youth smoking; if the industry were to simply continue its current recruiting of teens, the after-tax cost of the lookback provision would be about a nickel a pack. Furthermore, the penalties are pooled among the industry, which decreases the pressure any one company will have to reform its behavior. The Deal Preserves the Oligopoly Structure of the Industry Throughout the deal there are a number of provisions which increase barriers to market entry and preserve the current profit structure. These provisions will encourage anti-competitive behavior and eliminate any incentive to innovate toward safer products. Furthermore, by closing the market, new companies will find it more difficult to compete. This situation will further guarantee excess profits for the existing companies. The Deal does not Provide for Full Disclosure of Tobacco Industry Wrongdoing One of the most important aspects of the current litigation is the ongoing disclosure of industry wrongdoing. The document disclosure provisions of the deal are weak and would permit the industry to continue to withhold privileged documents, which many believe are the most damaging to the industry. The deal may not be necessary to secure disclosure of these documents, because the Congress has subpoenaed and disclosed some tobacco industry documents, and more are emerging through litigation. Between further Congressional action and the litigation there is likely to be a continuous release of documents without a need for the deal. There are No Barriers Other than a Lack of Political Will to Adopting the Beneficial Provisions of the Deal Tobacco control advocates have successfully enacted legislation that meets many of the goals of the deal at the state and local level without compromise with the tobacco industry. The federal government could do the same. For example, the public health measures of the deal could be enacted and the funds for these programs appropriated out of the general fund or through an increase in the tobacco excise tax. Congress can give the FDA and Department of Labor more direct authority over tobacco products, and it could ensure full funding for their programs. Plaintiffs can enter (and Mississippi, Florida, Texas, San Francisco, and a plaintiffs' class of non-smoking flight attendants have entered) into individual legal settlements with the tobacco industry. The Deal is Silent on International Issues The deal ignores the implications that U.S. tobacco control policy has on international tobacco control efforts. The precedents established by the deal are particularly important because litigation against the tobacco industry is beginning in other countries. The limitations on liability in the deal may compromise the ability of other countries to recover the cost of tobacco-induced illness. The Deal is Based on Several Premises that are no Longer True The original premise behind the deal was that if the Attorneys General, public health advocates, and the tobacco industry could come to an agreement that all found acceptable, such legislation would be enacted into law rapidly. Some public health advocates argued that such a compromise was necessary and appropriate because the power of the tobacco industry in Congress was such that industry acceptance was necessary in order to get legislation enacted. Legislation was seen as necessary because the tobacco industry had never lost nor settled any health-oriented lawsuits against it. Because of this, rather than risking everything in Court, the Attorneys General and other decided that it was better to gain a partial victory in Congress. Since then, the terms of the deal have been declared unacceptable by all elements of the public health community, so the original premise of going to Congress with a partnership between public health and tobacco forces no longer holds. The tobacco industry has maintained that the deal should be enacted as negotiated and has dramatically increased its campaign contributions and lobbying activities in order to see the deal enacted. Tobacco executives have testified in Congress that a grant of immunity for the industry is a condition of industry support for federal tobacco legislation. Public health groups are divided about the wisdom of trading some form of immunity for the tobacco industry in exchange for public policy changes that some believe will reduce tobacco control. Even the forces in the health community who are willing to entertain such a trade, however, have rejected the deal as originally negotiated. As a result, they are now in the position of going into Congress opposed to the tobacco industry, the very situation that the deal was supposed to avoid. Finally, the belief that the tobacco industry would never settle or lose heath-related lawsuits has changed. The industry settled the Mississippi, Florida, and Texas Medicaid suits on favorable public health terms, as well as a case brought by San Francisco over the Joe Camel advertising character and a class action suit on secondhand smoke brought by flight attendants. The industry has also lost several cases brought by individuals. It will be difficult for the industry to return to a no-settlement strategy, particularly in light of documents and other information that have come out of the litigation process and Congressional hearings to date.

Russia and other countries in the commonwealth of independent states that have implemented voucher privatization programs have to account for the puzzling behavior of insiders manager-owners-who, in stripping assets from the firms they own, appear to be stealing from one pocket to fill the other. This article suggests that asset stripping and the absence of restructuring result from interactions between insiders and subnational governments in a particular property rights regime, in which the ability to realize value is limited by uncertainty and illiquidity. As the central institutions that govern the Russian economy have ceded their powers to the provinces, regional and local governments have imposed a variety of distortions on enterprises to protect local employment. To disentangle these vicious circles of control, this article considers three sets of institutional changes: adjustments to the system of fiscal federalism by which subnational governments would be allowed to retain tax revenues generated locally; legal improvements in the protection of property rights; and the provision of mechanisms for restructuring and ownership transformation in insider-dominated firms. The aim of these reforms would be to change the incentives that local governments, owners, and investors face; to convince subnational governments that a more sustainable way of protecting employment lies in protecting local investment; to raise the cost of theft and corruption by insiders and local officials; and to allow investors to acquire controlling stakes in viable firms.

This research is conducting a study of the subject of proceedings: victim and their evolution over legislation and doctrine Peruvian and treatment internationally, specifically focuses on studying their rights at the level of doctrine and legislation, to establish whether the rights possessed by the victim, who in addition to being touched in their legal right by the commission of the offense, is also affected by the consequences of the criminal proceedings (secondary victimization); however the State despite recognize rights expressly enshrined in Article 95 of the Criminal Procedure Code does not give sufficient mechanisms to exercise their rights, unlike the defendant, in favor of which have been issued garantistas rules of their rights and has been established, among other procedural mechanisms, the figure of protection of rights that can be used when in the criminal proceedings do not have their rights respected, so the effective enforcement of the principle of equality in the Peruvian legal system is not guaranteed, although it is recognized constitutional and legal level, to suggest that both victim and accused are equal in criminal proceedings. This research aims to determine the current situation in which the victim in criminal proceedings both substantive, procedural and case-level in accordance with the principle of equality and study is whether the guarantees provided by the procedural system they are sufficient to ensure that principle is of vital importance in national law, to what has been discussed doctrine, legislation and performed the analysis of fiscal folders that have corroborated our hypothesis that in fact the principle is not guaranteed equality of arms because not enough regulation of express powers in the Criminal Procedure Code but need to be granted the necessary mechanisms for the exercise of their rights such as the active entitled to seek protection of rights and respect for their physical and psychological integrity in the criminal proceedings would be achieved by the implementation of protection measures for the victim and the appointment of public defenders greater number of victims, especially minors; having concluded that the failure to confront the victim the criminal proceedings after suffering the injury to his legal right, it generates a new victimization, nevertheless, it is not given the necessary resources to address this situation, especially in the cases where the victims are minors, victims of rape, sexual exploitation, trafficking and domestic violence. The study material of this study consisted of the sample of 50 tax folders processed in the Second Provincial Prosecutor Corporate Criminal Huaraz in the period January 2015 to December 2015, using the methods: Historical, by which it was made a study of the evolution of the regulation of the powers granted to the victim in the Peruvian justice system, hermeneutical method for national and international regulation was analyzed with regard to the protection of the rights of victims in criminal proceedings, method descriptive as the current situation of the victim described, regarding their rights during the pendency of the criminal proceedings and finally the inductive method as party analysis of individual cases (50 fiscal folders) where we discuss is whether the rights of the victim in criminal proceedings are being exercised and respected by the criminal justice system. Also in this study it was concluded that much remains to be done in our national system, compared with European legislation have been analyzed in this thesis, and we can redeem positive contributions as the establishment of the right to non-victimization and the establishment of funds for victims and others. ; El presente trabajo de investigación realiza un estudio del sujeto procesal: víctima y su evolución a lo largo de la legislación y doctrina peruana así como su tratamiento a nivel internacional, específicamente se centra en estudiar sus derechos a nivel de doctrina y legislación, a fin de establecer si efectivamente los derechos que posee el agraviado, quien además de haber sido afectado en su bien jurídico por la realización del delito, también es afectado por las consecuencias del trámite del proceso penal(victimización secundaria); sin embargo el Estado pese a reconocerle derechos consagrados expresamente en el artículo 95 del Código Procesal Penal, no le otorga los mecanismos suficientes para el ejercicio de sus derechos, a diferencia del imputado, a favor de quien se han dictado normas garantistas de sus derechos y se ha establecido, entre otros mecanismos procesales, la figura de tutela de derechos que puede ser utilizada cuando dentro del proceso penal no se respeten sus derechos, de esta manera no se garantiza la vigencia efectiva del Principio de igualdad procesal en el ordenamiento jurídico peruano, pese a que se encuentra reconocido a nivel constitucional y legal, que permita afirmar que tanto victima e imputado se encuentren en igualdad de condiciones dentro del proceso penal. La presente investigación tiene como objetivos determinar la situación actual en la que se encuentra la víctima en el proceso penal tanto a nivel sustantivo, procesal y casuístico, de conformidad con el Principio de Igualdad Procesal así como estudiar si las garantías que le otorga el sistema procesal son suficientes para garantizar el referido Principio que es de vital importancia en el ordenamiento nacional, para lo que se ha analizado doctrina, legislación y se ha realizado el análisis de carpetas fiscales que han permitido corroborar nuestra hipótesis de que efectivamente no se garantiza el principio de igualdad procesal ya que no resulta suficiente la regulación de atribuciones expresas en el Código Procesal Penal sino hace falta que se le conceda los mecanismos necesarios para el ejercicio de sus derechos tales como la legitimidad activa para solicitar la tutela de derechos así como el respeto a su integridad física y psicológica en el proceso penal que se lograría con la implementación de las medidas de protección a favor de la víctima así como la designación de mayor número de defensores públicos a las víctimas, en especial a los menores de edad; habiéndose concluido de que el hecho de enfrentarse la víctima al proceso penal luego de haber sufrido la lesión a su bien jurídico, le genera una nueva victimización, no obstante ello, no se le brinda los recursos necesarios para enfrentar dicha situación, en especial en los casos en que las víctimas son menores de edad, víctimas de violación sexual, explotación sexual, trata de personas y violencia familiar. Que el material de estudio de la presente investigación ha consistido en la muestra de 50 carpetas fiscales tramitadas en la Segunda Fiscalía Provincial Penal Corporativa de Huaraz en el periodo de enero 2015 a diciembre del 2015, utilizándose los métodos: Histórico, mediante el que se realizó un estudio de la evolución de la regulación de las atribuciones otorgadas a la víctima en el sistema procesal peruano, método Hermenéutico pues se analizó la regulación nacional e internacional en lo que respecta a la protección de los derechos de la víctimas en el proceso penal, método descriptivo pues se describió la situación actual del agraviado, respecto a sus derechos, durante la tramitación del proceso penal y finalmente el método inductivo pues se ha partido del análisis de casos singulares(50 carpetas fiscales) en las que analizaremos si los derechos del agraviado en proceso penal están siendo ejercidos y son respetados por el sistema de justicia penal. Asimismo en el presente trabajo se ha concluido que aún falta mucho por hacer en nuestro ordenamiento nacional, a comparación de legislaciones europeas que han sido analizadas en la presente tesis, y de la que podemos rescatar aportes positivos como el establecimiento del derecho a la no victimización y el establecimiento de fondos a favor de las víctimas entre otras.

The purpose is to analyse comprehensively the work of the famous German philosopher K-O. Apel through the light of the urgent needs for a comprehensive study of modern contractualism and the development of new variants of philosophical anthropology. In this context to reveal April's thesis that the main background for the possibility of understanding between people is the ideal communicative community and its attempts to discourse ethics, new, practical content. Methodology. In order to make a sequential analysis of the basic components and principles of ethical responsibility in K-O. Apel's view of counteractualism the author uses genealogical, hermeneutic and comparative methods that allow to reconstruct Apel's philosophy as the ethics of global responsibility and solidarity of communicative interaction under the conditions of global environmental and social crisis and the urgent need of vital combination of social contract idea, fairness and responsibility. Scientific novelty. The purpose of the article is clearly defined and productive methodological principles consistently enabled the author to find out that Apel perceives the source of social agreement in rational desire of each participant to obey voluntarily the relevant rules and procedures. And a true freedom and responsibility are based on the correlation of the rights and duties; respect them, which is more significant for the enforcement of their conventional or forced recognition. It is also investigated the attempt of K.-O. Apel to enable such an agreement and understanding between people, which would take into account the following important human virtues and aspirations, respect, justice and solidarity. And above all they are important as being the social and existential foundations for a new philosophical and anthropological discourse. It is consistently proved that in the context of substantial interest of justification was established the algorithms of universal values of modern philosophical anthropology, which will become the core of Apel's responsible person. Excluding the ethical component of this or that agreement, the essence of democratic behaviour changes to rational behaviour of the participants and to the law validity of agreements belongs only the effectiveness in achieving the best interests of their members. It was reconstructed the memories of K.-O. Apel and Y. Habermas about the need and methodological importance of significance of epistemological (or methodological) solipsism of modern philosophy and its replacement by the concepts of "understanding", "agreement", "communication" within which even a single person can know and understand the world. Conclusions. An important feature of the latest philosophical theories, which include communication philosophy of K.-O. Apel is their organic belonging to the realm of discussion about the search of moral foundations of modern society where basic ethical guidelines and values must leave and eventually leave the sphere of private life, indicating that real attempts to overcome the fragmentation and dispersion of responsibility of the individual. It was exactly K.-O. Apel who stresses that collective irresponsibility should be replaced by collective responsibility. ; Цель. Всесторонне проанализировать творчество выдающегося немецкого философа К-О. Апеля сквозь призму острой необходимости всестороннего исследования современного контрактуализма и развития новейших вариантов философской антропологии. В рассматриваемом контексте раскрыт тезис Апеля о том, что главной предпосылкой возможности взаимопонимания между людьми есть идеальное коммуникативное сообщество, а также его попытки придать этике дискурса нового, практического смысла. Методология. Для последовательного анализа основных составляющих и принципов этики ответственности К.-О. Апеля в ландшафтах контрактуализма автор применяет генеалогический, герменевтический и компаративистский методы, которые позволили реконструировать апелевскую философию как этику солидарной глобальной ответственности и коммуникативного взаимодействия в условиях глобального экологического, социального кризиса и жизненно острой необходимости сочетания идеи общественного договора, справедливости и ответственности. Научная новизна. Четко обозначенная цель статьи и плодотворные методологические принципы позволили автору последовательно выяснить, что Апель считает истоком общественного договора рациональное стремление каждого ее участника добровольно подчиняться соответствующим нормам и процедурам. А настоящая свобода и ответственность основываются на взаимосвязи прав и обязанностей, уважении к ним, что является более значимым, чем конвенциональное или принудительное их признание. Исследована также попытка К.-О. Апеля воплотить такое соглашение и понимание между людьми, которое бы учитывало следующие важные человеческие достоинства и стремления: уважение, справедливость и солидарность. И прежде всего – в качестве важных, социальных и экзистенциальных основ нового философско-антропологического дискурса. Последовательно доказано, что именно в этом русле основательной заинтересованности алгоритмами обоснования универсальных ценностей базируется новейшая философская антропология, сердцевиной которой и станет апелевский человек ответственный. Без учета этической составляющей того или иного договора, сущность демократического поведения редуцируется к рационально взвешенному поведению его участников, а нормативной действенности договоренностей становится присуща только эффективность в достижении основных интересов его участников. Реконструированы размышления К.-О. Апеля и Ю. Хабермаса о необходимости и методологической значимости отказа от теоретико-познавательного (или методологического) солипсизма философии модерна и замены его понятиями «понимания», «согласия», «договора», «общения», в пределах которых даже одинокий человек может познать и понять мир. Выводы. Важной особенностью новейших философских теорий, к которым относится и коммуникативная философия К.-А. Апеля, является их органическая принадлежность к области дискуссий о поисках нравственных основ современного общества, когда основные этические установки и ценности должны оставить и, наконец, оставляют сферу частной жизни, что свидетельствует о реальных попытках преодоления распыления ответственности и фрагментации личности. Именно К.-А. Апель отмечает, что коллективную безответственность необходимо заменить коллективной ответственностью. ; Мета. Всебічно проаналізувати творчість видатного німецького філософа К.-О. Апеля крізь призму нагальної необхідності всебічного дослідження сучасного контрактуалізму та розбудови новітніх варіантів філософської антропології. В означеному контексті розкрити тезу Апеля про те, що головною передумовою можливості порозуміння між людьми є ідеальна комунікативна спільнота, а також його спроби надати етиці дискурсу нового, практичного змісту. Методологія. З метою послідовного аналізу основних складових та принципів етики відповідальності К.-О. Апеля в ландшафтах контрактуалізму автор застосовує генеалогічний, герменевтичний та компаративістський методи, які дозволили реконструювати апелівську філософію як етику солідарної глобальної відповідальності та комунікативної взаємодії за умов глобальної екологічної, соціальної кризи та життєво-нагальної необхідності поєднання ідей суспільної угоди, справедливості та відповідальності. Наукова новизна. Чітко окреслена мета статті та плідні методологічні принципи дали можливість автору послідовно з'ясувати, що Апель вважає витоком суспільної угоди раціональне прагнення кожного її учасника добровільно підпорядковуватися відповідним нормам і процедурам. А справжня свобода та відповідальність ґрунтуються на взаємозв'язку прав та обов'язків, повазі до них, що є істотнішим за конвенційне чи примусове їх визнання. Досліджено також спробу К.-О. Апеля уможливити таку угоду та порозуміння між людьми, яке б враховувало наступні важливі людські чесноти та прагнення: повагу, справедливість та солідарність. І насамперед – в якості важливих, соціальних та екзистенційних засад нового філософсько-антропологічного дискурсу. Послідовно доведено, що саме в цьому річищі ґрунтовної зацікавленості алгоритмами обґрунтування універсальних цінностей вкорінена новітня філософська антропологія, осердям якої й стане апелівська людина відповідальна. Без врахування етичної складової тієї чи іншої угоди, сутність демократичного поводження редукується до раціонально зваженої поведінки її учасників, а нормативній чинності домовленостей стає притаманна лише ефективність в досягненні основних інтересів їх учасників. Реконструйовано роздуми К.-О. Апеля та Ю. Габермаса про необхідність та методологічну значущість відмови від теоретико-пізнавального (або ж методологічного) соліпсизму філософії модерну і заміну його поняттями «порозуміння», «згоди», «угоди», «спілкування», в межах яких навіть самотня людина може пізнати та зрозуміти світ. Висновки. Важливою особливістю новітніх філософських теорій, до яких належить і комунікативна філософія К.-О. Апеля, є їх органічна приналежність до царини дискусій про пошуки моральних засад сучасного суспільства, коли основні етичні настанови та цінності мусять полишити і, зрештою, полишають сферу приватного життя, що свідчить про реальні спроби подолання розпорошення відповідальності та фрагментації особистості. Саме К.-О. Апель наголошує на тому, що колективну безвідповідальність необхідно замінити колективною відповідальністю.

The purpose is to analyse comprehensively the work of the famous German philosopher K-O. Apel through the light of the urgent needs for a comprehensive study of modern contractualism and the development of new variants of philosophical anthropology. In this context to reveal April's thesis that the main background for the possibility of understanding between people is the ideal communicative community and its attempts to discourse ethics, new, practical content. Methodology. In order to make a sequential analysis of the basic components and principles of ethical responsibility in K-O. Apel's view of counteractualism the author uses genealogical, hermeneutic and comparative methods that allow to reconstruct Apel's philosophy as the ethics of global responsibility and solidarity of communicative interaction under the conditions of global environmental and social crisis and the urgent need of vital combination of social contract idea, fairness and responsibility. Scientific novelty. The purpose of the article is clearly defined and productive methodological principles consistently enabled the author to find out that Apel perceives the source of social agreement in rational desire of each participant to obey voluntarily the relevant rules and procedures. And a true freedom and responsibility are based on the correlation of the rights and duties; respect them, which is more significant for the enforcement of their conventional or forced recognition. It is also investigated the attempt of K.-O. Apel to enable such an agreement and understanding between people, which would take into account the following important human virtues and aspirations, respect, justice and solidarity. And above all they are important as being the social and existential foundations for a new philosophical and anthropological discourse. It is consistently proved that in the context of substantial interest of justification was established the algorithms of universal values of modern philosophical anthropology, which will become the core of Apel's responsible person. Excluding the ethical component of this or that agreement, the essence of democratic behaviour changes to rational behaviour of the participants and to the law validity of agreements belongs only the effectiveness in achieving the best interests of their members. It was reconstructed the memories of K.-O. Apel and Y. Habermas about the need and methodological importance of significance of epistemological (or methodological) solipsism of modern philosophy and its replacement by the concepts of "understanding", "agreement", "communication" within which even a single person can know and understand the world. Conclusions. An important feature of the latest philosophical theories, which include communication philosophy of K.-O. Apel is their organic belonging to the realm of discussion about the search of moral foundations of modern society where basic ethical guidelines and values must leave and eventually leave the sphere of private life, indicating that real attempts to overcome the fragmentation and dispersion of responsibility of the individual. It was exactly K.-O. Apel who stresses that collective irresponsibility should be replaced by collective responsibility. ; Цель. Всесторонне проанализировать творчество выдающегося немецкого философа К-О. Апеля сквозь призму острой необходимости всестороннего исследования современного контрактуализма и развития новейших вариантов философской антропологии. В рассматриваемом контексте раскрыт тезис Апеля о том, что главной предпосылкой возможности взаимопонимания между людьми есть идеальное коммуникативное сообщество, а также его попытки придать этике дискурса нового, практического смысла. Методология. Для последовательного анализа основных составляющих и принципов этики ответственности К.-О. Апеля в ландшафтах контрактуализма автор применяет генеалогический, герменевтический и компаративистский методы, которые позволили реконструировать апелевскую философию как этику солидарной глобальной ответственности и коммуникативного взаимодействия в условиях глобального экологического, социального кризиса и жизненно острой необходимости сочетания идеи общественного договора, справедливости и ответственности. Научная новизна. Четко обозначенная цель статьи и плодотворные методологические принципы позволили автору последовательно выяснить, что Апель считает истоком общественного договора рациональное стремление каждого ее участника добровольно подчиняться соответствующим нормам и процедурам. А настоящая свобода и ответственность основываются на взаимосвязи прав и обязанностей, уважении к ним, что является более значимым, чем конвенциональное или принудительное их признание. Исследована также попытка К.-О. Апеля воплотить такое соглашение и понимание между людьми, которое бы учитывало следующие важные человеческие достоинства и стремления: уважение, справедливость и солидарность. И прежде всего – в качестве важных, социальных и экзистенциальных основ нового философско-антропологического дискурса. Последовательно доказано, что именно в этом русле основательной заинтересованности алгоритмами обоснования универсальных ценностей базируется новейшая философская антропология, сердцевиной которой и станет апелевский человек ответственный. Без учета этической составляющей того или иного договора, сущность демократического поведения редуцируется к рационально взвешенному поведению его участников, а нормативной действенности договоренностей становится присуща только эффективность в достижении основных интересов его участников. Реконструированы размышления К.-О. Апеля и Ю. Хабермаса о необходимости и методологической значимости отказа от теоретико-познавательного (или методологического) солипсизма философии модерна и замены его понятиями «понимания», «согласия», «договора», «общения», в пределах которых даже одинокий человек может познать и понять мир. Выводы. Важной особенностью новейших философских теорий, к которым относится и коммуникативная философия К.-А. Апеля, является их органическая принадлежность к области дискуссий о поисках нравственных основ современного общества, когда основные этические установки и ценности должны оставить и, наконец, оставляют сферу частной жизни, что свидетельствует о реальных попытках преодоления распыления ответственности и фрагментации личности. Именно К.-А. Апель отмечает, что коллективную безответственность необходимо заменить коллективной ответственностью. ; Мета. Всебічно проаналізувати творчість видатного німецького філософа К.-О. Апеля крізь призму нагальної необхідності всебічного дослідження сучасного контрактуалізму та розбудови новітніх варіантів філософської антропології. В означеному контексті розкрити тезу Апеля про те, що головною передумовою можливості порозуміння між людьми є ідеальна комунікативна спільнота, а також його спроби надати етиці дискурсу нового, практичного змісту. Методологія. З метою послідовного аналізу основних складових та принципів етики відповідальності К.-О. Апеля в ландшафтах контрактуалізму автор застосовує генеалогічний, герменевтичний та компаративістський методи, які дозволили реконструювати апелівську філософію як етику солідарної глобальної відповідальності та комунікативної взаємодії за умов глобальної екологічної, соціальної кризи та життєво-нагальної необхідності поєднання ідей суспільної угоди, справедливості та відповідальності. Наукова новизна. Чітко окреслена мета статті та плідні методологічні принципи дали можливість автору послідовно з'ясувати, що Апель вважає витоком суспільної угоди раціональне прагнення кожного її учасника добровільно підпорядковуватися відповідним нормам і процедурам. А справжня свобода та відповідальність ґрунтуються на взаємозв'язку прав та обов'язків, повазі до них, що є істотнішим за конвенційне чи примусове їх визнання. Досліджено також спробу К.-О. Апеля уможливити таку угоду та порозуміння між людьми, яке б враховувало наступні важливі людські чесноти та прагнення: повагу, справедливість та солідарність. І насамперед – в якості важливих, соціальних та екзистенційних засад нового філософсько-антропологічного дискурсу. Послідовно доведено, що саме в цьому річищі ґрунтовної зацікавленості алгоритмами обґрунтування універсальних цінностей вкорінена новітня філософська антропологія, осердям якої й стане апелівська людина відповідальна. Без врахування етичної складової тієї чи іншої угоди, сутність демократичного поводження редукується до раціонально зваженої поведінки її учасників, а нормативній чинності домовленостей стає притаманна лише ефективність в досягненні основних інтересів їх учасників. Реконструйовано роздуми К.-О. Апеля та Ю. Габермаса про необхідність та методологічну значущість відмови від теоретико-пізнавального (або ж методологічного) соліпсизму філософії модерну і заміну його поняттями «порозуміння», «згоди», «угоди», «спілкування», в межах яких навіть самотня людина може пізнати та зрозуміти світ. Висновки. Важливою особливістю новітніх філософських теорій, до яких належить і комунікативна філософія К.-О. Апеля, є їх органічна приналежність до царини дискусій про пошуки моральних засад сучасного суспільства, коли основні етичні настанови та цінності мусять полишити і, зрештою, полишають сферу приватного життя, що свідчить про реальні спроби подолання розпорошення відповідальності та фрагментації особистості. Саме К.-О. Апель наголошує на тому, що колективну безвідповідальність необхідно замінити колективною відповідальністю.

Doing Business sheds light on how easy or difficult it is for a local entrepreneur to open and run a small to medium-size business when complying with relevant regulations. It measures and tracks changes in regulations affecting 10 areas in the life cycle of a business: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency. In a series of annual reports Doing Business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 183 economies, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, over time. This economy profile presents the Doing Business indicators for Cambodia. To allow useful comparison, it also provides data for other selected economies (comparator economies) for each indicator. The data in this report are current as of June 1, 2011 (except for the paying taxes indicators, which cover the period January- December 2010). The data not only highlight the extent of obstacles to doing business; they also help identify the source of those obstacles, supporting policy makers in designing regulatory reform.

This article describes the Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate (SSPC) program at the University of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB), the first undergraduate certificate at the University, which was established in 2007. The SSPC caters to the professional needs of both traditional, degree-seeking students and non-traditional local professionals. The SSPC coexists with the long-established major and minor programs in Spanish in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures. The goal of the SSPC is to fulfill the needs of its dynamic, millennial students and of the increasingly diversified community. ; To cite the digital version, add its Reference URL (found by following the link in the header above the digital file). ; SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 62 The Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate (SSPC) Program: Meeting the Professional Needs of Students and Community Lourdes Sánchez-López University of Alabama at Birmingham Abstract: This article describes the Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate (SSPC) program at the University of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB), the first undergraduate certificate at the University, which was established in 2007. The SSPC caters to the professional needs of both traditional, degree-seeking students and non-traditional local professionals. The SSPC coexists with the long-established major and minor programs in Spanish in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures. The goal of the SSPC is to fulfill the needs of its dynamic, millennial students and of the increasingly diversified community. Keywords: Business Spanish, certificate programs, languages for specific purposes (LSP), medical Spanish, Spanish for occupational purposes, Spanish for specific purposes (SSP), translation and interpretation, University of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB) Introduction Society is changing rapidly and drastically. In a world that is no longer round but flat (Friedman, 2005), students prepare for a globalized job market that is open to anyone in the world. This means that the jobs that once were available to only a few, now are available to millions. And, often times, the decisive factor for an employer is the multilinguistic and multicultural qualifications of applicants. Recent studies and their data suggest a pressing need to revise foreign language curricula in the United States to better meet the needs of students and society ("Foreign Languages and Higher Education," 2007; "Report to the Teagle Foundation," 2009). Many university programs in the US are responding to these needs by adapting existing language programs or developing new ones (Doyle, 2010; Jorge, 2010; Sánchez-López, 2010). Two decades ago Grosse and Voght (1990) reported the results of the first extensive survey conducted in 1988 in the US regarding the status of languages for specific purposes (LSP) nationally. Linking their study to a report from the President's Commission on Foreign Languages and International Studies (1980), Grosse and Voght reported that LSP courses had gained a place in the higher education curriculum since the 1980s in the US. Their study suggested a decline of foreign language skills in the US and a need of language courses specific for the professions, and their survey results indicated that over 60% of language departments offered some type of LSP courses. However, these data also suggested that LSP still had a minor role in the foreign language curriculum overall. In a recent survey study by Long and Uscinski (2012) and following the model of Grosse and Voght, the authors report that the current "presence of LSP courses in colleges and universities across the United States has remained about the same over the past 30 years." (p. 175). There is no significant difference in the number of institutions that offer LSP courses. However, Long and Uscinkscy's timely study sheds new light on the type of LSP programs (e.g., majors, minors, certificates or graduate programs) that are offered SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 63 nationally. The results of their study suggest that 27% of the respondents offer some type of LSP program, most of them at 4-year universities. The authors conclude that LSP has steadily and quietly settled in as another curricular option, beside literature, cultural studies, and linguistics, in institutions where students demand it, thus providing the students who are motivated to enter these fields with valuable applied skills in both language and cultural understanding. We predict a continued steady presence of LSP in university curricula for years to come. (Long & Uscinski, p. 188) Two decades ago Grosse and Voght (1990) optimistically predicted growth of LSP in the US that, according to Long and Uscinkscy (2012), has not materialized yet. However, according to both of these studies, the status of LSP in the US is strong and has become slowly more visible with time, with dozens of new LSP programs that cater to new societal needs (for a list of some of these programs see Sánchez-López, 2010). One of these new programs is the Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate (SSPC) program at the University of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB), which was established in 2007 and was the first undergraduate certificate at the University. The SSPC caters to the professional needs of both traditional, degree-seeking students and non-traditional local professionals. The SSPC coexists with the long-established major and minor programs in Spanish in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures (DFLL), and it attempts to fulfill the needs of its dynamic, millennial students and of the increasingly complex community. Background The University of Alabama at Birmingham is a medium-sized (about 18,000 undergraduate and graduate students) public university in Birmingham, Alabama. Birmingham is a metropolitan city with a rapidly growing Hispanic population over the last three decades. Just recently, the state's Hispanic population grew from 1.7% in 2000 to almost 4% in 2010, a nearly 145% increase (US Census Bureau, 2010). Because of this, hospitals, clinics, police and fire departments, government offices and local businesses have seen the increasing need to be able to communicate with Hispanic patients, customers and clients in Spanish. However, this rapid and steady growth has recently and abruptly come to a halt due to a newly passed state immigration law. In June 2011, the state of Alabama Government passed the Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, commonly known as H.B. 56 (State of Alabama, 2011). This is one of the strictest immigration laws in the country, which has led to a general state of fear among undocumented individuals. It has already impacted demographics of the state with a significant decrease on the growth of Hispanics in the state, including children (Center for American Progress, 2011; Novak, 2012; Southern Poverty Law Center, 2011). UAB was established in 1945 originally as the Medical Center of Alabama. The academic side of campus was later established in 1969, branching off from the University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa. For decades both the medical and the academic sides functioned as two almost independent units, with very little interaction between them. Today, although most faculty, students and staff still refer to the west or the east side of campus SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 64 (or the medical and the academic side of campus), institutional efforts attempt to portray both sides of the University as one unit, with a synergetic relationship, interdependent, with everyone on board moving in the same direction. Health-care and diversity are two of the best-known and most marketed landmarks of the University. The UAB vision is: "A world-renowned research university and medical center—a first choice for education and healthcare" (UAB Vision, 2012). In addition, The Princeton Review has ranked UAB as the 5th most diverse campus nationally in 2011 (The Princeton Review, 2013). Many undergraduate students choose UAB because they would like to pursue a career in a health-related field. Pre-medicine is a popular track among UAB undergraduate students with an annual average of 44% of entering students who declare a pre-medicine track (UAB Office of Planning and Analysis, 2012). The UAB Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures (DFLL) was established in the late 1960s as most languages departments were at the time, with a focus on language, literature and culture. UAB had a language requirement for the core curriculum up to the late 1990s, when it was eliminated. Since then, there is no language requirement at UAB. In the early 2000s, the DFLL combined their two majors in Spanish and French into a major in Foreign Languages (with Spanish and French tracks), largely due to a state requirement for viability. In addition, the DFLL also offers minors in Arabic, Chinese, French, German, Italian, Japanese and Spanish. A large percentage of students in the major are double majors in Spanish or French and another disciple (biology, chemistry, criminal justice, international studies, pre-medicine, pre-nursing coupled with Spanish are some of the most common double majors). With an eye toward the long-term needs of the department in 2001 the UAB, DFLL hired me as the first applied linguist for a dual purpose. I was charged with developing linguistics courses at all levels and with developing and teaching certain Spanish for Specific Purposes (SSP) courses, such as medical, business, professional Spanish and translation and interpretation. All of these courses (linguistics and SSP) were never intended to replace the existing literature and culture courses, but rather, to expand the repertoire of offerings to cater to a larger pool of students and professional interests. The SSP courses were well received and offered on demand with regularity. After a few years, additional instructors were asked to teach these courses as well, becoming specialists in the different areas, such as business, health and translation and interpretation. However, the vast majority of students enrolled in the SSP courses were regular UAB students (either majors or minors, or students who took one or two of these courses as electives). The Department received frequent inquiries from individuals in the community and local businesses wishing to learn occupational Spanish, but, unfortunately, the University admission system did not make it easy for them to enroll as non-degree seeking students. Faculty also received almost daily requests from the medical side of campus, from other hospitals and clinics, from government agencies, from court services, and from different local businesses asking for translation and interpretation assistance. Faculty and/or students would help depending on the situation. As these challenges increased over the years, the DFLL decided to explore other options to better meet the needs of the community and the local professionals; and at the same time to reward the regular students who were successfully completing many or all of the SSP courses, but were not receiving any particular degree or recognition in SSP. At such point, offering a certificate program SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 65 in SSP was an interesting and promising idea, which materialized in the fall semester 2007. A Journey to the Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate: Program Design: Approval and Description Due to the success and high demand of the SSP courses offered in the UAB DFLL and to the increasing requests for assistance with translation and interpretation to cater to the Hispanic community, in 2005 I was asked by my chairperson, Sheri Spaine Long, who sought to respond to societal trends, to investigate models of certificate programs worldwide and to explore if a certificate program in SSP would meet the specific needs of the DFLL, the UAB undergraduate population and those of the community. Over the course of several months, I investigated models of certificate programs and other types of languages for specific purposes programs nationally and internationally. Based on a careful assessment of the information gathered, the chairperson and I decided that a certificate program was an optimal option for UAB and for the Birmingham community. Then, the second and most detailed stage of the process started: the design of the program and the development of a program proposal. I was asked to design a program that utilized the resources of the DFLL and the courses that were already offered, at least at the outset. I met with a variety of institutional constituents (Office of Admissions, Office of Undergraduate Affairs, and Office of Undergraduate Policies and Procedures) at different stages during the design of the program proposal. These constituents gave me valuable advice on how to craft the program and what the prerequisites should be. Over the course of the following year, the SSPC proposal was approved at each stage by the DFLL, the School of Arts and Humanities Curriculum and Educational Policies Committee, the University Office of Undergraduate Policies and Procedures, and, finally, by the Board of Trustees of the University of Alabama System in May 2007. The SSPC was the first undergraduate certificate at UAB, and it was first implemented in the Fall 2007. It was lauded as a model program to meet societal needs and consolidate and expand language enrollment. The SSPC program was designed for traditional as well as non-traditional students. The main objective of this program was, and still is, not only to fulfill UAB students' academic needs for their future, but also to create connections with local professionals. Because of the steady growth of the Hispanic population in the nation, with almost 17% percent of the population (US Census Bureau, 2012), each day more and more pro-fessionals, such as teachers, medical care professionals, business people, law enforcement officers and others, have the need to communicate with the Hispanic community. The courses are content, vocabulary and culture-based. Students learn the vocabulary, language and cultural background that they use in their professional field through extensive practice in the classroom and also out of class through service-learning opportunities. Publication and promotion of a new program is paramount for its success. An easy to navigate and informative website is critical for the SSPC (http://www.uab.edu/languages/ssp). The website houses the necessary documents that offer information to prospective students and local professionals, and a detailed description of the application process can also be found there. Once the website and all SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 66 documentation (e.g., program application form, student manual, checklist, and flier) were created, the program was ready for promotion and student recruitment. Promotion and recruitment efforts included regular information sessions (2–3 per semester) open to all students and the general public; briefings at academic advisors general meetings; presentations at specific business, health and international studies classes; and announcements in local newspapers, magazines and UAB's website and newspapers. The SSPC program requires completion of a minimum of six classes (18 credits) in SSP, of which at least 12 credits must be at the advanced level. Students may choose classes within the professional track of their interest (e.g., health care, business or translation and interpretation), but they are required to take a phonetics and phonology course and a foreign language service-learning course for the completion of the SSPC requirements. The foreign language service-learning course must be taken towards the end of the program to ensure that students have the desired occupational language skills to function well working with a community partner.1 Students must receive an A or B grade in all courses and maintain a minimum of 2.8 GPA in Spanish to maintain a "good standing" status. They can retake courses for a higher grade if necessary. The final program requirement is to pass an oral interview at the level of intermediate-mid or above, according to the ACTFL speaking guidelines.2 There is a program application process that is open all year. Regular UAB students must submit an electronic application. Local professionals must first be admitted as non-degree seeking students at UAB before they can apply for the SSPC.3 The SSPC program director reviews applications and sends acceptance or rejection letters. Then, she communicates with the UAB Director of Academic Records who updates the students' records and transcripts. SSPC candidates are asked to meet with the SSPC advisor at least once a year for an advising session, although many students choose to meet more frequently. Outcomes, Program Assessment and Outgrowth The SSPC has become a popular program in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures. In its five years of existence, the program has enrolled 86 students, of which 27 have already successfully graduated from the program. The program offers three tracks: health care, business, translation and interpretation. Each track offers two courses, one at the intermediate and one at the advanced levels. Not surprisingly, due to the specific context at UAB and in the Birmingham area, the most popular and highest enrolled courses have usually been the Spanish for health professional classes, which are offered every semester (three times a year). The rest of the classes are offered once or twice a year, depending on demand and instructor availability. Because some of these courses are not offered every semester, it is very important that SSPC candidates meet regularly with the SSPC advisor to ensure that they graduate in a timely manner. One of the main and most visible successes of the SSPC are the collaborations that have been established with other units on campus, such as the Schools of Business, Dentistry, Health Professions, Nursing and Medicine. The advanced Spanish for Health Professionals course is offered cross-listed with the School of Nursing courses, creating a unique and enriching learning environment for all students, who share the same classroom. The SSPC faculty design and teach courses for students in the Schools of SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 67 Dentistry and Medicine with regularity. Recently, a former Spanish major from the DFLL and a current medicine student, partnered with the DFLL and the SSPC to organize a short Spanish course for medical students. The course was designed and taught by an SSPC faculty and offered during the winter break between sessions in the School of Medicine (Davidson & Long, 2012). Furthermore, weekly Spanish conversation tables are offered by SSPC faculty, which are open to any student on campus with an interest in health related professions. In addition, the Graduate Student Associations of the Schools of Medicine and Dentistry have separately organized weekly Spanish conversation tables led by SSPC faculty and students. All of these efforts clearly indicate the high level of interest to learn Spanish from the part of the students in health-related professions, who are doing whatever they can to include some level of medical Spanish study in their busy academic schedules. Another success of the SSPC is the quality of student research, which is linked to the professional interest of the student within a local context. Two illustrative examples, from the inception of the program to the most recent are "Legalese and Spanish: The Hispanic Immigrant Experience with the Legal System in Birmingham, Alabama" (Hall, 2007) and "H.B. 56 and Its Impact in the State of Alabama" (Novak, 2012). In the former, SSPC and Spanish Honor's student Brittlyn Hall conducted a survey study among law firms in Birmingham to investigate the level of legal support offered to the Hispanic population and the specific Spanish needs of these firms. In the most recent, SSPC graduate and current MBA student in the School of Business investigated the economic impact of the new State immigration law known as H.B. 56 mentioned earlier (Novak, 2012). Both studies linked the students' professional interest to their community. The studies taught them not only valuable information about their professions and future careers, but also gave them firsthand experience about how their professions interact with their community and the synergistic relationships that are born from such interactions. An integral part of the long-term success of a new program is periodic program evaluations to assist in implementing necessary modifications. At the end of the program students are asked to complete an SSPC Exit Survey, in which they provide useful feedback about the program. This is mainly a demographic and a student satisfaction survey (see survey in the Appendix) used to get to know our students, their needs and their expectations better and to make adjustments as necessary. One important modification that has already been implemented in light of the students' feedback is an additional course on translation and interpretation at the intermediate level (the original certificate only offered advanced translation and interpretation). This new course was necessary as a stepping-stone to the advanced course, which was regarded as too challenging by many students. Another important addition to the program occurred in 2010. The SSPC and the Department of Art and Art History partnered to have a student competition to design a logo for the SSPC. As a class requirement, all students in an advanced graphic design class were asked to design a logo. This was a unique and incredible experience for students, since not only was this their first real assignment, but they also were competing for the first time for a real client. There were 27 entries. Graphic design students met with the SSPC Director and explained their logo, motivations and meanings. After that, the SSPC Director asked all faculty in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures to vote on their first three choices. The logo with the most votes was selected as the SSPC official logo (see logo at http://www.uab.edu/languages/ssp).4 SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 68 In an effort to strengthen the business Spanish track of the SSPC, in 2010, the interim chairperson of the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures John K. Moore and the SSPC Director met with administrators in the School of Business to discuss ways in which to collaborate. After several meetings, it was clear that there was a need and an interest for Spanish (and Chinese) in the business world. However, the business curriculum at UAB is rather inflexible due to their accreditation limitations. Because business students at UAB are unable to incorporate the SSPC program into their regular curriculum, the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures offered to design a new and shorter 12-credit program catered to business majors: a new minor in Spanish for Business. The new minor employs courses already existing in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures: Spanish for the Professions, Business Spanish and any other two intermediate or advance Spanish courses. The proposal was approved by the University in April 2011 and was first implemented in the fall of 2012 (for an overview of the program, visit: http://www.uab.edu/languages/images/pdfs/news/Minor_Spanish_for_Business.pdf). As this new program is in its first year, it is still premature to make an accurate evaluation. However, due to the overall success of the SSPC and to the growing globalized economies and markets, we predict a successful prospect for this new program. We look forward to report related findings in the near future. Conclusions and Future Directions As the results of surveys by Grosse and Voght (1990) and recently by Long and Uscinski (2012) have demonstrated, LSP courses and programs in the United States are no longer peripheral within the educational curriculum in higher education. They have become highly demanded by a dynamic student population that is in charge of their own learning and wish to be well prepared for an extremely competitive future in a globalized world. This article has described the recently established Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate program at the University of Alabama at Birmingham within a local context. This program caters to traditional and non-traditional students who share educational goals and classroom experiences. Because it is a highly practical and applicable program in real life, and because it is available to all students and local professionals, the SSPC has become one of the fastest growing programs at UAB with almost 30 graduates in its short existence. Most importantly, the program has created strong and synergistic connections and collaborations with local companies (e.g., hospitals, clinics, charity organizations, banks, libraries, law firms, government offices, schools and early learning centers) through the foreign language service-learning course required for the SSPC. In addition, the SSPC has established collaborations with other units on campus, such as the Schools of Business, Dentistry, Health-Professions, Nursing and Medicine. Furthermore, SSPC students produce high quality research linking their professional interest to their communities and exploring its synergetic relationships. SSPC graduates move on to a variety of professional fields in health, business and translation and interpretation services, or to graduate programs in related fields in which their knowledge of occupational Spanish is (or will be) useful and beneficial to them, their companies and their community. SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 69 One significant outgrowth of the SSPC is the new minor for Business Spanish established in fall 2012 utilizing SSPC resources. This new program seals collaborative efforts between the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures and the School of Business and aims to cater primarily to Business students, but is also open to any student with an interest in pursuing an international career. As mentioned earlier, an integral part of a successful program is periodic program assessment. The SSPC Exit Survey taken by graduating students gives the SSPC director and faculty regular opportunities to reflect upon the progress of the program, and thus, to make revisions where necessary. In addition to this informal form of student satisfaction evaluation, it is important to conduct some type of performance assessment to investigate the impact that the SSPC classes have on students' Spanish performance. This performance program assessment has been projected to take place within the next academic year and we look forward to new findings. Acknowledgments I would like to sincerely thank former UAB DFLL chairperson Sheri Spaine Long for her full and constant support in the creation, development and implementation of the SSPC and for her always brilliant ideas, as well as for her input on earlier drafts of this paper; to former UAB DFLL Interim chairperson John K. Moore for his full support in the continuation of the SSPC and his critical role in the conceptualization and establishment of the new minor for Business Spanish; to SSPC faculty María Jesús Centeno, Krista Chambless, Brock Cochran, Belita Faki and Malinda O'Leary for their extraordinary work teaching the SSPC courses—the program would not be the same without these remarkable instructors; to all SSPC students who are our source of inspiration every day; and finally, I am grateful to the reviewers of earlier drafts of this paper for their accurate feedback. Notes 1For a detailed description and a sample syllabus of the Foreign Language Service-Learning course required for the SSPC, see Sánchez-López (2013; forthcoming). 2American Council for the Teaching of Foreign Languages proficiency guidelines can be found at http://www.actfl.org/files/public/Guidelinesspeak.pdf. 3Non-degree seeking students must have a minimum of 12 credit hours of successful college level work (grade C or above in all courses), with the following distribution (minimum): at least 6 credit hours in Area 1 (English Composition), at least 3 credit hours in Area 2 (Arts and Humanities), and at least 3 credit hours in Area 4 (Social Sciences). 4The artist of the SSPC logo is UAB's graphic design student Alan Heiman. The faculty member of the graphic design class that participated in this project is Professor Douglas B. Barrett. References American Council for the Teaching of Foreign Languages Proficiency Guidelines (1999). Retrieved from http://www.actfl.org/files/public/Guidelinesspeak.pdf SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 70 Center for American Progress (2011). Retrieved from http://www.americanprogress.org/ Davidson, L., & Long, S. S. (2012). Medical Spanish for US medical students: A pilot case study. Dimension, 1–13. Retrieved from http://scolt.webnode.com/ Doyle, M. S. (2010). A responsive, integrative Spanish curriculum at UNC Charlotte. Hispania, 93(1), 80–84. Foreign languages and higher education: New structures for a changed world. (2007) MLA ad hoc committee on foreign languages. Profession published by the Modern Language Association, 2007 (May). Retrieved from http://www.mla.org/flreport Friedman, T. (2005). The world is flat: A brief history of the 21st century. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux. Grosse, C., & Voght, G. (1990). Foreign language for business and the professions at US colleges and universities. The Modern Language Journal, 74, 36–47. Hall, B. (2007). Legalese and Spanish: The Hispanic immigrant experience with the legal system in Birmingham, Alabama. Unpublished paper. Jorge, E. (2010). Where's the community? Hispania, 93(1), 135–138. Long, M., & Uscinski, I. (2012). Evolution of languages for specific purposes programs in the United States: 1990–2011 [Special Issue]. The Modern Language Journal, 96, 173–189. Novak, J. (2012). H.B. 56 and its impact in the state of Alabama. Unpublished paper. President's Commission on Foreign Language and International Studies (1980). Strength through wisdom: A critique of US capability. The Modern Language Journal, 64, 9–57. Report to the Teagle Foundation on the Undergraduate Major in Language and Literature. (2009). MLA ad hoc committee on foreign languages. Profession published by the Modern Language Association, 2009 (February). Retrieved from http://www.mla.org/pdf/2008_mla_whitepaper.pdf Sánchez-López, L. (2010). El español para fines específicos: La proliferación de programas creados para satisfacer las necesidades del siglo XXI. Hispania, 93(1), 85–89. Sánchez-López, L. (Forthcoming 2013). Service learning course design for Languages for Specific Purposes programs [Special Issue]. Hispania, 96(2). Southern Poverty Law Center (2011). Retrieved from http://www.splcenter.org/ State of Alabama (2011). Retrieved from http://www.ago.state.al.us/Page-Immigration The Princeton Review (2013). Retrieved from http://www.princetonreview.com/TheUniversityofAlabamaatBirmingham UAB Minor in Business Spanish. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.uab.edu/languages/images/pdfs/news/Minor_Spanish_for_Business.pdf UAB Office of Planning and Analysis. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.uab.edu/opa/ UAB Spanish for Specific Purposes program. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.uab.edu/languages/ssp United States Census Bureau. (2010). Retrieved from http://2010.census.gov/2010census/data/ United Stated Census Bureau. (2012). Retrieved from http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/00000.html UAB Vision. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.uab.edu/home/about University of Alabama at Birmingham (2013). Retrieved from http://www.uab.edu/ SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 71 APPENDIX The University of Alabama at Birmingham College of Arts and Sciences Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures Spanish for Specific Purposes Certificate (SSPC) Exit Survey Note: This survey is anonymous. Please, be as honest as possible when completing it. Thank you for providing us with valuable information to get to know our students and to improve our SSPC program. I. Personal Information (circle one) 1. Gender: Male Female 2. Age: 18–20 20–23 24–26 27–30 More than 31 3. Regular UAB Student Non-regular UAB student (local professional) 4. Work: Full-time job Part-time job Unemployed 5. Work place: ______________________________; Position: __________________ 5. Race: African American Caucasian Hispanic Indian Asian Other 6. Major/s: ____________________________ Minor/s: ________________ 7. Previous Higher Education Degrees: _____________________________________ 8. Your first language/s is/are:____________________________________________ SSPC related 1. How long did it take you to complete the SSPC program? ____________________ 2. In which of the three tracks did you specialize (health, business, translation & interpretation)?: ________________________________________________________ 3. Please explain why you pursued the SSPC: __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 4. Did the SSPC fulfill your expectations? Yes No Please explain why? __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ SPANISH FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES CERTIFICATE (SSPC) PROGRAM Scholarship and Teaching on Languages for Specific Purposes (2013) 72 5. Did the SSPC classes fulfill your expectations in general? Yes No Please explain why? __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 6. What did you like the most about the program? __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 7. What did you like the least about the program? __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 8. Please give us your suggestions on how to improve the SSPC program: __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 9. How will the SSPC impact your current or future career? __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 10. Would you recommend the SSPC to your friends or colleagues? Yes No 11. Finally, do you give your permission to use the information that you provided above anonymously for statistical and research purposes? Yes No Note: If you have further comments, please use the back of this form. GRACIAS.

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Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0in; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;} --> <!--[endif]--> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: ">The authors examine the role of the police in crime prevention in the Canadian context, based on in-depth interviews with police officers in six police agencies across the country. They explore core policing functions and consider the role of the police in crime prevention. They discuss three recent studies of crime prevention practices in Canada, and focus in particular on Crime Prevention through Social Development (CPSD). The authors conclude that social development issues are not often seen as part of a core policing function. They argue that the police are in a unique position with respect to CPSD since they are well positioned to facilitate an integrated, multi-agency response to social problems. An alternative role for the police is discussed which would consolidate their law enforcement and crime prevention roles through the facilitation of an integrated problem solving approach based on partnerships with other service agencies.</span><span style="font-size: 10pt; font-family: "></span></p>

Part five of of an interview with educators in the Leominster, Massachusetts area. Topics include: Experiences as students in the Leominster school system. Kindergarten classes and moving students along in bilingual education. Funding to keep students in school and in programs that work for individuals. How parents support education. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: For example, um, we talked about the original Head Start. You went to kindergarten. I couldn't believe that. [Laughter] Okay. I mean, the whole intent, and correct me if you see it differently, but the whole intent of Head Start is that society sees that there's a group of children who don't have the exposure, whether it's cultural, whether it's language development, they don't have the exposure in their formative years. And when they get to kindergarten or when they get to first grade, they're kind of behind. And, primarily, we identify those kids as coming from lowest socio-economic backgrounds. Okay? So, the idea was to begin a Head Start program and target that population. But who will fund it? A wonderful idea. And I think that as you look at the longitudinal studies that have been done over 20, 30 years since Head Start, you see that kids who have gone through Head Start have been more successful in school, is less apt to drop out, less pregnancy, uh, less involvement with substance abuse, and so on. It seems to be a pair, okay? And yet, the federal government only funds Head Start to the point where only about 56 percent of the kids who are eligible, not all preschoolers, only the kids from socio-economic background who are financially eligible for Head Start, that's how many can go. You check with a Head Start program [alumnus], or you go to the government, you go anywhere you want, and they cannot take all of the kids who qualify. Why? Because the funding isn't there. That's the problem. A need is seen but the immediacy of that need is not recognized. SPEAKER 2: Is that why…? What is the reason that Lancaster Street had the only kindergarten? And you went to that. SPEAKER 3: You know, that I don't know. SPEAKER 1: But maybe, just… SPEAKER 3: My experience was like kind of just the opposite because my kindergarten teacher was Ms. [Trinkle]. She married another teacher. SPEAKER 4: Coach Sullivan.2 SPEAKER 3: Sullivan. Right. SPEAKER 1: Okay. SPEAKER 2: She married [unintelligible - 00:02:28]? How do you know so? SPEAKER 3: So, then I was ready for the first break. Now, I'm in kindergarten, and she felt I was ready for the first grade, so they sent me. My birthday was in January, so therefore, I was supposed to wait like another year. And I remember Miss Lincoln… do you remember her? She had some administrative position. And I remember her testing me [unintelligible - 00:02:55]. SPEAKER 2: Was the class at Lancaster Street predominantly Italian? SPEAKER 3: Everybody were. SPEAKER 4: I went to that one before she did and my kindergarten teacher was Ms. Kendall, and they started the kindergarten because the whole area was all Italian children. They did not speak English. SPEAKER 2: And that, really, in disguise, was the first bilingual program in Leominster. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. It was the forerunner. SPEAKER 3: I think so. Probably true. SPEAKER 2: That… really. SPEAKER 1: They were trying to address the same name in a different way. SPEAKER 2: But the way they went about it is a lot different from "transitional bilingual education." SPEAKER 3: But, instead of keeping me in that class for two years, she move me on. SPEAKER 1: If you want… to tell you the story, the same thing happened to him. They want to keep him back. Am I right? SPEAKER 3: No, I'm just saying age-wise. SPEAKER 2: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: Right. SPEAKER 3: I would have had to stay there another year. SPEAKER 1: Right. I see. SPEAKER 3: Probably because they felt that I was [pretty] and trusted me. 3 SPEAKER 4: And then, moving on. SPEAKER 1: Let's say they did something different. They did something different for that population. They put them in kindergarten. They brought them to school a year earlier. SPEAKER 4: That's right. SPEAKER 1: They didn't do that for the general population. Right? SPEAKER 3: A friend of mine gave me a copy of the class picture that I had never seen in my life until maybe the last year, year and a half, and I must tell you, we really did look like ragamuffins [laughter]. But it's such a pleasure to look at that picture. I mean, it's your roots. SPEAKER 2: Yeah. SPEAKER 3: It's your roots. SPEAKER 4: Now, my kindergarten class progressed as a whole. You were in kindergarten. The next year you're in first grade, second grade, and I don't remember a lot of kids being held back. They just went on. SPEAKER 2: This is my whole point of modern versus [test], need versus popularity -- popular to have the bilingual program, need to get these kids go on and started. SPEAKER 4: It's also numbers. SPEAKER 2: Absolutely. SPEAKER 4: It's also numbers. SPEAKER 2: Absolutely. And experiment. SPEAKER 3: We were a very small… Leominster was a very small… SPEAKER 2: But the philosophy. I don't care if there are a thousand or a hundred. The philosophy was different. That's my whole point. Our philosophy was to get them in there, teach them English, get them going, and they'll be fine. And that turns out to be exactly true because as Lucy said, you want to go back and trace the history of folk. Those Italian kids started that first bilingual class. They did fine. They did very well in the city of Leominster. 4 SPEAKER 4: On the other hand, there were kindergarten students [unintelligible - 00:05:29] were we at 12th grade, or…? SPEAKER 5: Well, they never had… SPEAKER 3: Twelfth. SPEAKER 1: With me, as I said, I was 9 years old, so I would have started third grade. I guess about third grade and I stayed just a couple of months. We came to the United States and landed in February and I was put into the first grade. I didn't speak a word of English. I was 9 years old put into the first grade just to be under that school year. And then, I spent that summer in Indiana. I came back in the fall. I went into grade 2. Halfway through the year, the teachers made a decision and they pulled me out of the second grade. They felt I knew English well enough at that point. And they brought me across the hall and put me in the fourth grade classroom. So I started the year on grade 2, ended the year on grade 4. That following September, I was in [unintelligible - 00:06:37] and went into grade 5 with Mrs. McGraw. SPEAKER 2: Today, if you were 12, you had a CORE evaluation. Think about it. SPEAKER 4: Yes. SPEAKER 1: I still graduated a year behind you know, my age group. I lost a year, okay, although I ended up you know, skipping a couple of grades. But I was fortunate in that I was able to survive that. But I'm telling you that there were many others who did not survive that kind of so called "immersion." So, you know, Vinnie is right. You have to look at the individual and say, you know, "What's best for this person?" Not just today, but think about what you're doing in terms of how it's going to affect that person's lifetime. Because the greatest cost for failure is after a person leaves school. Well, you can put a kid into special education as costly as that might be. You can put a kid into bilingual program and some added cost. But you 5 have a youngster who drops out of school and fails, end up in jail or gets pregnant, is on drugs. Your sending a youngster to jail is going to cost you $50,000 a year to keep that person. SPEAKER 3: And you know, when they went in, they will know when they come out because they learned from each other. There's a teaching going on there as well. SPEAKER 1: Exactly. And that's why I believe in you know, rehabilitation programs in prisons, because, I mean, what else are you going to spend that money for? If it's just for punishment, if it's just for revenge, you wanted… you know, a person did something wrong, you're going to pay. So you're going to spend 10 years behind bars. Okay? But then stop and think about what happens when that person comes out. Are you going to end up sending that person back? Hopefully, that person becomes a contributing member of the society or if not contribute, at least you know, not detract from society. It's you know, the longer range. We're all human beings. SPEAKER 2: If you wanted to trace back again to that kindergarten class and at the beginning of that program with Lucy's, and trace how many of those people "went to jail" or on drugs, that got in trouble? You'd find there are few. You'd find very few. Think about it. And, going back to the point, the last one, we didn't have to spend a lot of money on the law enforcement, okay? Because parents… let's get to that point. Ethnic families – French, Italian, and others [unintelligible - 00:09:04] – were very proud people. Okay? And they didn't want to be embarrassed by having an officer come to the house. They took care of their own problems. All the teachers had… I can remember breaking a window. It was an accident but I was throwing stones and threw it the wrong direction and broke a window. Ms. Gallagher called up my house, the principal, to tell my mother. End of problem. End of problem. [Laughs] I mean, guys, I didn't have to be told more than once. SPEAKER 4: No. That's right.6 SPEAKER 2: Okay? Because that's the difference there. SPEAKER 3: Starting with Miss [Partimo], she was a fourth grade teacher, I had [unintelligible - 00:09:44] Miss [Partimo] for two weeks. And it was [glorious]. So they somehow closed down the fourth grade, and they sent half the class to the third grade and half the class to the fifth grade. And I had Miss [Gallagher] and Miss [unintelligible - 00:10:01]. She was the principal and she taught girls. I went to see her. She is deceased this year. But a year ago, when we did all that for the honorary members, I brought flowers to each of these women that couldn't attend the meeting partially because of transportation. And Miss Gallagher was one of them. And we sat and had the longest chat and then we talked about [unintelligible - 00:10:28]. One of the things that I came away with, she marveled at how… she found her job as relatively easy because of the parents that she worked with, the Italian parents and how… they wanted the best for their children. They wanted an education for their children. But the teacher was always right that they were going to follow the rules. And boy, the last thing a teacher has to say to you was, "I'm going to tell your parents." Oh, my God. You'd shiver and shake because again that was the worst thing in the world. Not to say [unintelligible - 00:11:08]. I don't mean that but… SPEAKER 2: Do you remember when your mother went to the [unintelligible - 00:11:12] to the open house [unintelligible - 00:11:14] you know. I didn't worry about my mother saying, and I know your mother well… I didn't worry about my mother saying and the teacher saying "Joseph is not doing…" That was expected. You came from an Italian home. You're expected to do well. "How is he behaving?" The teacher said, "Well, Joseph is a little loquacious." SPEAKER 4: [Laughter].7 SPEAKER 2: [Laughs]. I would hide under the… like a fool, I was hiding under the sheets. [Unintelligible - 00:11:46] [Laughter] But that was called pride. Your parents had pride and you didn't embarrass them. SPEAKER 1: They wanted you to be respectful. SPEAKER 2: That's right. SPEAKER 1: But I have to believe that… I don't care what ethnic group you're talking about, that basically parents want their kids to succeed. SPEAKER 3: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Okay? And you know, today, we use the word partnership. Education is a partnership, you know, the home and the school. I mean, they're all elements in a successful equation, I guess, if you want to call it that. You do have to have parents that support kids and support education. You know, Vinnie, tell us the story about you that you were telling me last week when you came to the United States. And at some point, there was a decision to be made about you going on in school or going to work. I thought that was quite interesting, okay? You might share that. SPEAKER 2: Maybe the support system that we have today is quite different from what it used to be years ago when family would contribute their ideas. And what relatives would say would be very important to determine what young children would take as their career, would take as a job, would do as the next thing. In my own personal experience, I know that it wasn't easy for me to go to school, especially to middle school in Italy because first of all, conditions were right after the war. Everything was with much destruction all around. And the fields, I remember one of the main sources of our income was the vineyards. My grandfather produced grapes and wine to be sold and to be processed. And as the story goes, they just had an attack by [unintelligible - 00:14:03] which destroys the grapevines, and then you need seven years before you can get production up again. So, the source of income was not available. My father had just come back from being a prisoner of war, and of course, you don't earn money while you're a prisoner of war. You're as 8 destitute when you come out as you were when you went in. And he was there seven years. This was in 1947. And when you make a decision to have your son continue the education, you have to buy the books. You have to provide the money to go to the district school which is [unintelligible - 00:14:53], which is not very far, but the bus that took you there was a jungle bus that also went to Padova, and so it took about 45 minutes for what would nowadays be maybe a 10-minute ride. SPEAKER 1: It was seven miles, and [unintelligible - 00:15:06]. SPEAKER 2: [Unintelligible - 00:15:06] But it took at least half an hour, 45 minutes with a detour to [unintelligible - 00:15:14] with stops for the general public. But, if you have to go everyday to school like that, you have to have a subscription to the bus and you have to come up every month with the money to pay for this transportation, plus the books were expensive. The books that you buy are dictionaries, textbooks. And I remember, I still have some of my old textbooks. The paper on which they were printed was so flimsy and the margins almost nonexistent because they tried to cram as much print as possible in the fewest number of pages. But, anyway, I know that my mother, whenever we needed to buy a textbook and we didn't have the money, she'd have to go around and beg, borrow, steal, as they say, for money for me to buy these books so we could continue our education. So, when we finally decided that I would come to the States and the idea was, "Well, should I go to work or should I continue with my education, knowing I have done reasonably well in school and that my family has invested all this money and effort in my ongoing education?" And of course, my father at that time was not in the best of health and my relatives were pointing out you know, "He's young. He's strong. He can get a job and get relatively good money coming right away. 9 Whereas, if you decide that he should go to school, first of all, he'd have to learn English, second, you have no income for him, third, you have to provide him with decent clothes and food. So that's going to be, instead of a plus, a drain on the family." But…/AT/mb

Doing business sheds light on how easy or difficult it is for a local entrepreneur to open and run a small to medium-size business when complying with relevant regulations. It measures and tracks changes in regulations affecting 10 areas in the life cycle of a business: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency. In a series of annual reports doing business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 183 economies, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, over time. This economy profile presents the doing business indicators for Kazakhstan. To allow useful comparison, it also provides data for other selected economies (comparator economies) for each indicator. The data in this report are current as of June 1, 2011 (except for the paying taxes indicators, which cover the period January December 2010).

Doing business sheds light on how easy or difficult it is for a local entrepreneur to open and run a small to medium-size business when complying with relevant regulations. It measures and tracks changes in regulations affecting 10 areas in the life cycle of a business: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency. In a series of annual reports doing business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 183 economies, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, over time. This economy profile presents the doing business indicators for United Kingdom. To allow useful comparison, it also provides data for other selected economies (comparator economies) for each indicator. The data in this report are current as of June 1, 2011 (except for the paying taxes indicators, which cover the period January-December 2010).

Doing business sheds light on how easy or difficult it is for a local entrepreneur to open and run a small to medium-size business when complying with relevant regulations. It measures and tracks changes in regulations affecting 10 areas in the life cycle of a business: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency. In a series of annual reports doing business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 183 economies, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, over time. This economy profile presents the doing business indicators for Uzbekistan. To allow useful comparison, it also provides data for other selected economies (comparator economies) for each indicator. The data in this report are current as of June 1, 2011 (except for the paying taxes indicators, which cover the period January-December 2010).

This tenth edition of Doing Business sheds light on how easy or difficult it is for a local entrepreneur to open and run a small to medium-size business when complying with relevant regulations. It measures and tracks changes in regulations affecting eleven areas in the life cycle of a business: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts, resolving insolvency and employing workers. Doing Business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 185 economies, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, over time. The indicators are used to analyze economic outcomes and identify what reforms have worked, where and why. This economy profile presents the Doing Business indicators for Kazakhstan. To allow useful comparison, it also provides data for other selected economies (comparator economies) for each indicator. The data in this report are current as of June 1, 2012 (except for the paying taxes indicators, which cover the period January - December 2011).