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THIS ARTICLE WILL ARGUE THAT POLITICAL STABILITY IN RUSSIA CANNOT BE SEPARATED FROM THE OBJECTIVE OF THE CONSOLIDATION OF A DEMOCRATIC ORDER. "IRON FIST" SOLUTIONS TO ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (AS IN SOUTH KOREA OR PERU) ARE NOT VIABLE IN RUSSIA BECAUSE THEY REQUIRE A POWERFUL STATE - WHICH RUSSIA DOES NOT HAVE. WITH A WEAK CENTRAL STATE, AND GIVEN THE SIZE OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS ECONOMIC AND ETHNIC COMPLEXITY, AUTHORITARIAN SOLUTIONS IN RUSSIA ARE, ON THE CONTRARY, BOUND TO GENERATE ONLY TENSIONS AND INSTABILITY. THIS ARTICLE DISCUSSES FIVE FACTORS WHICH ARE PARTICULARLY RELEVANT TO DEMOCRATIC STABILITY IN RUSSIA, THEY INCLUDE: CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK; FORMATION OF A STABLE PARTY SYSTEM; ELITE CONSENSUS; CLARIFICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF THE NATION STATE; AND STRATEGY OF ECONOMIC REFORM.

This article examines the relationship between nationalistic mobilisations, hidden funds and undisclosed campaign contributions, commonly known as dark money. Contextualising Brexit alongside the Icelandic economic crash of 2008 shows how nationalist mobilisation and racism can secure economic and political interests for a small minority and thus create space for what Zygmunt Bauman has called 'evasion' or 'slippage' as a primary technique of power in the present. Both the build-up to Brexit and the Icelandic economic crash were characterised by a strong national-centred rhetoric of 'us-the-nation' versus 'others' that diverted attention from massive minority interests, which had access to hidden funds. The Panama Papers showed that many of the same people celebrated in Iceland as the embodied representation of the country were simultaneously moving money into tax havens. Exposés have also revealed the way that dark money secretly funded campaigns using anti-migrant racism to facilitate the Brexiteers' longer-term interests.

Does the way Canada, as a nation state, approach international environmental policymaking make a difference with respect to solving environmental problems in the Americas? We argue that it does, and it is a difference that matters. Canadian efforts toward multilateralism and toward inclusiveness serve as a counter balance to the growing unilateralism and ever present exceptionalism of the United States, currently the most powerful country in the world, and Canada's southern neighbor and regional partner in developing environmental policy that affects the northern Americas directly and all of the Americas indirectly. Our argument is made first generally, and then specifically using involvement and reaction to the goals set out by the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC), where, along with Mexico, Canada and the United States play leading roles. The basic contention of this paper is that the vision for and goals of the CEC are much more aligned with the way Canada perceives the way international environmental policymaking should be governed, and that by fostering that vision, Canada counters the tendency of the present-day United States administration to go at it alone, and thereby provides a linkage to other countries in the Americas to position themselves for participation in regional environmental policymaking.

Статья посвящена исследованию функций государственной власти в мировом космополитическом сообществе. Автор приходит к выводу о том, что, с одной стороны, вхождение национального государства в космополитическое сообщество характеризуется качественными (связанными с преодолением локальной привязанности) и количественными трансформациями государственных функций, а с другой стороны, указанная трансформация становится фактором эффективного функционирования государства на локальном уровне. ; In a study updated the problem of the future of the world community, the need for recourse to that due to the crisis of the world political system, caused by the modern global risks and the failure of nation states to cope with them. The author uses a cosmopolitan approach to solving this problem, based on the work of U. Beck, J. Habermas, Z. Baumana, Giddens, D. Held. It said researchers have linked the future of the world community with the inevitable transformation of the national state and the formation of the world's cosmopolitan community. The article is devoted to revealing changes in qualitative and quantitative characteristics of state power in the cosmopolitan state, and global cosmopolitan community. The author pays particular attention to the three major components of the new system and determining the balance of power: territorial, economic, cultural. As a result, concludes that before the power and politics there is a problem of overcoming the spatial, economic and cultural localization, the successful solution of which will be one of the conditions for the effective functioning of government. States, overcoming relationship with a certain territory forming multinational authorities, thus creating a "space of united sovereignty." Entering the space of a united sovereignty does devalues or conditional part of the functions of the government. In particular, we are talking about functions such as the regulation and control of the economic sphere, the preservation of political sovereignty, maintaining the territorial integrity of the State, and others. But at the same time, to state power opens new transnational management and control not only in the international arena, but also within their own countries. These features are associated with a decrease in enormous costs and effort required to maintain the secrecy of the territorial state, with the ability to focus on solving specific social, economic, technological, cultural and other problems of the local level. States belonging to transnational communities, forced to play by international rules, but this is a game with a "positive result" because using the power of united sovereignty, states may decide purely national issues. Thus, the occurrence of the nation-state in a cosmopolitan community is characterized by high quality (associated with overcoming the territorial, economic and cultural attachment) and quantitative transformation of public functions. However, paradoxically, overcoming local authorities' attachment becomes a factor of its effective functioning at the local level.

THE AUTHORS SURVEY THE RESTRICTIONS ON FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT (FDI) IMPOSED BY THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER MAJOR COUNTRIES. THEY CONCLUDE THAT THE UNITED STATES IS ONE OF THE MOST--IF NOT THE MOST--HOSPITABLE COUNTRY TO FDI. HOWEVER, RECENT CHANGES HAVE REDUCED THE DISTANCE BETWEEN U.S. OPENNESS AND THAT OF OTHER COUNTRIES MAINLY BY MAKING THE U.S. CLIMATE FOR FOREIGN INVESTMENT LESS WELCOMING.