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The model and the ideological fundament of contemporary States are under the dynamic evolution. The doctrine of Nation-State proves to be precarious and inadequate toward the sociological reality which allow taking into account different cultural or ethnic groups that make part of the society. The relevance of the Nation, a political and legal creation that represents the unified and homogeneous social body on which is based the State, has become contingent.Contemporary States, being faced with the claims of ethnic or cultural groups, are forced to make changes in their legal and institutional systems. The principal rules of the Nation-State, based on the logic of universalism and individualism, such as the unity of the people, the sole official language, the equality of citizens before the law, the indivisibility of the public power and the administrative decentralization, are jeopardized by the claim of the right to be different, or even of the right to autonomy. The configuration of the logic of pluralism, which advocates legal recognition of the ethical or cultural differences between the members of the society, is the challenge. How can this new logic be introduced in a legal system that adheres to the opposite political ideas? Will this ideological mutation require the creation of a new State model? What are the basic elements of this novel form of State?The study on the evolution of the French, Belgian, Hungarian and Romanian legal systems with regard to the ethnic and cultural diversities, allows us to observe legal and institutional modifications of European countries according to different political and demotic structures. The transformation of the rules relating to the recognition of the people of State, on the one hand, and the consecration of the rules relating to the political formation of the ethnic groups, on the other hand, testify to the archaism of the model of the Nation-State. This observation leads to a new design of the Nation as the fundament of the political power which consists of ...

The model and the ideological fundament of contemporary States are under the dynamic evolution. The doctrine of Nation-State proves to be precarious and inadequate toward the sociological reality which allow taking into account different cultural or ethnic groups that make part of the society. The relevance of the Nation, a political and legal creation that represents the unified and homogeneous social body on which is based the State, has become contingent.Contemporary States, being faced with the claims of ethnic or cultural groups, are forced to make changes in their legal and institutional systems. The principal rules of the Nation-State, based on the logic of universalism and individualism, such as the unity of the people, the sole official language, the equality of citizens before the law, the indivisibility of the public power and the administrative decentralization, are jeopardized by the claim of the right to be different, or even of the right to autonomy. The configuration of the logic of pluralism, which advocates legal recognition of the ethical or cultural differences between the members of the society, is the challenge. How can this new logic be introduced in a legal system that adheres to the opposite political ideas? Will this ideological mutation require the creation of a new State model? What are the basic elements of this novel form of State?The study on the evolution of the French, Belgian, Hungarian and Romanian legal systems with regard to the ethnic and cultural diversities, allows us to observe legal and institutional modifications of European countries according to different political and demotic structures. The transformation of the rules relating to the recognition of the people of State, on the one hand, and the consecration of the rules relating to the political formation of the ethnic groups, on the other hand, testify to the archaism of the model of the Nation-State. This observation leads to a new design of the Nation as the fundament of the political power which consists of ...

European countries vary widely in the development and implementation of effective tobacco-control programs and policies. Why some countries lag behind others is inherently a political matter. National-level policymakers struggle between the need to protect public health and the need to recognize economic and ideological considerations. Within this context, use of scientific evidence plays an important role in the policy making process. Articles 20 and 22 of the World Health Organisation's Framework Convention of Tobacco Control (FCTC) oblige countries to develop and coordinate research on aspects of tobacco control and require of them to facilitate knowledge transfer and capacity building between countries. This paper considers various ways how EU and national policy makers may accomplish this. We conclude that progress in three areas is needed: 1) generation of more scientific evidence relevant for each country; 2) facilitation of policy learning between countries; and 3) building capacity and collaborations between researchers and tobacco-control advocates to bridge the gap from research to policy, especially in countries with weak tobacco-control infrastructures.

At a time of rising right-wing populism, the heightened political salience of immigration as an issue is linked to conceptions of 'the national'. In this article, we analyse tweets from non-elites, defined as isolated users with low network influence, engaged in a 'conversation' about migration on Twitter. We investigate the values embedded in these attitudes, and what these tell us about constructions and contestations of the symbolic boundaries of the nation amongst ordinary people. Our corpus includes tweets posted in temporal proximity to the lifting of transitional controls on Romanian and Bulgarian migrants in the UK (1 October 2013 to 1 March 2014). Thematic analysis reveals a cohesive set of anti-immigrant/immigration sentiments linked to UKIP and that express an exclusionary nationalism based on assumptions about race, 'whiteness' and entitlement. Also evident is a counter-narrative of pro-immigration sentiments that draw on multiple and sometimes contradictory values. Some of these values contest racialized understandings of the nation but do not coalesce in ways to disrupt the dominance of right-wing anti-immigrant sentiments on Twitter. Our findings demonstrate the importance of investigating values embedded in both anti and pro-immigration attitudes amongst non-elites and what these values indicate about the possibilities of re-framing migration debates amongst non-elites in ways that construct more inclusive symbolic national boundaries. Additionally, in using the networked properties of Twitter engagement to identify non-elite users, we make a methodological contribution to scholarship on immigration attitudes.

The politics of legitimacy is central to international relations. When states perceive an international organization as legitimate, they defer to it, associate themselves with it, and invoke its symbols. Examining the United Nations Security Council, Ian Hurd demonstrates how legitimacy is created, used, and contested in international relations. The Council's authority depends on its legitimacy, and therefore its legitimation and delegitimation are of the highest importance to states. Through an examination of the politics of the Security Council, including the Iraq invasion and the negotiating history of the United Nations Charter, Hurd shows that when states use the Council's legitimacy for their own purposes, they reaffirm its stature and find themselves contributing to its authority. Case studies of the Libyan sanctions, peacekeeping efforts, and the symbolic politics of the Council demonstrate how the legitimacy of the Council shapes world politics and how legitimated authority can be transferred from states to international organizations. With authority shared between states and other institutions, the interstate system is not a realm of anarchy. Sovereignty is distributed among institutions that have power because they are perceived as legitimate. This book's innovative approach to international organizations and international relations theory lends new insight into interactions between sovereign states and the United Nations, and between legitimacy and the exercise of power in international relations.

Does Security Council Resolution 678, read in conjunction with the United Nations Charter, confer authority on the President under United States domestic law to introduce the United States Armed Forces into hostilities? The operative part of the resolution provides that the Security Council:1.Demands that Iraq comply fully with resolution 660(1990) and all subsequent relevant resolutions, and decides, while maintaining all its decisions, to allow Iraq one final opportunity, as a pause of goodwill, to do so;2.Authorizes Member States co-operating with the Government of Kuwait, unless Iraq on or before 15 January 1991 fully implements, as set forth in paragraph 1 above, the foregoing resolutions, to use all necessary means to uphold and implement resolution 660 (1990) and all subsequent relevant resolutions and to restore international peace and security in the area;3.Requests all States to provide appropriate support for the actions undertaken in pursuance of paragraph 2 of the present resolution;4.Requests the States concerned to keep the Security Council regularly informed on the progress of actions undertaken pursuant to paragraphs 2 and 3 of the present resolution;5.Decides to remain seized of the matter.

Does the way Canada, as a nation state, approach international environmental policymaking make a difference with respect to solving environmental problems in the Americas? We argue that it does, and it is a difference that matters. Canadian efforts toward multilateralism and toward inclusiveness (e.g., willingness to work with weaker nations) serve as a counter balance to the growing unilateralism and ever present exceptionalism of the United States, currently the most powerful country in the world, and Canada's southern neighbor and regional partner in developing environmental policy that affects the northern Americas directly and all of the Americas indirectly. Our argument is made first generally, and then specifically using involvement and reaction to the goals set out by the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC), where, along with Mexico, Canada and the United States play leading roles. The basic contention of this paper is that the vision for and goals of the CEC are much more aligned with the way Canada perceives the way international environmental policymaking should be implemented, and that by fostering that vision, Canada tries to counter the tendency of the present-day United States administration to go at it alone, and thereby provides a linkage to other countries in the Americas to position themselves for participation in regional environmental policymaking.

"What does a state governor do? Learn about the duties of a state governor, who can be a state governor, where they work, and how state governors are elected. Descriptive main text, full-color photos, fast facts, and callout definitions work together to support understanding"--