Suchergebnisse

I en internationell jämförelse ligger Sverige förhållandevis långt fram vad gäller användning av informations- och kommunikationsteknik (IKT) i såväl näringsliv som hos privatpersoner. Inte desto mindre finns det betydande skillnader mellan företag av olika storlek liksom mellan urbana miljöer och glesbygd. Mindre företag har inte kommit lika långt i att IKT-anpassa produktion, organisation och försäljning som större företag.EU, liksom Sverige, lyfter fram de mindre företagens roll för att upprätthålla en hög sysselsättning och ett dynamiskt näringsliv. Mindre och nya företag bidrar med konkurrens, innovativa lösningar och utgör på sikt en viktig komponent för uthållig tillväxt och ett fortsatt högt välstånd. Samtidigt är de just de mindre företagen som utsätts för ett allt hårdare konkurrenstryck i ett globaliseringsskede där marknader blir öppnare och mer lätt tillgängliga. Globaliseringen öppnar visserligen för nya möjligheter men reser också betydande utmaningar när det gäller att bibehålla och utveckla konkurrenskraften. Ett medel för att klara dessa utmaningar är ett effektivt användande av IKT.Den vikt som läggs vid mindre företag avspeglas delvis i en rad politiska initiativ på EU nivå, initiativ som också spiller över på svenska företag. EU-politiken behöver dock kompletteras med en nationell politik, vilket sker i ett flertal länder.Syftet med föreliggande rapport är att dels identifiera hinder för att mindre företag ska kunna använda kostnadseffektiva och konkurrensförstärkande IKT-lösningar, dels att föreslå ekonomisk-politiska åtgärder för att undanröja eller minska nuvarande hinder.På företagsnivå är fördelarna uppenbara med en väl genomförd IKT tillämpning. Moderna IKT-lösningar möjliggör sålunda för företag att lättare nå andra marknader, uppnå lägre kostnader, förbättrad intern och extern kommunikation, större enkelhet att samarbeta och koordinera produktionen med andra företag samt bättre förutsättning för innovation genom enklare access till olika former av kunskap och information. Samtidigt är hindren betydande. Bland de vanligast förekommande är en föreställning om att IKT inte är lämpligt för företaget, begränsade IKT- kunskaper hos ledningen/företagaren, standards och regelverk som är svåra för småföretag att anpassa sig till, höga utvecklingskostnader för IKT, bristande synkronisering/interoperabilitet mellan olika IKT-system, säkerhetsproblem och bristande förtroende, legala oklarheter samt bristande infrastruktur. Var och en av dessa kan innebära betydande problem för särskilt de mindre företagen.Baserat på en genomgång av de senaste årens forskning inom området föreslås en rad olika ekonomisk-politiska åtgärder i rapporten. Dessa avser dels generella åtgärder, dels mer specifika insatser anpassade till kunskapsnivå och det upplevda behovet av IKT i olika typföretag. Bristen på relevant IKT-information och en upplevd osäkerhet kring pålitligheten i nuvarandes system gentemot såväl leverantörer som kunder, kombinerat med en otillräcklig kunskapsnivå i särskilt mindre företag, innebär att det finns en risk att investeringarna i IKT inte når en samhällsekonomisk önskvärd nivå.Bland de generella åtgärderna märks förslag till skatteincitament under en begränsad tid för att öka IKT-investeringar liksom satsningar på forskning och utveckling. Likaså föreslås en översyn av de regleringar som finns på området med särskilt fokus på ett förenklat och IKT-baserat förfarande vid offentlig upphandling som möjliggör för mindre företag att delta. Bland mer specifika satsningar är förslagen sammanställda utifrån behoven hos olika typföretag. Olika utbildnings-, informations- och samordningsinsatser föreslås kombineras med vissa riktade ekonomiska incitament som lånefaciliteter och konsultcheckar. Vår bedömning är att de föreslagna ekonomisk-politiska åtgärderna bör kunna utgöra ett kraftfullt verktyg för att minska en nu rådande "digital divide" bland företag av olika storlek och mellan regioner. Samtidigt vill vi betona att mot bakgrund av den tid som stått till vårt förfogande – en dryg månad – ska förslagen ses som tentativa och förutsätter ytterligare bearbetning. ; Godkänd; 2010; 20100526 (vinpar) ; Fastelaboratoriet - VINNEXC

"This is an innovative study of how race and empire transformed French Republican citizenship in the early Third Republic. Elizabeth Heath integrates the histories of the wine-producing Department of Aude and the sugar-producing colony of Guadeloupe to reveal the ways in which empire was integral to the Third Republic's ability to stabilize a Republican regime that began to unravel in an age of economic globalization. She shows how global economic factors shaped negotiations between local citizens and the Third Republic over the responsibilities of the Republic to its citizens leading to the creation of two different and unequal forms of citizenship that became constitutive of the interwar imperial nation-state and the French welfare-state. Her findings shed important new light on the tensions within Republicanism between ideals of liberty and equality and on the construction of race as a meaningful social category at a foundational moment in French history"--

Today's world is one marked by the signs of digital capitalism and global capitalist expansion, and China is increasingly being integrated into this global system of production and consumption. As a result, China's immediate material impact is now felt almost everywhere in the world; however, the significance and process of this expansion is far from understood. As such, this study provides a response to the call for developing the project of an anthropology of modernity. It shows how the a priori categories of statistical reasoning came to be re-born and re-lived in the People's Republic - as

"Focusing on the great population movement of British emigrants before 1914, this book provides a new perspective on the relationship between empire and globalisation. It shows how distinct structures of economic opportunity developed around the people who settled across a wider British World through the co-ethnic networks they created. Yet these networks could also limit and distort economic growth. The powerful appeal of ethnic identification often made trade and investment with racial 'outsiders' less appealing, thereby skewing economic activities toward communities perceived to be 'British'. By highlighting the importance of these networks to migration, finance and trade, this book contributes to debates about globalisation in the past and present. It reveals how the networks upon which the era of modern globalisation was built quickly turned in on themselves after 1918, converting racial, ethnic and class tensions into protectionism, nationalism and xenophobia. Avoiding such an outcome is a challenge faced today"--Provided by publisher

Cross-national research aiming to explain democracy normally focuses either on internal or external factors as relevant for a country's level of democracy. However, several scholars argue that democratization is not a completely domestic process. This study, with diffusion theory as a point of departure, shows how the two perspectives can be simultaneously examined. With the help of a theoretical framework that separates factors into different analytical levels, quantitative analyses make it possible to reach empirical results that examine the relevance of diffusion when it comes to countries' levels of democracy, while controlling for internal variables. The results show that the effects of diffusion disappear when controlling for internal characteristics. In some cases, though, deviations to domestic explanations can be handled by addressing international influence instead. In general, it is reasonable to argue that the most powerful explanations for democracy are the traditional internal circumstances such as wealth and education. ; Jämförande studier med ambitionen att förklara länders nivå av demokrati väljer normalt en av två vägar. Det ena alternativet, och möjligen det mest frekventa, innebär att man försöker förklara länders demokratinivå utifrån egenskaper som man finner inom respektive fall. Oftast uttrycks detta genom att man tar fasta på länders ekonomiska utveckling, välstånd och kultur och försöker relatera det till deras demokrati. Det andra alternativet betraktar demokratiseringsprocesser som fenomen som inte huvudsakligen beror på interna karaktäristiska utan som istället beror på spridandet av idéer, det som benämns som diffusion. En begränsning som kännetecknar mycket av den rådande forskningen är att kombinationen av dessa båda perspektiv sällan förekommer. Den här studien har till uppgift att undersöka effekten av diffusion på länders nivå av demokrati samtidigt som länderspecifika egenskaper hanteras. För att beskriva de många relationer som stater idag har med andra länder används ofta beteckningen globalisering. Givet att de flesta länder idag har relationer med andra länder inom många olika områden förefaller det rimligt att fästa fokus på denna utgångspunkt även när demokratisering diskuteras. Möjligheten att sprida idéer från ett land till ett annat borde också idag vara långt större än tidigare. Successivt så har också det forskarsamhälle som studerar demokrati accepterat denna verklighetsbeskrivning. Forskning inom både kulturgeografi och statsvetenskap har bidragit med viktiga resultat. Man har kunnat leda i bevis att demokratier är geografiskt sett samlade och att grannländer ofta har likartade nivåer av demokrati. Till och med när viss kontroll sker för de traditionella förklaringarna för demokrati visar sig diffusionsfaktorer vara av vikt. En begränsning i många av dessa studier är dock att de är underspecificerade i relation till landkaraktäristiska. Man kontrollerar inte, med andra ord, i tillräckligt hög utsträckning för de olika tänkbara faktorerna som är uttryck för länders interna egenskaper och som kan tänkas förklara demokratinivå. Genom att pröva tre olika indikatorer för diffusion i relation till två olika kategorier av interna förklaringskrafter hanterar denna studie denna brist. Detta sker genom en analytisk åtskillnad mellan tre olika nivåer av teoretiskt grundade förklaringskrafter. De empiriska testen sker i formen av tvärsnittsanalyser genom i huvudsakligen regressionsanalyser på ett material som utgör i princip samtliga av världens stater. Undersökningen ger ett antal intressanta resultat. Effekten av diffusion på demokratinivå framstår som oklar men efter omfattande kontroll för exogen variation förefaller det som att denna faktor är svag i relation till andra förklaringskrafter. Traditionella förklaringar som betydelsen av ekonomisk utveckling och välstånd och religion framstår istället som de centrala variablerna. Även det tillägg som på senare år har gjorts till denna teoribildning kan verifiera. Det avser att ett ekonomiskt välstånd byggt på oljerikedomar inte har en positiv utan istället en negativ relation med demokratinivå. Sammanfattningsvis är alltså effekten av diffusion utan relevans när vi vill förklara variationen i demokrati bland världens stater. Vissa oklarheter existerar alltjämt vilket pekar på behovet av fortsatt forskning. Förutom vissa inkonsekventa resultat i regressionsanalyserna finns det också länder i datamaterialet vars förhållandevis höga nivå av demokrati är svår att förklara. Kanske kan man tänka sig att de fattiga muslimska länderna i Västafrika (Mali, Senegal och Sierra Leone) som trots allt är demokratiska är det p.g.a. att något av ett demokratiskt kluster har skapats i regionen. Avslutningsvis är det viktigt att understryka att de mest heltäckande förklaringarna till demokrati kan ges när förklaringskrafter som motsvarar olika analytiska nivåer kombineras.

International migration is a consequence of globalisation and part of a transnational trend which permanently influences communities, cultural interaction and socio-economic governance in developed and developing states (Harris 2009:4). According to Solomon (1996:1) one out of every hundred and fourteen people in the world can be regarded as displaced. Angenendt (2008:1) is of the opinion that the reasons for illegal immigration in particular can be universally linked to the attempt to fl ee from political violence and oppression or a lack of economic prospects in the country of origin. In the European Union (EU) the largest group of immigrants, for example, come from Turkey, Morocco, Albania and Serbia (A common immigration policy 2008:4). In the United States of America (USA) illegal immigrants and non-established minorities are mostly from Mexico, Cuba and other South American states. In South Africa the abovementioned groups mainly come from Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Swaziland (Whitman 2000:19). Migration is a multidimensional and complex concept relating to a variety of interpretations and meanings. For the purposes of this article the research will be narrowed down to illegal immigration and insufficient integration and marginalisation of non-established minorities in South Africa and the European Union (with a brief reference to the Netherlands as a case study). The key concepts can be summarised as follows: a) Non-established minorities: Smit (2009:8) views non-established minorities as individuals or a group that enter a receiver state legally or illegally. These individuals or groups find it difficult to integrate on social, cultural and economic levels in the receiver state. Non- established minorities tend to live in groups, develop their own community structures and tend to retain their own language, culture and religion. This means that they are unable to integrate into the structure and culture of the society that they have entered. They therefore tend to function and live in isolation. In many respects their traditions and way of life are being viewed as strange and regarded with suspicion. The consequence is that non-established minorities are often subjected to socio-economic marginalisation and even discrimination; b) Illegal immigration: In brief terms an illegal or undocumented immigrant can be described as a person that enters a state without formal permission. An illegal immigrant therefore enters a state outside the legislative migration framework of that state. Illegal immigration usually takes place through people-trafficking organisations, overstaying on a tourist or study visa or forging a visa (Offe 2011:4). The South African government has recently launched initiatives to improve immigration control and limit illegal immigration from other African states. In broad terms these initiatives consist of the redeployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) on the South African borders, as well as improved internal processing arrangements and deportation procedures. In the light of the foregoing actions, this article undertakes a holistic comparative analysis of the immigration and non-established minority challenges facing the EU and the way in which illegal immigration is managed in South Africa. The primary assumption is that there are managerial shortcomings and certain lessons to be learnt from the EU experience. It is the main objective of this article to highlight these lessons. Firstly, the article focuses on the impact of moral obligations as an important rationale for the extent of, and manner in which the South African authorities currently manage illegal immigration and the problem of non-established minority groups. Here an emphasis is placed on crime, unemployment and xenophobia as perceived consequences of illegal immigration. Secondly, as the main focus, the article is narrowed down to the perception of, and manner in which illegal immigration and non-established minorities are currently being dealt with within the EU. In this regard there is a specific emphasis on the perception of the national interest of individual states as rationale behind the management of illegal immigration and non-established minorities in the EU. This comparison serves as a guideline to identify the challenges that must be overcome by the South African authorities and provide recommendations for relevant policy formulation and the implementation thereof ; Internasionale migrasie is 'n uitvloeisel van globalisering en deel van 'n transnasionale tendens wat gemeenskappe, kulturele interaksie sowel as sosio-ekonomiese regeerprosesse in ontwikkelde en ontwikkelende state permanent beïnvloed (Harris 2009:4). Volgens Solomon (1996:1) is een uit elke honderd en veertien mense wêreldwyd 'n uitgewekene. Die redes vir veral onwettige immigrasie word volgens Angenendt (2008:1) universeel verbind met pogings van mense om aan politieke geweld en onderdrukking te ontkom. 'n Gebrek aan ekonomiese vooruitsigte in die land van herkoms is dikwels ook 'n rede vir vertrek uit die eie staat van herkoms. Binne die EU is die grootste groepe onwettige immigrante en niegevestigde minderhede byvoorbeeld afkomstig uit Turkye, Marokko, Albanië, Algerië en Serwië (A common immigration policy 2008:4). In die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) is onwettige immigrante en niegevestigde minderhede afkomstig uit Meksiko, Kuba en ander Suid-Amerikaanse state. In Suid-Afrika is hulle veral afkomstig uit Zimbabwe, Mosambiek en Swaziland (Whitman 2000:19). Migrasie is 'n multidimensionele en komplekse konsep wat verband hou met 'n verskeidenheid interpretasies en betekenisse. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie navorsing word die omvang en hantering van die immigrasieproblematiek binne Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (met 'n kort verwysing na Nederland as 'n gevallestudie) beperk tot 'n bespreking van die problematiek van onwettige immigrasie en die daarmee verbandhoudende gebrekkige integrasie van minderhede in die "doelstaat". Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering het onlangs inisiatiewe van stapel gestuur ten einde onwettige immigrasie, veral uit ander Afrikastate, beter te beheer en selfs te ontmoedig. In breë trekke behels hierdie inisiatiewe die ontplooiing van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) op die grense, die verskerping van binnelandse prosesseringsmaatreëls en deporteringsprosedures. In hierdie artikel word 'n vergelyking getref tussen die immigrasie- en die niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek van die EU en die wyse waarop veral onwettige immigrasie tans in Suid-Afrika hanteer word. Die primêre aanname is dat daar steeds leemtes in die Suid-Afrikaanse hanteringswyse is, en dat daar lesse te leer is uit die EU-ondervinding. Dit is juis hierdie lesse wat in die artikel uitgelig word. Eerstens word kernagtig ingegaan op die impak van morele verpligtinge as belangrike rasionaal onderliggend aan die wyse waarop die onwettige immigrasie en die niegevestigede minderheidsproblematiek tans in Suid-Afrika hanteer word. Hier is die fokus spesifiek op misdaad, werkloosheid en vreemdelingehaat as uitvloeisels van onwettige immigrasie. Die fokus word tweedens ter vergelyking vernou tot die persepsie en wyse waarop die immigrasie en niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek binne die EU hanteer en ervaar word. In hierdie verband word die klem spesifiek op die persepsie van nasionale eiebelang van individuele EU-lidstate as rasionaal vir die hantering van die niegevestigde minderheidsproblematiek binne die EU gelê. Hierdie vergelyking dien as riglyn vir die identifisering van uitdagings wat deur die Suid-Afrikaanse owerhede oorkom moet word. Dit is dan moontlik om aanbevelings te maak vir relevante beleidsformulering en die implementering daarvan in Suid-Afrika

Introduction : commoditization in Southeast Asia / Joseph Nevins and Nancy Lee Peluso -- Contingent commodities : mobilizing labor in and beyond Southeast Asian forests / Anna Tsing -- What's new with the old? : scalar dialectics and the reorganization of Indonesia's timber industry / Paul K. Gellert -- Contesting "flexibility" : networks of place, gender, and class in Vietnamese workers' resistance / Angie Ngọc Trà̂n -- Worshipping work : producing commodity producers in contemporary Indonesia / Daromir Rudnyckyj -- China and the production of forestlands in Lao PDR : a political ecology of transnational enclosure / Keith Barney -- Water power : machines, modernizers, and meta-commoditization on the Mekong River / David Biggs -- Contested commodifications : struggles over nature in a national park / Tania Murray Li -- Sovereignty in Burma after the entrepreneurial turn : mosaics of control, commodified spaces, and regulated violence in contemporary Burma / Ken MacLean -- Old markets, new commodities : aquarian capitalism in Indonesia / Dorian Fougères -- Production of people and nature, rice, and coffee : the Semendo people in South Sumatra and Lampung / Lesley Potter -- The message is the market : selling biotechnology and nation in Malaysia / Sandra Smeltzer -- New concepts, new natures? : revisiting commodity production in Southern Thailand / Peter Vandergeest -- Concluding comparisons : products and processes of commoditization in Southeast Asia / Joseph Nevins and Nancy Lee Peluso

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

Eerste gepubliseer op www.litnet.co.za. LitNet Akademies is LitNet se afdeling vir geakkrediteerde akademiese navorsingsartikels. ; Navorsing deur Schlemmer (2010) toon aan dat taalverskuiwing na Engels in 'n redelik groot mate by bruin Afrikaanssprekendes en in 'n geringer mate by wit Afrikaanssprekendes plaasvind. Ook is daar 'n groot toename in taalvermenging onder veral wit Afrikaanssprekendes, wat moontlik 'n gevaarteken vir Afrikaans is. In hierdie artikel word die faktore en tendense beskryf wat gelei het tot funksie- en statusverlies vir Afrikaans. Ook faktore wat taalverskuiwing bevorder en die verswakking van kragte wat taalverskuiwing kan teëwerk, word onder die loep geneem. Tendense en faktore wat destruktief is vir die voortbestaan van die taal, is globalisering, die staat se transformasiemaatreëls (soos regstellende aksie en verteenwoordigendheid), die owerheid se onverskillige houding teenoor inheemse tale, die disintegrasie van Afrikaner-nasionalisme, die negatiewe gevolge van 'n onverwerkte verlede en demografiese marginalisering. Daar is egter ook konstruktiewe faktore en tendense wat waarskynlik verhoed dat taalverskuiwing groter afmetings aanneem. Dit is die lewenskragtigheid en aantrekkingskrag van die Afrikaanse kultuur, die gehalte van Afrikaanse skole, die ontluikende verwerking van die verlede deur Afrikaners en optredes van die burgerlike samelewing, wat 'n mate van aktivisme en skepping van selfhelpinstellings insluit. Ook is daar obstruktiewe tendense wat positief of negatief kan ontwikkel, soos pogings om taalvermenging teen te gaan, die ontwikkeling van nuwe tegnologie en pogings om betrekkinge tussen wit en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes te verbeter. Taalhandhawing is daarop gerig om positiewe tendense positief te hou en obstruktiewe tendense in 'n positiewe rigting te laat ontwikkel, sodat die destruktiewe tendense en faktore gestuit of selfs omgekeer kan word. Ten slotte word twee moontlikhede vir die toekoms geskets. Die een kom neer op 'n voortsetting van 'n passiewe houding teenoor destruktiewe tendense en prosesse en die ander op die aanvaarding van verantwoordelikheid vir die behoud van die taal, wat aktivisme en selfhelpinstellings insluit waar die houding van die owerheid dit noodsaak. ; Language shift and language maintenance in the Afrikaans community: trends and perspectives for the future Research conducted by Schlemmer (2010) indicated that a significant language shift towards English is taking place among Afrikaans-speaking coloured people, and to a lesser extent among white Afrikaners. In terms of percentages, white Afrikaans-speaking adults increased from 57,1 percent in 1993 to 57,6 percent in 2008, while coloured Afrikaans speakers declined from 83,4 percent in 1993 to 77,3 percent in 2008. The moderate growth in the number of whites using Afrikaans as their mother tongue conceals a worrying trend of language shift. Among coloured adults the percentage of Afrikaans speakers decreased markedly due to language shift. Yet previous studies indicated that the coloured Afrikaans-speaking demographic has enjoyed steady growth, especially outside the Cape Peninsula. This could indicate the emergence of regional polarisation, resulting in localised language shift toward English in the Cape Town metropolitan area. Surveys also indicate the proliferation of English as an additional language. Whereas in 2003 only 30,1 percent of white Afrikaans households used English, its usage increased to 50,4 percent in 2008. The corresponding figures for coloured households indicate that English was an additional language in 36,9 percent of households in 2003, which grew to 45,4 percent in 2008. Coloured Afrikaans speakers have traditionally mixed their mother tongue with English, but (as the above figures demonstrate) in five years mixed language use among Afrikaans-speaking whites surpassed that of coloureds. The extent of language mixture varies: from a sporadic English word, up to whole sentences could be inserted. Schlemmer posits that Afrikaans speakers are returning to a situation similar to that of a century ago, when many Afrikaners utilised Dutch or English for the purposes of formal or technical communication (sometimes even in love letters). He suggests that this should serve as a warning sign regarding the Afrikaans language. This article describes the factors and trends leading to the loss of status and function of the Afrikaans language; factors which promote language shift; and the weakening of forces that oppose language shift. Trends and factors which are seen as destructive toward the continued existence of the language include globalisation, the parameters of transformation implemented by the state, such as affirmative action, the authorities' reckless attitude towards indigenous languages, the disintegration of Afrikaner nationalism, demographic marginalisation, and the negative consequences of an unrealised peace. Many whites still harbour feelings of guilt about apartheid, while others have lost confidence in the future due to a lack of self-determination. Similarly, coloureds have not shaken off the painful memories of life under apartheid. The authors demonstrate the destructive consequences of transformation for the Afrikaans language, citing Malan (2010a:427): "If transformation has developed into the master concept of our post-1994 public order, representivity is the principal instrument for achieving transformation." Many preeminent commentators suggest that legal and political representivity play a destructive role. Even though according to the Constitution representivity is applicable only to judges and civil servants, its application has been extended to civil society, the corporate sector, non-profit organisations and NGOs. The authors further indicate how transformation has undermined Afrikaans as a language of practical communication in broadcasting, legal practice, at universities and in schools. Controversially, education departments have changed language policies in Afrikaans schools; decisions which have been implemented at great cost of time and resources. Such policy changes were subsequently contested in high-profile court cases such as those of Middelburg, Mikro and Ermelo. One of the multitude of problems that has emerged in legal practice has been the interpretation between English and Afrikaans in court cases. Whereas the courts have traditionally been effective at interpreting between English or Afrikaans and African languages, they are proving to be largely inept at interpreting between English and Afrikaans. Interpretation between these two languages is often unavailable, or of such poor quality that Afrikaans witnesses and accused often choose to testify in English, arguably to their detriment. With regard to demographics the authors point to the consequences of unequal growth in the composition of the South African population. On the one hand, large-scale emigration by white Afrikaans speakers has accentuated the problems of an existing low birth rate, which is now below the replacement rate (by comparison, the Afrikaans-speaking coloured demographic has only recently reached the replacement birth rate). In contrast, the black population exhibits a high birth rate and an influx of immigrants from the rest of Africa. However, there are also several constructive trends and factors which have prevented the process of language shift from attaining greater momentum. These are the quality of Afrikaans schools, the attempts of Afrikaners to come to grips with the past, and the activities of civil society, which include the measures of activism and the establishment of self-help initiatives. The most significant constructive trend has proved to be the vitality and allure of the Afrikaans culture. Contributing to this is the scope and variety of Afrikaans literature, the various printed and electronic media publications, and the expanding activities of the new media, for example online journals such as LitNet. The growing number of Afrikaans arts and music festivals have also become popular attractions. Afrikaans culture is blossoming – one aspect which cannot be directly controlled by the ANC. However, areas where the state is predominant pose a difficult challenge: the SABC has drastically curtailed Afrikaans television since 1994 (while it flourishes through private broadcasters such as kykNET). Obstructive trends have also been identified which have the potential to develop either positively or negatively, such as attempts to consciously counter language-mixing, the development of new technologies, and attempts to foster a closer relationship between coloured and white Afrikaans speakers. The preeminent now deceased Afrikaans linguist Fritz Ponelis suggested that it is futile to supplant standard Afrikaans with a hybrid or mixed language. In his opinion, such a language would be unable to stand its ground against the long-term encroachment of English. Regarding cooperation between the white and coloured Afrikaans communities Giliomee (2010) differentiated between two groups of coloured Afrikaans speakers. The educated working and middle classes exhibit an enthusiasm for Afrikaans and for initiatives promoting Afrikaans, as is evident in the successes of the ACVV, Kindersorg and the Stigting vir die Bemagtiging in Afrikaans.However, a different picture emerges among the coloured "elite". This group still maintains sensitive memories of apartheid, resulting in their rejection of Afrikaans and the subsequent adoption of English as a language of mobility and aspiration. Giliomee (2010) notes that many members of the coloured elite occupying senior positions in the civil service, university management and large companies tend to be strongly progressive and individualistic, resulting in a close association with English and the subsequent values and worldview the language promotes. Such individuals generally support the government's pursuance of race-based transformation and its policy of English as the language of access in society. In 2006, during an ATKV conference, Neville Alexander pointed out that it is still too early to speak of an Afrikaans language community. For now, the focus should be on the shared interests of Afrikaans speakers, of which effective education and tuition in Afrikaans is the most important. The authors expect that the language policy and practices of the authorities will remain unchanged, and that the Afrikaans community will have to reckon with continued aloofness, animosity and recklessness from government. Therefore taking ownership and responsibility is essential for initiatives and institutions which aim to promote Afrikaans as a language of communication, education and job creation.

The new globalism: transcultural commerce, global systems theory, and Spenser's Mammon / Daniel Vitkus -- "Travailing" theory: global flows of labor and the enclosure of the subject / Crystal Bartolovich -- Islam and Tamburlaine's world-picture / John Michael Archer -- Traveling nowhere: global utopias in the early modern period / Chloë Houston -- The benefits of a warm study: the resistance to travel before empire / Andrew Hadfield -- "Apes of imitation": imitation and identity in Sir Thomas Roe's embassy to India / Nandini Das -- A multinational corporation: foreign labor in the London East India Company / Richmond Barbour -- Where was Iceland in 1600? / Mary C. Fuller -- East by north-east: the English among the Russians, 1553-1603 / Gerald MacLean -- The politics of identity: William Adams, John Saris, and the English East India Company's failure in Japan / Catherine Ryu -- The queer Moor: bodies, borders, and Barbary inns / Ian Smith -- Guns and gawds: Elizabethan England's infidel trade / Matthew Dimmock -- Cassio, cash, and the "infidel 0": arithmetic, double-entry bookkeeping, and Othello's unfaithful accounts / Patricia Parker -- Seeds of sacrifice: amaranth the gardens of Tenochtitlan and Spenser's Faerie queene / Edward M. Test -- "So pale, so lame, so lean, so ruinous:" the circulation of foreign coins in early modern England / Stephen Deng -- Canary, Bristoles, Londres, Ingleses: English traders in the Canaries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries / Barbara Sebek -- "The whole globe of the earth": almanacs and their readers / Adam Smyth -- Cesare Vecellio, Venetian writer and art-book cosmopolitan / Ann Rosalind Jones -- Bettrice's monkey: staging exotica in early modern London comedy / Jean E. Howard -- The Maltese factor: the poetics of place in The Jew of Malta and The knight of Malta / Virginia Mason Vaughan -- Local/global Pericles: international storytelling, domestic social relations, capitalism / David Morrow.

This booklet presents an interesting selection of basic data on socioeconomic conditions and cultural affairs in the entire Nordic region. The figures are excerpts from the Nordic Statistical Yearbook 2010.

This booklet presents an interesting selection of basic data on socioeconomic conditions and cultural affairs in the entire Nordic region. The figures are excerpts from the Nordic Statistical Yearbook 2009.

Free access to pdf files and the Nordic statistical database below. Nordic Statistical Yearbook 2010 is published for the 48th time. It is a reference book containing comprehensive and easily accessible statistics of various aspects of social life in the five Nordic countries, i.e. Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden. In addition data are also presented on the selfgoverning regions, i.e. the Faroe Islands, Greenland and the Åland Islands. The aim of the yearbook is, as far as possible, to present comparable data on the Nordic countries. Additional tables can be found free of charge on our homepage. Here It is also possible to read and download the Nordic Statistical Yearbook in pdf format free of charge. Nordisk statistisk årsbok utkommer nu för 48:e gången. Årsboken är en uppslagsbok, som avser vara en sammanfattande och överskådlig redovisning av statistik över samhällsförhållandena i de fem nordiska länderna Danmark, Finland, Island, Norge och Sverige. I många av tabellerna redovisas också uppgifter om de självstyrande områdena Färöarna, Grönland och Åland. Syftet med årsboken är att lägga fram sinsemellan jämförbara uppgifter om de nordiska länderna. Ytterligare tabeller finns tillgängliga gratis på vår hemsida. Här är det också möjligt att kostnadsfritt läsa och ladda ner boken i pdf-format