Suchergebnisse

EU Member States may legally designate a country as a Safe Country of Origin when human rights and democratic standards are generally respected. For nationals of these countries, asylum claims are treated in an accelerated way, the underlying objective of the "safe country" designation being to facilitate the rapid return of unsuccessful claimants to their country of origin. The concept of "safe country" was initially blind to gender-based violence. Yet, in the reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), which began in 2016, the European Commission proposed two changes: first, that a common list of "safe countries" should be applied in all Member States, and second, that this concept should be interpreted in a "gender-sensitive" manner. In consequence, the generalization of a policy that has been documented as largely detrimental to asylum seekers has been accompanied by the development of special guarantees for LGBTI+ asylum seekers. In light of this, there is a need to examine the impact of "safe country" practices on LGBTI+ claimants and to investigate the extent to which the securitization of European borders is compatible with LGBTI+ inclusion. Based on a qualitative document analysis of EU "safe country" policies and on interviews with organizations supporting LGBTI+ asylum seekers, this article shows that despite the implementation of gender-sensitive safeguards, LGBTI+ asylum seekers are particularly affected by "safe country" practices. These practices permeate European asylum systems beyond the application of official lists, depriving many LGBTI+ asylum seekers of their right to have their protection claims fairly assessed.

Thousands of LGBTI people have been victims of the forced displacement caused by the social and armed conflict in Colombia. Those people have arrived at new territories and rebuilt their lives, enhancing their freedom and abilities. At the same time, they transform this territory with their feelings and knowledge. This article aims at understanding the transformation of the territory from the alterity of the LGBTI victims of forced displacement in the department of Quindío, Colombia. We carried out an interpretative research with a hermeneutic approach based on the proxemics categories (intimate, personal, and public spaces), as well as a comprehensive review through social mapping of the body-territory relationship of this invisible and revictimized community because of its sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression.

This publication was produced as part of the project Call It Hate: Raising Awareness of Anti-LGBT Hate Crime, co-funded by the Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020) of the European Commission (grant agreement JUST-REC-DISC-AG-2016-04-764731). The content of this publication does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the publication lies entirely with the author(s). This publication may be downloaded free of charge from LGBTHateCrime.eu Preface In Europe and around the world, we have been seeing a sharp rise in hate and divisiveness, often targeting marginalised groups such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) people. Anti-LGBTI discourse is increasingly entering the global political stage and influencing societies, propagated by populist leaders stoking fear and breeding intolerance for the sake of political gain. This harmful rhetoric normalises hate and discrimination against LGBTI people, and encourages hate crimes and violence towards LGBTI people in action as well as speech, both online and in the physical world. The effect is dangerous and double-edged: it increases the likelihood of people being attacked for no reason other than their sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression and/or sex characteristics, while at the same time creating an environment that makes reporting hate crimes more difficult, as LGBTI people are no longer able to trust that authorities will treat them respectfully or that their case will be properly investigated – even where there are supportive policies and legislation in place. Against this background, it becomes all the more important to ensure that people – regardless of whether or not they identify as LGBTI – know how to spot anti-LGBTI hate crimes, how to respond to them, and how to support and empower victims. In this way not only can the risk of secondary victimisation be reduced, but a positive narrative is also introduced that sends a clear message to victims of hate crimes as well as to everyone in their wider social groups – the LGBTI community, their supporters, and the rest of society – that LGBTI people are deserving of the same recognition, respect and equality as everybody else. This issue is what the Call It Hate project addresses, working across borders with civil society, public authorities and the general public to discern awareness of anti-LGBT hate crime, recognition of the need to report, and to empower victims to access the support services for hate crime victims to which they are entitled, including under the Victims' Rights Directive of the EU (2012/29/EU). ILGA-Europe is proud to be an Associate Partner of the Call It Hate project, and is glad to support the crucial work it does towards making Europe a safer place for LGBTI people. Evelyne Paradis Executive Director, ILGA-Europe

Drawing from our interdisciplinary qualitative study of LGBTI conservative Christians and their allies, we name an especially toxic form of shame—what we call sacramental shame—that affects the lives of LGBTI and other conservative Christians. Sacramental shame results from conservative Christianity's allegiance to the doctrine of gender complementarity, which elevates heteronormativity to the level of the sacred and renders those who violate it as not persons, but monsters. In dispensing shame as a sacrament, nonaffirming Christians require constant displays of shame as proof that LGBTI church members love God and belong in the community. Part of what makes this shame so harmful is that parents and pastors often dispense it with sincere expressions of care and affection, compounding the sense that one's capacity to give and receive love is damaged. We foreground LGBTI Christian movements to overcome sacramental shame by cultivating nonhubristic pride, and conclude by discussing briefly their new understandings of love and justice that could have far‐reaching benefits.

A migração motivada por sexualidade se caracteriza como uma busca do indivíduo LGBTI+ por exercer livremente sua identidade sexual reprimida em seu local de origem. Em diversos países, tal repressão ocorre na forma da homofobia estatal, que se manifesta a partir da criminalização da homossexualidade. Desde os anos 1990, pessoas LGBTI+ têm cada vez mais deixado seus países de origem e solicitado refúgio em Estados mais tolerantes. O Brasil está entre os poucos países no mundo que não apenas recebeu solicitações de refúgio com base em sexualidade nas últimas duas décadas, como também reconheceu parte considerável dessas solicitações como legítimas. Através de uma revisão bibliográfica e análises qualitativas e quantitativas, este artigo analisa a dicotomia no caso brasileiro, um país com uma das maiores taxas de violência contra a comunidade LGBTI+ no mundo e que tem se tornado destino de pessoas que estão fugindo de violência homofóbica. Além disso, a partir dos dados do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Refugiados (ACNUR) e do Comitê Nacional para os Refugiados (Conare) entre 2010 e 2018, deseja-se compreender de quê maneira o Estado brasileiro se comporta frente a essas solicitações, que se configuram como uma intersecção entre as categorias "refugiado" e "LGBTI+". A pesquisa aponta que, apesar da existência dessa dicotomia, o Brasil se constituiu como país relativamente atrativo para refugiados LGBTI+ entre os anos 2000 e 2016.

Individuals engaging in same-sex acts, individuals identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and/ or intersex (LGBTI), and individuals who do not conform to heteronormative ideals of gender and sexuality experience structural, institutional and individual discrimination and exclusion across the world. This is no different in Southern African countries. While LGBTI individuals are heterogeneous and face very specific challenges based on their sexual orientation, gender identity, race, class, ethnicity and other factors, they share experiences of structural, institutional and individual discrimination and marginalisation based on their sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI). In most Southern African countries, same-sex activity remains criminalised, which further marginalises LGBTI individuals, and acts as an additional barrier to accessing public services and realising full civil and political rights. This contemporary literature review focuses on the state of LGBTI human rights in 10 Southern African countries: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The purpose of this review is to contribute towards a strong evidence base and scientific foundation for informed programming in the region.

The correlates of sexual prejudice –negative attitudes toward gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals– are well-known in the literature, but the relevance of the social-political environment in which these correlates insert has received less attention. This study examines trends and correlates of sexual prejudice in El Salvador, a country frequently ranked as one of the most homophobic in the Americas. Using a representative sample from national-level surveys conducted between 2008 and 2016, it was found that the Salvadorian population displayed high levels of sexual prejudice in this period, although these levels varied significantly over time. Analysis with 2016 data showed that socially precarious conditions, religion, and traditionally gendered worldviews, were positively associated with sexual prejudice. Sexual prejudice also correlated with political and social beliefs that encompass authoritarian and misogynistic tendencies. Three clusters of predictors of sexual prejudice were identified: Religious conventionalism, unsophisticated masculinity background, and deficient democratic socialization. This study supports previous findings about correlates of sexual prejudice while highlighting the lesser-studied role of the social-political environment, and oscillations in a democratic culture, in perpetuating sexual prejudice.

"Queer Activism in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.

From same-sex marriage to the "rights agenda" in UruguayIn 2013, Uruguay recognized same-sex marriage, thus becoming the Latin American country where the rights of LGBTI people are better protected. Beyond the content of the law, this case is unique because, thanks to the action of the LGBTI movement, Uruguay is the only country in the world where the demand for same-sex marriage has been inscribed in a broader agenda of recognition of rights. The demands for the decriminalization of abortion and the legalization of marijuana are included in the LGBTI agenda thanks to the alliances between social movements that, in a pragmatic way, manage to push them until they are approved. Thus, the recognition of rights does not derive from a policy of José Mujica's government but is the result of joint action by civil society and left-wing parliamentarians. ; En 2013, Uruguay reconoce el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo volviéndose así el país latinoamericano donde los derechos de las personas LGBTI son mejor protegidos. Más allá del contenido de la ley, este caso es único porque, gracias a la acción del movimiento LGBTI, Uruguay es el único país del mundo donde la reivindicación por el matrimonio igualitario se ha inscrito en una agenda más amplia de reconocimiento de derechos. Así, las demandas por la despenalización del aborto y la legalización de la marihuana son incluidas a las demandas LGBTI gracias a las alianzas entre los movimientos sociales que, de manera pragmática, logran impulsarlas hasta su aprobación. Las leyes de ampliación de derechos no derivan de una política del gobierno del presidente José Mujica sino que son el resultado de una acción conjunta de la sociedad civil y de los parlamentarios de izquierda.

From same-sex marriage to the "rights agenda" in UruguayIn 2013, Uruguay recognized same-sex marriage, thus becoming the Latin American country where the rights of LGBTI people are better protected. Beyond the content of the law, this case is unique because, thanks to the action of the LGBTI movement, Uruguay is the only country in the world where the demand for same-sex marriage has been inscribed in a broader agenda of recognition of rights. The demands for the decriminalization of abortion and the legalization of marijuana are included in the LGBTI agenda thanks to the alliances between social movements that, in a pragmatic way, manage to push them until they are approved. Thus, the recognition of rights does not derive from a policy of José Mujica's government but is the result of joint action by civil society and left-wing parliamentarians. ; En 2013, Uruguay reconoce el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo volviéndose así el país latinoamericano donde los derechos de las personas LGBTI son mejor protegidos. Más allá del contenido de la ley, este caso es único porque, gracias a la acción del movimiento LGBTI, Uruguay es el único país del mundo donde la reivindicación por el matrimonio igualitario se ha inscrito en una agenda más amplia de reconocimiento de derechos. Así, las demandas por la despenalización del aborto y la legalización de la marihuana son incluidas a las demandas LGBTI gracias a las alianzas entre los movimientos sociales que, de manera pragmática, logran impulsarlas hasta su aprobación. Las leyes de ampliación de derechos no derivan de una política del gobierno del presidente José Mujica sino que son el resultado de una acción conjunta de la sociedad civil y de los parlamentarios de izquierda.

Arguments by lgbti advocates and the assertion of the rights of individuals with sexual development differences, point toward a growing debate on the existence of a new paradigm around the traditional binary concept of malefemale genders. In Colombian Law, this discussion extends to the field of the State liability for sex reassignment or modifying genitals surgeries performed in minors, without their informed consent. Once identified the grounds for the State liability, this paper shows the need for additional measures of reparation, beyond the award of economic damages, by means of concerted actions of the executive and legislative branches, intended to prevent discrimination, repetition and to dignify these individuals. ; Los argumentos esbozados por los defensores y activistas de la comunidad LGTBI, y la reivindicación de los derechos de las personas con diferencias de desarrollo sexual, conducen a reflexionar sobre la aparición de un nuevo paradigma en la concepción binaria tradicional masculino-femenino. En el derecho colombiano, este debate se extiende al campo de la responsabilidad extracontractual del Estado a favor de aquellas personas que, durante su niñez, fueron intervenidas quirúrgicamente sin su consentimiento informado para la reasignación de sexo o modificación de sus genitales. Una vez identificados los fundamentos de la responsabilidad estatal, la presente investigación pone en evidencia la necesidad de adoptar medidas adicionales de reparación, más allá de lo económico, que involucren acciones concertadas del ejecutivo y del legislador con miras a garantizar la no discriminación, la no repetición y la dignificación de estas personas.

The world of work and business continues to be a hostile space for LGBTI people, especially transgender people. Discrimination in the workplace on the grounds of sexual orientation and identity manifests itself, as in society, with varying intensity in relation to people from these groups. It is a form of discrimination with its own characteristics, such as preventive concealment, self-segregation, and LGBTI phobia, which is a determinant of high doses of violence at work. Based on the knowledge of these features of discrimination against LGBTI people, this paper analyses the regulatory framework of anti-discrimination protection in the workplace and its judicial application, identifying its main shortcomings. Likewise, the assessment of the future Law for the real and effective equality of trans people and for the guarantee of LGBTI people's rights is not positive, as it is clearly insufficient to address the defining features of discrimination based on sexual orientation and identity in access to employment and occupation. Labour measures are regulated, as in the current regional regulations, as actions belonging to public policies, without the cause of this "self-limitation of competences" of the state legislator in labour matters being made explicit. No obligations are established for companies, nor for workers and their trade union representatives. Nor does the law establish obligations for collective bargaining to achieve effective equality for LGBTI people. Finally, the demands that LGBTI phobia be considered as a psychosocial risk have not been fulfilled, nor have the necessary protocols and action measures been established for its prevention. In short, the assessment of this law from a legal-labour perspective should finally lead us to reflect on the State's obligation to guarantee equality in the field of private relations, given its responsibility for the protection of human rights, also in companies. ; El mundo del trabajo y de la empresa sigue mostrándose como un espacio hostil para las personas LGTBI y, de forma muy especial, para las personas trans. La discriminación en el trabajo por causa de orientación e identidad sexual se manifiesta, al igual que en la sociedad, con diversa intensidad en relación con las personas de estos colectivos. Se trata de una forma de discriminación con rasgos propios, como son el ocultamiento preventivo, la auto segregación, y la LGTBI fobia, determinante de altas dosis de violencia en el trabajo. Desde el conocimiento de estos rasgos de la discriminación hacia las personas LGTBI, se analiza, en el presente trabajo, el marco normativo de la tutela antidiscriminatoria laboral y su aplicación judicial, identificándose sus principales insuficiencias. Igualmente, no es positiva la valoración de la futura Ley para la igualdad real y efectiva de las personas trans y para la garantía de los derechos de las personas LGTBI, que es claramente insuficiente para abordar los rasgos definitorios de la discriminación por orientación e identidad sexual, en el acceso al empleo y la ocupación. Las medidas laborales se regulan, al igual que las vigentes normas autonómicas, como acciones propias de las políticas públicas, sin que se explicite la causa de esta "autolimitación competencial" del legislador estatal, en materia laboral. No se establecen obligaciones para las empresas, las personas trabajadoras, ni sus representantes sindicales. La Ley tampoco fija obligaciones a la negociación colectiva, para alcanzar la igualdad efectiva de las personas LGTBI. No se han cumplido las reivindicaciones, en fin, de que la LGTBI fobia sea considerada como riesgo psicosocial y de que se establezcan protocolos y medidas de actuación necesarias para su prevención. En definitiva, la valoración, desde la perspectiva jurídico-laboral de esta ley, nos debe llevar finalmente a reflexionar sobre la obligación del Estado de garantizar la igualdad, en el ámbito de las relaciones privadas, dada su responsabilidad en la protección de los derechos humanos, también en las empresas.