ASEAN: The long road to "One Southeast Asia"
In: Asian journal of political science, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 1-19
ISSN: 1750-7812
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In: Asian journal of political science, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 1-19
ISSN: 1750-7812
In: Asian journal of political science: AJPS, Band 5, S. 1-19
ISSN: 0218-5377, 0218-5385
Examines efforts at regional co-operation, political background, security concerns, and economic development of the region and ASEAN membership. Includes discussion of the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA), MAPHILINDO, ASEAN expansion, and political background.
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 69, Heft 7, S. 1027-1046
ISSN: 0966-8136
World Affairs Online
In: Przegląd politologiczny: kwartalnik = Political science review, Heft 3, S. 127-138
ISSN: 1426-8876
Twenty five years after the dissolution of the former Soviet Union and the reemergence of the Central Asian Republics as independent States, this region continues to be the scene of rivalries amongst the big powers (Russia, China, the European Union, USA, India, Japan, Turkey and Iran) competing in a sort of a "new Grand Game" to increase their geopolitical and economic influence in the region. Its geography, diverse and rich natural resources, like oil and gas, explain the ongoing hidden rivalries. Despite its common historical and cultural past, Central Asia constitutes a heterogeneous region with a multiethnic and multi-linguistic composition and a low degree of physical, economic and trade integration. The lack of mutual trust, the persisting tension over borders and the use and sharing of natural resources, as well as different levels of economic performance have so far jeopardized the development of genuine regional cooperation. Against this background, the idea behind the Chinese OBOR Initiative to develop rapid transportation, if well implemented, could theoretically, by improving interregional connectivity, develop the Central Asia regional market and foster intergovernmental cooperation and people-to-people contacts within the region. In this context, could we expect that the ambitious Chinese OBOR Initiative will boost geopolitical stability and promote shared economic and trade benefits in Central Asia? What are the conditions for that need to be fulfilled?The author analyzes in depth certain crucial political, economic and institutional requirements for the successful implementation of the OBOR Strategy and concludes, however, that three years after the launching of this crucial instrument of the Chinese "globalization without democracy" model, its implementation faces major problems and thus raises more doubts than certainties.
This paper studies Chinese coercive diplomacy by first analyzing the South China Sea (SCS) issue from the perspective of China national interest which has Belt & Road Initiatives (BRI) political agenda (formerly known as OBOR). Through BRI, China will be a counterweight to the world economic power in countering US hegemony. This paper aims to describe the coercive form of China diplomacy which has been implemented through both phenomena and to analyze China coercive diplomacy using theory and relevant concept. To achieve those goals, this paper employs qualitative research method as well as national interest and neorealism theory. The findings of this paper suggest that, in reflection of China-Sri Lanka bilateral experience, BRI is one of debt-track diplomacy of China commodities in maintaining energy and economy security. This paper is expected to be one of the studies about South China Sea which can see BRI more in the opportunities it brings
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In: The China journal: Zhongguo yan jiu, Heft 40, S. 173-197
ISSN: 1324-9347
Die Wirtschaftsreformen in Vietnam und in der VR China stellen neue Bedingungen und Herausforderungen an den Arbeitsmarkt. In diesem Zusammenhang werden Bedeutung und Stellung der Gewerkschaften in beiden Staaten verglichen mit dem Ergebnis, daß die vietnamesische Regierung eine deutliche Trennung zwischen Staat und Gewerkschaft anstrebt, wodurch die Gewerkschaften ein größeres Maß an Autonomie und Handlungsspielraum besitzen und damit die Rechte der Arbeitnehmer unabhängiger vertreten können. In der VR China dagegen sind die Gewerkschaftsvertreter an die Vorgaben und Kontrolle der kommunistischen Partei gebunden. Da sie auch finanziell von ihr abhängig sind, können sie die Interessen der Arbeitnehmer nur bedingt vertreten. Ein weiterer wesentlicher Unterschied ist das Streikverbot in der VR China. (FUB/APCh-Str)
World Affairs Online
In: China review international: a journal of reviews of scholarly literature in Chinese studies, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 482-488
ISSN: 1527-9367
In: China international studies, Band 65, Heft 4, S. 86-98
ISSN: 1673-3258
World Affairs Online
SSRN
The project of economic integration of the Countries of Eurasia, so called One Belt One Road (OBOR) or "the new silk belt road" initiative, on which President Xi Jinping is focusing to realize the great "Chinese Dream" of a strong and prosperous China, until now and notwithstanding a strong and widespread mediatic impact, is no more than a declared foreign policy strategy pursued by the Chinese Government to achieve two different sets of results. The first, and most important (as well as undervalued) is to close China's internal development gap between coastal and inland regions, through the creation of a widely interconnected national logistic and industrial infrastructure which will serve as the national standpoint for China's projection abroad. The second and most investigated aspect of OBOR is its international and global scope, which will allow China to promote its industrial and financial power across the world in a truly new way. Despite the general attitude of confronting OBOR with the United States Marshall Plan in the immediate aftermath of the World War II, China is pursuing a totally different strategy, based on a win-win diplomacy and aimed at developing new models of regional and inter-regional integration and economic cooperation. This process is likely to imply great difficulties, due to the large amount of infrastructure needed and the consequent need of financial stream to support their realization. Moreover, the way is paved with undervalued problems, such as the substantial incompatibility between different legal system among the countries interested by the initiative, which is one of the main obstacles to the full realization of OBOR on a its large scale. An important point at stake are is the degree of advantage the European Union could gain (at a time of gripped economic recovery) with an intelligent, coherent and compact approach to the OBOR initiative, which still seems to be shy and uncertain. On this point, much work is still to be done to find cooperation models which fit both part's needs and interests, not to mention the new regional security scenario which could arise from such a virtuous approach. In every case, despite its geographical indeterminacy, OBOR is yet a reality in terms of political cooperation between European Union, European Union country members (and Great Britain) and China's Government. The potential of OBOR is outstanding, and an appropriate implementation could bring benefits to all the countries comprised in its route, even in terms of Sustainable Development (thus matching the UN Sustainable Development Goals Agenda).
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In: Ežegodnik IMI: Institute for international studies yearbook, Heft 4, S. 141-149
ISSN: 2541-9633
The "One Belt One Road" initiative, is mainly to increase the regional cooperation and develop trade and economic collaboration. Nonetheless, with the OBOR initiatives China is also seen using commerce as a tool to expand its geopolitical and geostrategic influence. This article tries to highlight various aspects on "One Belt One Road". The article would try to bring forth the insights, which helps in understanding the debates on new geo-political reality and trade and economic development through possible regional cooperation.
In: Romanian journal of international affairs, Band 7, Heft 1-2, S. 117-122
ISSN: 1224-0958
World Affairs Online
In: China news analysis: Zhongguo-xiaoxi-fenxi, Heft 1364, S. 1-9
ISSN: 0009-4404
Gegenstand der Analyse sind die gegenwärtig in der VR China diskutierten Infrastrukturprobleme auf dem Sektor des Straßentransports. Der Beitrag gewährt einen Überblick über die auf politischer, ökonomischer und juristischer Ebene in Angriff genommenen Maßnahmen mit dem Ziel der Reform des Verkehrswesens, der rechtlichen Regelung der Verkehrssicherheit, der Ausweitung des Straßennetzes wie der Automobilproduktion. Er verweist zugleich auf die spezifischen Verkehrsprobleme der chinesischen Großstädte. (BIOst-Hml)
World Affairs Online
In: Sino-American relations: an international quarterly, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 1-2
ISSN: 0377-5321
In: https://hdl.handle.net/10037/16462
The Belt and Road Initiative is a cross-border economic belt initiated and led by the Chinese government in 2013. Its scope covers the history of the Silk Road and the Maritime Silk Road through China, Central Asia, North and West Asia, the Indian Ocean coast, the Mediterranean coast countries and regions. The country and region covered by the initiative are vast, and the impact is therefore enormous. This thesis uses geopolitical theory and methods to study the traditional Chinese geopolitical ideology, the development of the initiative, geostrategic at-tempts, geopolitical influences and risks proposed by One Belt and Road Initiative develop-ment strategy.
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