Suchergebnisse

The end of empires and the rise of nation-states have transformed the way politics and societies operate and the modern sense of these changes, transformations, events, and situations. Language, culture, and memory are essential pillars of the nation-states' projects of creating a new society. The modern form of government, the nation-state, use history not only as a means of transmission but also as a means of building identity and memory. This study examines the case files of three critical names in the Kurdish movement and the history-based debates in their trials. By applying discourse analysis, we have shown how the Turkish state and The Kurdish Workers' Party used history as a tool to "prove" and "disprove" the existence of Kurds, the Kurdish language, and Kurdistan. While the judges imposed an evidence-based approach to history and denied the existence of Kurds, Kurdish and Kurdistan, the PKK members opposed the official thesis of the state and built their arguments more on the day-to-day realities of life. The study's main argument is that the official ideology uses history to prove and convey a message to the rest of society, whereas the defendants used it as a means of protest depending on the historical reality rather than history as a science. This study discusses that by using science to make examples of these members, the judges used history to prove the Kurds' non-existence, whereas the defendants implied history as a way of protesting the ruling authority.

ABD ve PKK ilişkisi genellikle popüler söylemlerde
kendisine yer bulsa da, akademik bir çalışmaya konu olmamıştır. Akademik
ilginin kapsamı ABD'nin PKK'yı terör listesine koyması ile sınırlı kalmış ve
akademik çalışmalarda bu bilgi sıklıkla tekrarlanmıştır. PKK'nın ABD'yi nasıl
gördüğü konusu ise PKK'nın Marksist bir terör örgütü olduğu tespitinin
anlaşılması noktasında karşımıza çıkmış ve PKK'nın ABD emperyalizmine karşı
geliştirdiği söylemin altı çizilmiştir. Bu dolaylı değinmelere rağmen, PKK'nın
ABD'ye yönelik yaklaşımı detaylı bir çalışmaya konu olmadığı gibi bu yaklaşımın
PKK için neden merkezi bir noktada olduğunun açıklanması zahmetine de
girilmemiştir. 2013 sonrası ABD'nin PKK'nın Suriye'deki uzantısı PYD/YPG ile
işbirliğine gitmesi konuyu yeniden popüler hale getirdiği bir ortamda, Ali Balcı
The
PKK-Kurdistan Workers' Party's Regional Politics - During and After the Cold War başlıklı
bir çalışma yayımladı.

International audience ; Some clandestine organisations as well as the Western media willingly promote the part played by women fighters in guerrilla movements such as the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK). Beyond the ideological developments of the "Free Woman" theory, the status of women was the object of a difficult women's conquest carried out within the party. In order to appreciate its evolution, we have relied on a qualitative sociological survey conducted among 28 female PKK fighters. After a brief look back at the phase of the 'armification' of women, we will highlight the forms of gender discrimination that have persisted within the party since the 1990s and emphasise the role of the 'armification' of women in the institution of the self as political subject. These elements will lead us to reconsider the thesis of martial feminism, developed in the academic literature and ideologically thought of as a "tool and a condition of women's emancipation", in order to nuance it from the women's relationship to political violence. ; Certaines organisations clandestines ainsi que les medias occidentaux font très volontiers la promotion de la part prise par les femmes combattantes dans des guérillas comme celle du Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK). Au-delà des développements idéologiques de la théorie de la Femme libre, le statut des femmes a fait l'objet d'une conquête féminine menée avec peine au sein du parti. Afin d'en apprécier les évolutions, nous nous sommes appuyées sur une enquête de sociologie qualitative menée auprès de 28 combattantes du PKK. Après un bref retour sur la phase de l'« armification » des femmes, nous mettons en évidence les formes de discrimination de genre persistantes au sein du parti depuis les années 1990 et soulignons le rôle de l'« armification » des femmes dans l'institution de soi comme sujet politique. Ces éléments nous conduisent à reconsidérer la thèse du féminisme martial, développée dans la littérature académique et pensée idéologiquement comme un « outil et une condition de ...

International audience ; Some clandestine organisations as well as the Western media willingly promote the part played by women fighters in guerrilla movements such as the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK). Beyond the ideological developments of the "Free Woman" theory, the status of women was the object of a difficult women's conquest carried out within the party. In order to appreciate its evolution, we have relied on a qualitative sociological survey conducted among 28 female PKK fighters. After a brief look back at the phase of the 'armification' of women, we will highlight the forms of gender discrimination that have persisted within the party since the 1990s and emphasise the role of the 'armification' of women in the institution of the self as political subject. These elements will lead us to reconsider the thesis of martial feminism, developed in the academic literature and ideologically thought of as a "tool and a condition of women's emancipation", in order to nuance it from the women's relationship to political violence. ; Certaines organisations clandestines ainsi que les medias occidentaux font très volontiers la promotion de la part prise par les femmes combattantes dans des guérillas comme celle du Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK). Au-delà des développements idéologiques de la théorie de la Femme libre, le statut des femmes a fait l'objet d'une conquête féminine menée avec peine au sein du parti. Afin d'en apprécier les évolutions, nous nous sommes appuyées sur une enquête de sociologie qualitative menée auprès de 28 combattantes du PKK. Après un bref retour sur la phase de l'« armification » des femmes, nous mettons en évidence les formes de discrimination de genre persistantes au sein du parti depuis les années 1990 et soulignons le rôle de l'« armification » des femmes dans l'institution de soi comme sujet politique. Ces éléments nous conduisent à reconsidérer la thèse du féminisme martial, développée dans la littérature académique et pensée idéologiquement comme un « outil et une condition de l'émancipation des femmes », pour la nuancer à partir du regard que portent les femmes sur leur rapport à la violence politique.

Changes in lifestyles and cultures of society today affect the impact of the amount of wasteproduction in abundance. Household organic waste production is increasingly abundant andneeds to get the attention of the surrounding community itself, because waste is not only borneby the government but also the responsibility of the surrounding community in its environment.If the waste is not handled properly, it will be disastrous for the environment around theresidence, because it will cause diarrheal disease, cause unpleasant odors, lots of mosquitoesand look dirty. Therefore, the problem that arises is how to reduce the amount of wasteproduction in residential environments by processing organic waste by using the TongKomposter technique to become an economical value product and build a clean and healthyenvironment. The implementation of Community Service activities was carried out in theneighborhoods of the RW02 PKK Banyumanik Semarang to invite the public to care about theirliving environment by building a clean and healthy environment by processing organic wasteinto compost that has economic value with the technology of Komposter Tong. ThisCommunity Service activity provides information about the importance of motivating people toparticipate in waste management, training how to process organic waste into compost that haseconomic value and asking PKK RW 02 Banyumanik Village Semarang to do direct practice onhow to process organic waste into fertilizer compost using the Tong Composter technique whichends with the submission of the Komposter Tong to be distributed in each PKK RT mother andits accessories.Keywords: Community Participation, Organic Waste Processing

The end of empires and the rise of nation-states have transformed the way politics and societies operate and the modern sense of these changes, transformations, events, and situations. Language, culture, and memory are essential pillars of the nation-states' projects of creating a new society. The modern form of government, the nation-state, use history not only as a means of transmission but also as a means of building identity and memory. This study examines the case files of three critical names in the Kurdish movement and the history-based debates in their trials. By applying discourse analysis, we have shown how the Turkish state and The Kurdish Workers' Party used history as a tool to "prove" and "disprove" the existence of Kurds, the Kurdish language, and Kurdistan. While the judges imposed an evidence-based approach to history and denied the existence of Kurds, Kurdish and Kurdistan, the PKK members opposed the official thesis of the state and built their arguments more on the day-to-day realities of life. The study's main argument is that the official ideology uses history to prove and convey a message to the rest of society, whereas the defendants used it as a means of protest depending on the historical reality rather than history as a science. This study discusses that by using science to make examples of these members, the judges used history to prove the Kurds' non-existence, whereas the defendants implied history as a way of protesting the ruling authority. ; El fin de los imperios y el surgimiento de los Estados-nación han transformado el funcionamiento de la política y las sociedades y el sentido moderno de estos cambios, transformaciones, acontecimientos y situaciones. La lengua, la cultura y la memoria son pilares esenciales de los proyectos de los Estados-nación para crear una nueva sociedad. La forma moderna de gobierno, el Estado-nación, utiliza la historia no sólo como medio de transmisión, sino también como medio de construcción de la identidad y la memoria. Este estudio examina los expedientes de tres nombres críticos del movimiento kurdo y los debates basados en la historia en sus juicios. Aplicando el análisis del discurso, el objetivo es mostrar cómo tanto el Estado turco como el Partido de los Trabajadores del Kurdistán conceptualizaron y utilizaron la historia como herramienta para "probar" y "refutar" en los tribunales. El argumento principal del estudio es que la ideología oficial utiliza la historia para probar y transmitir un mensaje al resto de la sociedad, mientras que los acusados la utilizaron como medio de protesta en función de la realidad histórica y no de la historia como ciencia. Los jueces utilizaron la historia para probar la inexistencia de los kurdos, mientras que los acusados implicaron la historia como forma de protesta contra la autoridad gobernante.