Candidate Image and Electoral Preference in Britain
In: British politics, Volume 3, Issue 3, p. 324-349
ISSN: 1746-9198
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In: British politics, Volume 3, Issue 3, p. 324-349
ISSN: 1746-9198
Part 1/2. - 1967. - VI,128 S. : 10 Tab.; Part 3. - 1968. - 86 S. : 10 Tab
World Affairs Online
1. Chapter One – Introduction -- Part 1: International And Constitutional Law, Legislative And Institutional Frame On Elections In Africa -- 2. Chapter Two - International And Regional Legal Instruments On Elections -- 3. Chapter Three - Comparative Constitutional Framework On Elections In Africa -- 4. Chapter Four -Electoral Commissions – Models and Roles And Responsibilities -- 5. Chapter Five- Political Parties Regulation In A Comparative Perspective: Sierra Leone, Ghana, Nigeria, And Kenya -- Part 2 - Political Party Financing, Code Of Conduct And Judicalization In Election In Africa -- 6. Chapter Six- Political Party Financing -- 7. Chapter Seven - Codes of Conduct for Political Parties -- 8. Chapter Eight- Judicialization Of Elections -- Part 3- Politics, Citizenship, Ethnicity And Violence In Election In Africa -- 9. Chapter Nine - Ethnicity And Election In Africa -- 10. Chapter 10- Citizenship And Election In Africa -- 11. Chapter Eleven- Women And Youth In Elections -- 12. Chapter Twelve- Electoral Violence -- Part 4- Conclusions -- 13. Chapter Thirteen- Conclusion.
At a time when parliamentary committees continue to highlight concerns with New Zealand's four-agency approach to electoral administration, it is relevant to consider Australia's experience in electoral management. Reform advocates in New Zealand often refer to the Australian Electoral Commission as a possible model for replacing the four-agency approach. However, there is a need to ensure that any such body retains an independent position. Since the 1980s, a major shift has occurred in Australia - away from electoral 'offices' which were contained within government departments - to independent statutory commissions. While a single agency is the standard approach in all nine Australian jurisdictions (one federal, six states and two territories), there are many differences in their formation and operation. This article provides insight into the degrees of independence the nine commissions actually provide, with an emphasis on appointments, budgeting, and relationships between commissioners, ministers and parliaments. The paper draws on personal interviews with the nine current full-time commissioners, and ministers and members of parliament, as well as analysis of legislative reforms and the use of parliamentary oversight committees.
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At a time when parliamentary committees continue to highlight concerns with New Zealand's four-agency approach to electoral administration, it is relevant to consider Australia's experience in electoral management. Reform advocates in New Zealand often refer to the Australian Electoral Commission as a possible model for replacing the four-agency approach. However, there is a need to ensure that any such body retains an independent position. Since the 1980s, a major shift has occurred in Australia - away from electoral 'offices' which were contained within government departments - to independent statutory commissions. While a single agency is the standard approach in all nine Australian jurisdictions (one federal, six states and two territories), there are many differences in their formation and operation. This article provides insight into the degrees of independence the nine commissions actually provide, with an emphasis on appointments, budgeting, and relationships between commissioners, ministers and parliaments. The paper draws on personal interviews with the nine current full-time commissioners, and ministers and members of parliament, as well as analysis of legislative reforms and the use of parliamentary oversight committees.
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The article studies the origins of the party-list electoral system in the 1987 Philippine Constitution through a review of the proceedings of the 1986 Constitutional Commission and interviews with the 1986 constitutional commissioners. It seeks to help clarify the current debate on the purpose and meaning of the party-list electoral system that elects 20% of members of the House of Representatives by reviewing the transcripts of the 1986 Constitutional Commission and by interviewing the principal authors of the party-list provisions in the 1987 Philippine Constitution. Through the presentation of the original positions of the constitutional commissioners, the study seeks to better recount, recover, and review the founding vision of the framers of the 1987 Constitution that is buried in the accretion of the enabling law for the party list, Supreme Court decisions, Commission on Elections (Comelec) resolutions, petitions of political party and sectoral groups, and commentaries that have competed to interpret the constitutional provisions on the party list in the past 28 years of existence of the 1987 Constitution.Keywords: Party-list electoral system, 1986 Constitutional Commission, 1987 Philippine Constitution, proportional representation, House of Representatives In
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Abstract: This study highlights the Islamic political jurisprudence's against violations of the general election campaign. The violations of the campaign com Islamic political jurisprudence's perspective mitted by the perpetrators to elect the members of DPR and DPD is something that is familiar to the public. It means that there have so often a violation of the campaign during the legislative election campaign. Although the campaign's provisions in Law No. 8 year 2012 on General Election has been set on the prohibition of the campaign and the implementation of a safe election campaign. The campaigners look like clossing their eyes on the rules of the campaign. So that, it is quite difficult to be followed up by the authorities and the perpetrators are so easy to perform the prohibited action. Based on the Islamic political jurisprudence's perspective, the election campaign violations committed by the perpetrators have some negative effects that harm and disturb the public order. So that the perpetrators can be sentenced by an educative punishment for a criminal offense that has not been determined by the shari'ah. Keywords: Abuse, campaign, general election, Islamic political jurisprudence.
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In: Open Journal of Political Science: OJPS, Volume 8, Issue 5, p. 1-16
ISSN: 2164-0513
In: Open Journal of Political Science: OJPS, Volume 9, Issue 1, p. 1-16
ISSN: 2164-0513
In: Russian politics, Volume 2, Issue 4, p. 434-453
ISSN: 2451-8921
The occurrence of manipulation in Russian elections is highly uneven not just across regions, but also across precincts. Why do some precinct election commissions take part in manipulation while other commissions stay "clean"? Drawing on a new dataset, this study assesses the impact of the party affiliation of precinct election commission members on electoral manipulation in relation to the 2016 State Duma election. The data reveal that, while the composition of most precinct election commission is diverse, United Russia nominees are vastly overrepresented among commission chairs. The study then finds that commissions with a chairperson nominated by United Russia significantly more often reported anomalously high turnout and United Russia vote share than commissions without a United Russia chair. Surprisingly, this is also true for nominees of the other State Duma parties, especially if nominees from these parties jointly with nominees from United Russia occupy the leading positions in the commission. This suggests that nominees from United Russia and other State Duma parties collude to deliver election results that are favorable to the regime.
Legislative changes taking place in the Polish legal order call for an analysis of the amended regulations, particularly in the areas directly related to implementation of fundamental civil rights and individual liberties. Undoubtedly, such is the nature of regulatory policies governing the rules which define how persons eligible to vote can exercise their electoral rights. Thus, it is hardly surprising that the changes which have been recently introduced into provisions of the act from 5 January 2011 – Election Code, arouse the interest of the theory of law, mass media, as well as citizens. ; Zmiany legislacyjne zachodzące w polskim porządku prawnym wymagają analizy nowo przyjętych regulacji, szczególnie w obszarach bezpośrednio związanych z wdrażaniem podstawowych praw obywatelskich i wolności osobistych. Niewątpliwie taki charakter mają regulacje określające zasady, w jaki sposób osoby uprawnione do głosowania mogą wykonywać swoje prawa wyborcze. Nic więc dziwnego, że zmiany, które niedawno wprowadzono do przepisów ustawy z 5 stycznia 2011 r. – Kodeks wyborczy, budzą zainteresowanie zarówno przedstawieli doktryny, środków masowego przekazu, jak i obywateli.
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Legislative changes taking place in the Polish legal order call for an analysis of the amended regulations, particularly in the areas directly related to implementation of fundamental civil rights and individual liberties. Undoubtedly, such is the nature of regulatory policies governing the rules which define how persons eligible to vote can exercise their electoral rights. Thus, it is hardly surprising that the changes which have been recently introduced into provisions of the act from 5 January 2011 – Election Code, arouse the interest of the theory of law, mass media, as well as citizens. ; Zmiany legislacyjne zachodzące w polskim porządku prawnym wymagają analizy nowo przyjętych regulacji, szczególnie w obszarach bezpośrednio związanych z wdrażaniem podstawowych praw obywatelskich i wolności osobistych. Niewątpliwie taki charakter mają regulacje określające zasady, w jaki sposób osoby uprawnione do głosowania mogą wykonywać swoje prawa wyborcze. Nic więc dziwnego, że zmiany, które niedawno wprowadzono do przepisów ustawy z 5 stycznia 2011 r. – Kodeks wyborczy, budzą zainteresowanie zarówno przedstawieli doktryny, środków masowego przekazu, jak i obywateli.
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Статья посвящена исследованию понятия «правовой статус избирательных комиссий», основных элементов правового статуса избирательных комиссий. В статье подробно проанализирован порядок формирования избирательных комиссий, в том числе указаны требования, предъявляемые к членам избирательных комиссий. Рассмотрены основные полномочия избирательных комиссий, гарантии финансового обеспечения их деятельности, основания привлечения к ответственности. ; The article is devoted to research the conception«legal status of electoral commission», the basic elements of legal status of electoral commission. In the article analyzed in detail the procedure of forming electoral commission, including specified the requirements for the members of electoral commission. The competence of electoral commissions, the warranties of financial support of their activities and the foundations for responsibility are reviewed.
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"This book offers an insight into the contribution of the Election Commission of India (EC) to the Indian democratic process through its regulatory role in conducting elections between 1990 and 2019. It elaborates upon the EC's interactions with pivotal state institutions - the parliament, the Supreme Court and political parties - to streamline democratic procedures during the aforementioned period. It demonstrates a comparison between important electoral procedures in India and those in other liberal democracies (Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom and South Africa, among others) to highlight the role of electoral institutions in democratisation. It also studies the sociopolitical situatedness of the EC as a body that moulds the political culture in India"--
In: Politikon: South African journal of political science, Volume 28, Issue 2, p. 133-155
ISSN: 1470-1014