The article addresses the digital transformation and new power asymmetries and challenges to democracy by the world's seven largest digital platforms. Four different governance models are examined: The Chinese authoritarian model, the libertarian US-model, the European regulatory model, and the Mexican hybrid model. The challenges of digital sovereignty and democratic governance of platform capitalism are explored.
The article addresses the digital transformation and new power asymmetries and challenges to democracy by the world's seven largest digital platforms. Four different governance models are examined: The Chinese authoritarian model, the libertarian US-model, the European regulatory model, and the Mexican hybrid model. The challenges of digital sovereignty and democratic governance of platform capitalism are explored.
There are now thirty years since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the German unification. A whole generation has since then grown up in Germany, who knows the period of division only from history books. The subject of German division should be over and done with by now – should it not? The current developments in Germany would indicate otherwise. Among these developments, the success of the party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in state elections has reminded us that significant differences persist between Eastern and Western Germany. This current finding is only an outward manifestation, however, of the dissatisfaction with the process of unification that still persists on the part of many East Germans. For a long time, little was heard on the topic in the public sphere, but it is still current and must be addressed publicly lest further potential social conflicts develop from it. The thesis of the present article is that the current differences between East and West Germans1 can no longer be explained merely by differences in socialization before 1989, but are also the manifestation of a West German culture of dominance arising in the course of the German unification and the ensuing process of transformation. This culture of dominance is based, as we will show in detail in the following, on a combination of economic, political and cultural dimensions. To examine this complex, I will draw on Rommelspacher's (1995) concept of dominance culture.
Cet article explore le rôle des pratiques parentales dans la promotion du bien-être des enfants vivant dans des conditions de pauvreté et d'instabilité familiales. À partir des données de la cohorte UK Millennium, la pauvreté familiale et le bien-être de l'enfant sont pensés selon une approche multidimensionnelle. L'effet de la pauvreté monétaire sur l'adaptation cognitive, sociale et émotionnelle est étudié à la lumière de plusieurs facteurs socioéconomiques et sociodémographiques afin d'évaluer les effets des risques indépendants et combinés. Les résultats suggèrent que la pauvreté persistante et intermittente est associée de manière significative à de faibles niveaux de scolarité et d'adaptation socio-émotionnelle chez les jeunes enfants. Si la structure familiale et l'instabilité montrent des effets de risques indépendants, leurs effets combinés se révèlent être plus forts que leur effet individuel. Enfin, la qualité de la relation parent-enfant démontre des effets indépendants et bénéfiques sur le développement des enfants. Cette approche multidimensionnelle facilite la compréhension des effets indépendants et cumulés des risques et permet de mieux cerner les effets différentiels des pratiques parentales.
ResumenEl artículo analiza las prácticas mediante las que construyeron las relaciones de poder entre las autoridades militares y los indios amigos de Azul y Tapalqué durante las últimas tres décadas de frontera. Sostenemos que en esta jurisdicción -significativa por la extensa población indígena y por los vínculos comerciales y diplomáticos con sectores indígenas de "tierra adentro"- la subordinación de los indios amigos no estuvo asegurada, sino que debió construirse trabajosamente sorteando la resistencia opuesta por las prácticas segmentales de la organización indígena. Ello requirió, por parte de los comandantes militares, el empleo de estrategias diversas -basadas tanto en la persuasión y la compensación, como en la coerción- orientadas a distanciar a los caciques amigos entre sí y controlar sus potenciales alianzas militares con el resto del campo político indígena. Bajo prácticas con antecedentes en el "negocio pacífico de indios" de la primera mitad del siglo, las autoridades de frontera se adecuaron a las pautas culturales de organización y legitimidad política indígenas, reconociendo a los caciques principales y negociando con ellos en el marco de parlamentos. Sin embargo, el vínculo logrado con los caciques principales buscó alterar el principio tradicional de autoridad, característico de las pautas consensuales de representación política indígena, convirtiéndolos en un eslabón más en la verticalidad del poder militar. Palabras claves: indios amigos; subordinación; segmentalidad; frontera sur. AbstractThe article analyzes the practices by means of those the relations of power between the military authorities and the "indios amigos" of Azul and Tapalqué were constructed during the last three decades of the frontier. We support that in this jurisdiction -significant for the extensive indigenous population and for the commercial and diplomatic links with sectors indigenous of "tierra adentro"- the subordination of the "indios amigos" was not assured, but it should be had constructed laboriously avoiding the resistance objected by the segmental practices of the indigenous organization. It needed, on the part of the military commanders, the employment of diverse strategies -based so much on the persuasion and the compensation, as in the restriction- oriented to cause a rift between the friend chiefs and to control their potential military alliances with the rest of the political indigenous field. Under practices with precedents in the "negocio pacífico de indios" of the first half of the century, the frontier authorities had to adapt to the indian cultural guidelines of organization and political legitimacy, recognizing the principal chiefs and negotiating with them in the frame of parliaments. However, the link achieved with the principal chiefs sought to alter the traditional bases of authority, typical of the consensual guidelines of political indigenous representation, turning them into one more link into the uprightness of the military power. Key words: indios amigos; subordination; segmentalidad; south frontier.
AGEING COMFORTABLY AT HOME IN PERIURBAN AREAS : WHEN THE CONVENTIONS REGARDING AGEING INCREASE SEXUAL PRESSURES This paper looks into the experiences involved in growing old at home in the light of two intersecting variables : "sex" and "territory". Drawing on interviews with men and women over 75 and their circles, the paper demonstrates that growing old at home can intensify the sexualisation of the ageing experience : by partitioning-off the living conditions and forms of assistance that men and women can benefit from ; and by placing ageing women in the dilemma of remaining sexually active or leaving their partners. It shows, too, that these sexual imbalances can, in some case, be exacerbated by the cultural, demographic, economic and social characteristics of the territories those concerned live in.
