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The article deals with the potential of financial security, which forms the system of financial protection of vital interests of subjects of agricultural business. It is proved that under the pressure of the external environment, leverage and financial mechanism tools that trigger the potential of financial security of agriculture can change, risk manifestation and economic depression of enterprises continue or stop. The importance of forming the aggregate value of the potential of financial security in the region is due to its component, which is capable of performing actions to mobilize the real and hidden possibilities of financial resources in a limited time period, to overcome the threats to a safe environment for the functioning of subjects of agricultural business. The priority of financial support of agriculture of Ukraine according to indicators of intensity and efficiency of use of financial resources is singled out. A differentiated approach to the clustering of the k-medium method – indicators of the use of financial resources as interdependence of the factors of the formation of the aggregate magnitude of the potential of financial security of subjects of agricultural business of Ukraine was used. With the help of inductive system analysis, a model of a stable level of potential of financial security capacity based on net profit has been developed. The model is adequate, its statistical quality, significance and reliability are sufficient for forming the forecast level of potential of financial security of subjects of agricultural business of the region. The developed methodology is based on the components of the protection of financial system of economic entities in the conditions of the restrictions of the choice of alternative sources of formation and distribution of financial resources, as well as the likelihood of their use. Key words: potential, financial security, financial resources, financial support, agricultural finance, agrarian enterprises. REFERENCES1. Baranovskij O. I. (2004) Finansova bezpeka v Ukrayini - metodologiya ocinki ta mehanizmi zabezpechennya [Financial Security in Ukraine - Methodology of Valuation and Mechanisms]. Kiїv.2. Gerasimenko N.A., Zhejmonda O.V. (2009) Riziki v silskomu gospodarstvi z urahuvannyam regionalnogo aspektu [Risks in agriculture taking into account the regional aspect]. APK economy, (9), 62-65.3. Grivkivska O.V. (2010) Teoretichni pidhodi do viznachennya finansovoyi bezpe-ki silskogo gospodarstva [Theoretical approaches to determining the financial security of agriculture]. Forming Market Relations in Ukraine, (4(107)), 160-162.4. Grivkivska O.V. (2011) Finansova bezpeka silskogo gospodarstva regioniv Ukrayini [Financial security of agriculture in the regions of Ukraine]. Finance of Ukraine, (7), 93-103.5. 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(2010) Upravlinnya finansovoyu bezpekoyu pidpriyemstva: metodichnij aspekt [Management of financial security of the enterprise: methodical aspect] Visnik ekonomiki transportu i promislovosti, (29), 119–124.10. Nacionalnij bank Ukrayini. (2019) [National Bank of Ukraine. Official website]. Retrived from http://www.bank.gov.ua/11. Kizim M.O., Zabrodskij V.A., Zinchenko V.A., Kopchak Yu.S. (2003) Ocinka i diagnostika finansovoyi stijkosti pidpriyemstva: monografiya [Assessment and diagnostics of financial stability of the enterprise: monograph]. Kharkiv: Inzhek.12. Prokopenko N.S., Lemishko O.O. (2009) Finansova i podatkova bezpeka pidpriyemstv agrarnogo sektora [Financial and tax security of agricultural enterprises]. AgroSvit, (18), 16–19.13. Statistichnij zbirnik «Silske gospodarstvo Ukrayini» za 2017 rik (2018) [Statistical collection "Agriculture of Ukraine" for 2017]. Kyiv: State Statistics Service of Ukraine.14. Statistichnij zbirnik «Silske gospodarstvo Ukrayini» za 2018 rik (2019) [Statistical collection "Agriculture of Ukraine" for 2018]. Kyiv: State Statistics Service of Ukraine.15. Bazarov G.Z., Belyaev S.G., Belyh L.P. i dr (1996) Teoriya i praktika antikrizisnogo upravleniya [The theory and practice of crisis management]. Moscow: Law and Law, UNITI.16. Trusova N.V. (2015) Destabilizacijni procesi v sistemi zabezpechennya finansovogo potencialu silskogospodarskih pidpriyemstv [Trusova NV Destabilization processes in the system of ensuring the financial potential of agricultural enterprises]. Hlobalʹni ta natsionalʹni problemy ekonomiky, (2) Retrived from URL: http://www.global-national.in.ua.17. Davidenko N.M. (2017) Finansove zabezpechennya agrarnogo sektora: vitchiznyanij ta zarubizhnij dosvid [Financial support of the agricultural sector:domestic and foreign experience]. Kyiv: NUBiP Ukraine.18. Frunza S. A. (2010) Zabezpechennya investicijnogo rozvitku agrarnoyi sferi nacionalnoyi ekonomiki [Provision of investment development of agrarian sphere of national economy]. Naukovi pratsi KTEU. Ekonomichni nauky, (17), 1-7.19. Cibok V. O. (2005) Byudzhetna pidtrimka rozvitku APK z vikoristannyam me-hanizmu zdeshevlennya kreditiv [Budget support for the development of agroindustrial complex with the use of the mechanism of cheaper loans]. Naukovi pratsi NDFI, (3(32), 64-70.20. Coleman W., Skogstad G., Atkinson M. (1996) Paradigm Shifts and Policy Networks: Cumulative Change in Agriculture. Journal of Public Policy, (16), 273–301.21. Forgue B. (1996) Novellas approaches de la question des crises. Rev fantasize de question. Paris, (108), 72–73.22. Ling C.-H., Yang H.-L., Liou D.-Y. (2009) The impact of corporate social responsibility on financial performance: Evidence from business in Taiwan. (31(1)), 56-63.23. Moyer W., Josling T. (2002) Agricultural Policy Reform. Politics and process in the EU and US in 1990 s. Alders hot, 79-80.24. Petrick M. (2005) Empirical measurement of credit rationing in agriculture: a methodological survey, IAMO Retrived from http://econpapers.repec.org/paper/zbwiamodp/14926.htm. ; В статье рассматривается потенциал финансовой безопасности, который формирует систему финансовой защиты жизненно важных интересов субъектов аграрного бизнеса. Реализуется, что под давлением внешней среды могут измениться рычаги и инструменты финансового механизма, которые запускают потенциал финансовой безопасности сельского хозяйства, могут продолжаться или прекращаться проявления риска и экономическая депрессия предприятий. Важность формирования общей ценностипотенциала финансовой безопасности в регионе обусловлена его компонентом, который способен выполнять действия по мобилизации реального и скрытого потенциала финансовых ресурсов за ограниченный период времени, чтобы Преодолеть угрозы для безопасной среды функционирования субъектов агробизнеса. Выделен приоритет финансовой поддержки сельского хозяйства Украины по показателям интенсивности и эффективности использования финансовых ресурсов. Использован дифференцированный подход к кластеризации метода k-medium - показателей использования финансовых ресурсов как взаимозависимости факторов формирования совокупной величины потенциала финансовой безопасности субъектов аграрного бизнеса Украины. С помощью индуктивного системного анализа была разработана модель стабильного уровня потенциальных возможностей финансового обеспечения на основе чистой прибыли. Модель является адекватной, ее статистическое качество, значимость и надежность достаточны для формирования прогнозного уровня потенциальной финансовой безопасности сельскохозяйственных предприятий в регионе. Разработанная методология основана на компонентах защиты финансовой системы хозяйствующих субъектов в условиях ограничений выбора альтернативных источников формирования и распределения финансовых ресурсов, а также вероятности их использования. Ключевые слова: потенциал, финансовая безопасность, финансовые ресурсы, финансовая поддержка, сельскохозяйственное финансирование, аграрные предприятия. Список использованной литературы1. Барановський О.І. Фінансова безпека в Україні - методологія оцінки та механізми забезпечення: монографія. Київ: Київ. нац. торг.- екон. ун-т, 2004. 759 с.2. Герасименко Н.А., Жеймонда О.В. Ризики в сільському господарстві з урахуванням регіонального аспекту. Економіка АПК. 2009. №9. С. 62–65.3. Гривківська О.В. Теоретичні підходи до визначення фінансової безпеки сільського господарства. Формування ринкових відносин в Україні: зб. наук. праць / наук. ред. І. Г. Манцуров. Київ, 2010. Вип. № 4(107). С. 160–162.4. Гривківська О.В. Фінансова безпека сільського господарства регіонів України. Фінанси України. 2011. № 7. С. 93–103.5. Державна служба статистики України. URL: http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua. (дата звернення: 22.05.2019).6. Жидяк О.Р. Проблеми вдосконалення механізму фінансування підприємницьких структур аграрної сфери. Бізнес інформ. 2013. №2. С. 139–141.7. Єрмошенко М.М. Фінансова безпека держави: національні інтереси, реальні загрози, стратегія забезпечення. Київ: Київ. нац. орг.-екон.ун-т, 2001. 309 с.8. Корнєєв В. Антикризові інструменти фінансової стабілізації. Економіка України. 2009. №12. С. 22–34.9. Кузенко Т.Б., Сабліна Н.В., Литовченко О.Ю. Управління фінансовою безпекою підприємства: методичний аспект. Вісник економіки транспорту і промисловості. 2010. № 29. С. 119–124.10. Національний банк України. Офіційне Інтернет-представництво. URL: http://www.bank.gov.ua/ (дата звернення: 11.07.2019).11. Кизим М.О., Забродський В.А., Зінченко В.А., Копчак Ю.С. Оцінка і діагностика фінансової стійкості підприємства: монографія. Харків: ВД «Інжек». 2003. 144 с.12. Прокопенко Н.С., Лемішко О.О. Фінансова і податкова безпека підприємств аграрного сектора. АгроСвіт. 2009. № 18. С. 16–19.13. Статистичний збірник «Сільське господарство України» за 2017 рік. Київ: Державна служба статистики України, 2018.14. Статистичний збірник «Сільське господарство України» за 2018 рік. Київ: Державна служба статистики України, 2019.15. Базаров Г.З., Беляев С.Г., Белых Л.П. Теория и практика антикризисного управления. Москва: Закон и право, ЮНИТИ, 1996. 469 с.16. Трусова Н.В. Дестабілізаційні процеси в системі забезпечення фінансового потенціалу сільськогосподарських підприємств. Глобальні та національні проблеми економіки. 2015. Вип. 2. URL: http://www.global-national.in.ua.17. Фінансове забезпечення аграрного сектора: вітчизняний та зарубіжний досвід: монографія / за ред. Давиденко Н.М. Київ: НУБіП України, 2017. 454 с.18. Фрунза С. А. Забезпечення інвестиційного розвитку аграрної сфери національної економіки. Наукові праці КТЕУ. Економічні науки. 2010. № 17. С. 1–7.19. Цибок В. О. Бюджетна підтримка розвитку АПК з використанням механізму здешевлення кредитів. Наукові праці НДФІ. 2005. №3(32). С. 64–70.20. Coleman W., Skogstad G., Atkinson M. Paradigm Shifts and Policy Networks: Cumulative Change in Agriculture. Journal of Public Policy. 1996. Vol. 16. Р. 273–301.21.Forgue B. Novellas approaches de la question des crises. Rev fantasize de question. Paris. 1996. № 108. Р. 72–73.22. Ling C.-H., Yang H.-L., Liou D.-Y. The impact of corporate social responsibility on financial performance: Evidence from business in Taiwan. 2009. Vol. 31. №1. Р.56-63.23. Moyer W., Josling T. Agricultural Policy Reform. Politics and process in the EU and US in 1990 s. Alders hot. 2002. Р.79-80.24. Petrick M. Empirical measurement of credit rationing in agriculture: a methodological survey, IAMO URL: http://econpapers.repec.org/paper/zbwiamodp/14926.htm. ; В статті розглянуто потенціал фінансової безпеки, який формує систему фінансового захисту життєво необхідних інтересів суб'єктів аграрного бізнесу. Доведено важливість формування сукупної величини потенціалу фінансової безпеки, яка здатна мобілізувати реальні та приховані можливості фінансових ресурсів в обмеженому часовому періоді, для подолання невизначеності функціонування суб'єктів аграрного бізнесу. Виокремлено індикатори інтенсивності та ефективності використання фінансових ресурсів. За допомогою індикативного системного аналізу розроблено модель стабільного рівня потенціалу фінансової безпеки за чистим прибутком. Модель є адекватною та дозволяє в умовах обмеженості вибору джерел формування та розподілу фінансових ресурсів визначити ймовірність процесу використання потенціалу фінансової безпеки суб'єктів аграрного бізнесу на регіональному рівні. Ключові слова: потенціал, фінансова безпека, фінансові ресурси, фінансове забезпечення, сільське господарство, аграрні підприємства. Список використаної літератури1. Барановський О.І. Фінансова безпека в Україні - методологія оцінки та механізми забезпечення: монографія. Київ: Київ. нац. торг.- екон. ун-т, 2004. 759 с.2. Герасименко Н.А., Жеймонда О.В. Ризики в сільському господарстві з урахуванням регіонального аспекту. Економіка АПК. 2009. №9. С. 62–65.3. Гривківська О.В. Теоретичні підходи до визначення фінансової безпеки сільського господарства. Формування ринкових відносин в Україні: зб. наук. праць / наук. ред. І. Г. Манцуров. Київ, 2010. Вип. № 4(107). С. 160–162.4. Гривківська О.В. Фінансова безпека сільського господарства регіонів України. Фінанси України. 2011. № 7. С. 93–103.5. Державна служба статистики України. URL: http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua. (дата звернення: 22.05.2019).6. Жидяк О.Р. Проблеми вдосконалення механізму фінансування підприємницьких структур аграрної сфери. Бізнес інформ. 2013. №2. С. 139–141.7. Єрмошенко М.М. Фінансова безпека держави: національні інтереси, реальні загрози, стратегія забезпечення. Київ: Київ. нац. орг.-екон.ун-т, 2001. 309 с.8. Корнєєв В. Антикризові інструменти фінансової стабілізації. Економіка України. 2009. №12. С. 22–34.9. Кузенко Т.Б., Сабліна Н.В., Литовченко О.Ю. Управління фінансовою безпекою підприємства: методичний аспект. Вісник економіки транспорту і промисловості. 2010. № 29. С. 119–124.10. Національний банк України. Офіційне Інтернет-представництво. URL: http://www.bank.gov.ua/ (дата звернення: 11.07.2019).11. Кизим М.О., Забродський В.А., Зінченко В.А., Копчак Ю.С. Оцінка і діагностика фінансової стійкості підприємства: монографія. Харків: ВД «Інжек». 2003. 144 с.12. Прокопенко Н.С., Лемішко О.О. Фінансова і податкова безпека підприємств аграрного сектора. АгроСвіт. 2009. № 18. С. 16–19.13. Статистичний збірник «Сільське господарство України» за 2017 рік. Київ: Державна служба статистики України, 2018.14. Статистичний збірник «Сільське господарство України» за 2018 рік. Київ: Державна служба статистики України, 2019.15. Базаров Г.З., Беляев С.Г., Белых Л.П. Теория и практика антикризисного управления. Москва: Закон и право, ЮНИТИ, 1996. 469 с.16. Трусова Н.В. Дестабілізаційні процеси в системі забезпечення фінансового потенціалу сільськогосподарських підприємств. Глобальні та національні проблеми економіки. 2015. Вип. 2. URL: http://www.global-national.in.ua.17. Фінансове забезпечення аграрного сектора: вітчизняний та зарубіжний досвід: монографія / за ред. Давиденко Н.М. Київ: НУБіП України, 2017. 454 с.18. Фрунза С. А. Забезпечення інвестиційного розвитку аграрної сфери національної економіки. Наукові праці КТЕУ. Економічні науки. 2010. № 17. С. 1–7.19. Цибок В. О. Бюджетна підтримка розвитку АПК з використанням механізму здешевлення кредитів. Наукові праці НДФІ. 2005. №3(32). С. 64–70.20. Coleman W., Skogstad G., Atkinson M. Paradigm Shifts and Policy Networks: Cumulative Change in Agriculture. Journal of Public Policy. 1996. Vol. 16. Р. 273–301.21.Forgue B. Novellas approaches de la question des crises. Rev fantasize de question. Paris. 1996. № 108. Р. 72–73.22. Ling C.-H., Yang H.-L., Liou D.-Y. The impact of corporate social responsibility on financial performance: Evidence from business in Taiwan. 2009. Vol. 31. №1. Р.56-63.23. Moyer W., Josling T. Agricultural Policy Reform. Politics and process in the EU and US in 1990 s. Alders hot. 2002. Р.79-80.24. Petrick M. Empirical measurement of credit rationing in agriculture: a methodological survey, IAMO URL: http://econpapers.repec.org/paper/zbwiamodp/14926.htm.

End Of Mission Statement Of The Special Rapporteur On The Negative Impact Of Unilateral Coercive Measures On The Enjoyment Of Human Rights To The Syrian Arab Republic ; 6/3/2018 OHCHR | End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights t… http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23094&LangID=E 1/4 English > News and Events > DisplayNews English | Français | Español Go to navigation | Go to content | русский | العربية | 中文 WHAT ARE HUMAN RIGHTS? DONATE HOME ABOUT US ISSUES HUMAN RIGHTS BY COUNTRY WHERE WE WORK HUMAN RIGHTS BODIES NEWS AND EVENTS PUBLICATIONS AND RESOURCES End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights to the Syrian Arab Republic, 13 to 17 May 2018 Arabic End of mission statement 17 May 2018 Preliminary observations and recommendations I would like to begin this briefing by expressing my gratitude to the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic for the invitation to visit the country and for the openness and readiness with which it facilitated the meetings for my mission. I would also like to thank the office of the Resident Coordinator, the members of the UN country team and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights for their invaluable support. I have been entrusted by the Human Rights Council with the task of monitoring, reporting and advising on the negative impact on the enjoyment of human rights of unilateral coercive measures. The United Nations has repeatedly expressed concern that the use of such measures may be contrary to international law, international humanitarian law, the UN Charter and the norms and principles governing peaceful relations among States . During my visit, I had the honour of being received by Ministers, Deputy Ministers and senior officials of the ministries of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates, Economy and Foreign Trade, Local Administration and Environment, Social Affairs and Labour, Transport, Agriculture and Agrarian Reform, Electricity and Health. I also met with the leadership pf the Planning and International Cooperation Commission, the Central Bureau of Statistics, the Chamber of Commerce, and with the Governor of the Central Bank. I was b riefed by staff from civil society, humanitarian organizations and by independent experts. Last but not least, I am also grateful to the numerous diplomatic missions that shared their views with me during my visit. I very much appreciate the briefings I received from the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia in Beirut prior to my visit. The purpose of this mission was to examine to what extent unilateral coercive measures targeting the Syrian Arab Republic impair the full realization of the rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights instruments. I will present my full report to the Human Rights Council in September 2018. My present statement contains my preliminary observations on the outcome of my visit. I have examined the situation of the Syrian Arab Republic as a target of unilateral coercive measures 1 134K 118K 2290 6/3/2018 OHCHR | End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights t… http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23094&LangID=E 2/4 I have examined the situation of the Syrian Arab Republic as a target of unilateral coercive measures by a number of source States. I have examined relevant evidence and endeavoured to assess the actual impact of such measures on the Syrian people. One source country has applied unilateral coercive measures since 1979, and they were strengthened in subsequent years. A larger group of States began applying similar measures in 2011. The collective measures call for a trade ban on the import and export of multiple goods and services. It also includes international financial transfers. The superimposition of different packages of collective sectoral measures, together with the across­the­board implementation of financial restrictions, are tantamount in their global impact to the imposition of comprehensive restrictions on Syria. Additional measures targeting individuals by virtue of their alleged relationship with the government have also been applied. Because of their comprehensive nature, these measures have had a devastating impact on the entire economy and the daily lives of ordinary people. This impact has compounded their suffering resulting from the devastating crisis that has unfolded since 2011. Singling out the impact of the unilateral coercive measures from that of the crisis is fraught with difficulty, but this does in no way diminish the necessity to take measures to restore their basic human rights as a whole. It is clear that the sufferings imposed by the unilateral coercive measures have reinforced those that were caused by the conflict. Indeed, it seems ironic that these measures applied by source States out of a concern for human rights are actually contributing to the worsening of the humanitarian crisis as an unintended consequence. The dramatic increase in the suffering of the Syrian people The Syrian economy continues to decline at an alarming rate. Since the application of coercive measures in 2011, and the beginning of the current crisis, the total annual GDP of Syria has fallen by two thirds. Foreign currency reserves have been depleted, and international financial and other assets remain frozen. In 2010, 45 Syrian Liras were exchanged for one dollar; by 2017 the rate fell to fell to 510 liras per dollar. Inflation has dramatically increased since 2010, reaching a peak of 82.4% in 2013; the cost of food items rose eight­fold during this time. This combination of factors visited further devastation on the living conditions of the population that were already degraded by the conflict. This has hit the half of working Syrians living on fixed salaries particularly hard. The unintended consequences of unilateral coercive measures This damage to the economy has had predictable effects on the ability of Syrians to realize their economic, social and cultural rights. Syria's human development indicators have all tumbled. There has been a staggering increase in the rate of poverty among ordinary Syrians. While there was no food insecurity prior to the outbreak of violence, by 2015 32% of Syrians were affected. At the same time unemployment rose went from 8.5% in 2010 to over 48% in 2015. Banking restrictions The most pervasive concerns I have heard during my mission relate to the negative effect that comprehensive financial restrictions have had on all aspects of Syrian life. Restrictions on the Central bank, state­owned and even private banks, and transactions in the main international currencies have comprehensively damaged the ability of anyone seeking to operate internationally. Despite nominally including "humanitarian exemptions" they have proven to be costly, or extremely slow, to access in practice. The uncertainty around what transactions do, or do not violate the unilateral coercive measures, have created a "chilling effect" on international banks and companies, which as a result are unwilling or unable to do business with Syria. This has prevented Syrian and international companies, non­governmental actors (including those operating in purely humanitarian fields), and Syrian citizens from engaging in international financial transactions (including for goods which are legal to import), obtaining credit, or for international actors to pay salaries or contractors in Syria. This has forced Syrians to find alternatives, such as hawala, which result in millions of dollars flowing 6/3/2018 OHCHR | End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights t… http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23094&LangID=E 3/4 y , , g through high cost financial intermediaries, who are alleged at times to be owned by terrorist organizations. These channels which are not transparent, cannot be audited, and increase transaction costs remain the only avenue for smaller companies and Syrian civil society actors to operate internationally. Medical care Syria practices universal, free health care for all its citizens. Prior to the current crisis, Syria enjoyed some of the highest levels of care in the region. The demands created by the crisis have overwhelmed the system, and created extraordinarily high levels of need. Despite this, restrictive measures, particularly those related to the banking system, have harmed the ability of Syria to purchase and pay for medicines, equipment, spare parts and software. While theoretical exemptions exist, in practice international private companies are unwilling to jump the hurdles necessary to ensure they can transact with Syria without being accused of inadvertently violating the restrictive measures. Migration and 'brain drain' While the security situation was a central factor which led to migration flows from Syria, it should be emphasized that the dramatic increase in unemployment, the lack of job opportunities, the closure of factories unable to obtain raw materials or machinery or to export their goods have all contributed to increasing the emigration of Syrians. Some receiving States have selected skilled migrants, while pressuring the less fortunate to return to Syria. This "brain drain" has harmed the medical and pharmaceutical industries in particular, at the worst possible time for Syria. The anticipated end of the current conflict will not put an end to the flows of migrants, especially to Europe, in view of the saturation of neighbouring countries. These flows are likely to continue so long as the Syrian authorities are prevented by unilateral coercive measures from addressing the pressing problems related to their social and economic infrastructure, in particular the restoration of energy and water supplies. Ban on equipment and spare parts The ban on the trade in equipment, machinery and spare parts has devastated Syrian industry. Vehicles, including ambulances and fire trucks, as well as agricultural machinery suffer from a lack of spare parts. Failing water pumps gravely affect the water supply and reduce agricultural production. Power generation plants are failing, and new plants cannot be purchased or maintained, leading to power outages. Complex machinery requiring international technicians for maintenance are failing, damaging medical devices and factory machinery. Civilian aircraft are no longer able to fly safely, and public transit buses are in woeful condition. Whatever rationale source countries may have for restricting so­called dual use goods, greater effort is needed to ensure that goods that are clearly intended for civilian use are permitted, and that they can be paid for. Ban on technology As a result of unilateral coercive measures, Syrians are unable to purchase many technologies, including mobile phones and computers. The global dominance of American software companies, technology companies, and banking and financial software, all of which are banned, has made it difficult to find alternatives. This has paralyzed or disrupted large parts of Syrian institutions. Education Shortages of inputs, energy and water supply as well as of teaching material causing delays in the rebuilding of schools have kept 1.8 million children without access to their classrooms. The ability of Syrians to participate in the international community has been sharply affected. Syrians have been excluded from international educational exchange programs, and the tremendous difficulties involved in obtaining a visa have prevented many from studying or travelling abroad, upgrading their training and skills, or participating in international conferences. By removing consular services from Syria, countries have forced people including the poorest, to travel to neighbouring countries for such applications, which are also placing onerous restrictions on entry for Syrians. 6/3/2018 OHCHR | End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights t… http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23094&LangID=E 4/4 Conclusion I am profoundly concerned that unilateral coercive measures are contributing to the ongoing suffering of the Syrian people. Claims that they exist to protect the Syrian population, or to promote a democratic transition, are hard to reconcile with the economic and humanitarian sufferings being caused. The time has come to ask whether these unintended consequences are now more severe than can be reasonably accepted by democratic States. Whatever their political objectives, there must be more humane means by which these can be achieved in full compliance with international law. In view of the complexity of the system of unilateral coercive measures in place, there needs to be a multi­stage approach to addressing the dire human rights situation prevailing in Syria. This would imply a sequenced approach involving addressing the crucial humanitarian needs of the population throughout the whole of Syria, without preconditions, when these touch on issues of life and death. A first stage could include addressing the urgent needs of the food insecure, which represent nearly one third of the population. The second stage is to translate at the ground level effective measures to fulfil the commitment of source States to meet their obligation to allow humanitarian exemptions, particularly for financial transactions. Finally, there must be a serious dialogue on reducing unilateral coercive measures, starting with those that have the most egregious effect on the population, along with those that will promote confidence building between the parties, with the ultimate aim of lifting the unilateral coercive measures. I hope that my report and my future work can contribute in this end. Thank you. Note: 1. More information on this prohibition can be found in the reports and resolutions on the website of the Special Rapporteur. Home CONTACT US Frequently Asked Questions OHCHR on Social Media OHCHR Memorial Employment Mobile App Site Map © OHCHR 1996­2018

L'analisi delle tappe attraverso cui, tra Rivoluzione e Unità, si sostanzia l'istruzione scolastica, consente di aprire ampie finestre sui progetti di trasformazione delle istituzioni educative e sulla valenza degli itinerari formativi attuati nella Sicilia del Sette-Ottocento. Contro la significativa preponderanza della scuola superiore e l'insegnamento gesuitico, portatore di una cultura umanistico - retorica, l'esigenza di razionalizzare l'insegnamento articolandolo in un sistema di ordini e gradi è proprio delle meditazioni della pedagogia illuministica. Il prototipo prussiano e austriaco, che tende alla creazione di un modello educativo organico, centralizzato e laico, determina in Italia la nascita di veri e propri epicentri di trasformazione politica e culturale. La cacciata dei Gesuiti segna il termine a quo del riformismo agrario meridionale nonché la fine del monopolio religioso sull'assistenza e sull'istruzione. In Sicilia De Cosmi si fa interprete di una riforma regalista, giurisdizionalista e popolare, invitando ad operare una riflessione propositiva sulla fine della cultura gesuitica e sui progetti di riutilizzo, in senso lato, del patrimonio dell'ordine. Tra riformismo e rivoluzione il dibattito relativo all'introduzione delle scuole decosmiane e al rapporto tra queste e le secondarie rivela significative consonanze con altri aspetti della politica borbonica nella sua fase tanucciana e caraccioliana. L'introduzione del metodo lancasteriano porrà l'accento sulla "necessità " di un'istruzione aperta ad una utenza più larga. Le istanze giurisdizionalistiche e i revisionismi successi incideranno in maniera trasversale sul sistema educativo e sull'opportunità o meno di affidarne il controllo al clero. I modi e i tempi di applicazione della normativa al caso Catania sottolineano lo stridente contrasto che caratterizzò l'ipotesi di una società, in bilico tra passato e presente, accarezzata da una monarchia borbonica che dopo le istanze riformistiche si scontrava con la realtà della Restaurazione. Se la ricostruzione della normativa può costituire una prima griglia inter-pretativa , l'esame - attraverso l'uso incrociato di fonti bibliografiche e documentazione d'archivio - delle strutture scolastiche diventa indispensabile chiave di lettura per penetrare nel meccanismo della risposta istituzionale alla volontà centrale. A fronte dell'intelaiatura di base relativa all'istruzione primaria e secondaria, pubblica e privata, così come si strutturava a Catania tra Sette e Ottocento, particolare significato riveste la peculiarità di alcune istituzioni finalizzate all'educazione di specifiche categorie sociali: il Collegio Cutelli dedicato all'istruzione dei nobili, e l'Ospizio di beneficenza, destinato ai diseredati, alla "bassa gente", alla prole dei mendichi, ai "figli di nessuno". Il duro sistema di vita dell'Ospizio, con il suo progetto pedagogico finalizzato all'istruzione "professionale - militare", ci dà la misura della abissale distanza dalla raffinata atmosfera, permeata di studi classici e di "arti liberali", del Collegio Cutelli. La scuola per la formazione dei futuri artigiani e la palestra atta a plasmare il giovane gentiluomo rappresentano le due facce di una medesima medaglia. Il modello proposto dal Collegio a confronto con quello suggerito dall'Ospizio costituiscono in sostanza un emblematico punto d'arrivo di quei mutamenti politico - istituzionali e socio - culturali che contemporaneamente caratterizzavano la formazione dello stato moderno nel Meridione. The analysis of the stages through which, between Revolution and Unity of Italy, the education system takes shape, open ample windows on the transformation plans for educational institutions and on the importance of the formative itineraries effected in eighteenth and nineteenth century Sicily. Against the sígnificant predominance of the high school and the teaching of the Jesuits, holders of a humanistic-rhetoric culture, the need to rationalise teaching, articulating it into a system of orders and degrees is the fruit of the meditatíons of Enlightenment pedagogy. The Prussian and Austrian prototype, that favours the creation of an organic, centralized and secular educational model, determines the birth of authentic centres of political and cultural transformation in Italy. The expulsion of the Jesuits marks the end a quo of agrarian reformism in the south and the end of the religious monopoly on the welfare institutes and education. In Sicily De Cosmi is the interpreter of a regalist, jurisdictional and popular reform, inviting constructive reflection on the end of the Jesuitical culture and on the plans to reutilize, in a broad sense, the patrimony of the Order. Between reformism and revolution the debate on the introduction of Decosmian schools, and the relationship between these and secondary schools reveal meaningful consonances with other aspects of Bourbon policy in its Tanuccian and Caracciolian phases. The introduction of the Lancasterian method will put the accent on the «necessity» of education available to larger numbers. The jurisdíctional demands and the revisionisms of the moment are to have a transversal effect on the educational system and on the opportunity or not of entrusting it to the control to the clergy. The method and the time necessary for the application of the regulations regarding the Catania case underline the sharp contrast that characterízed the hypothesis of a society, in unstable balance between past and present, caressed by a Bourbon monarchy that after the reformistic pressures, encountered the reality of the Restoration. If the reconstruction of the regulations could constitute a first interpretative scheme, the examination (through the cross use of bibliographical sources and filed records) of the scholastic structures becomes the essential reading key in order to penetrate the mechanism of the institutional answer to the central will. With reference to the basic framework regarding primary and secondary, public and private education, as it was structured in Catania between the eightéenth and nineteenth centuries, the distinctive characteristics of certain institutions whose purpose was the education of specific social categories: the Collegio Cutelli, dedicated to the education of the nobles, and the Ospizio di beneficenza, educating the disinherited, 'low people', 'beggars' children and waifs and strays, took on particular meaning. The hard way of life in the Ospizio, with its pedagogical plan aiming at 'professionalmilitary' instruction illustrates the extent of the abysmal distance from the refined atmosphere, impregnated with classica) studies and 'liberai arts', of the Collegio Cutelli. The school for the formation of future artisans and the school where young gentleman were shaped represent the two faces of the same medal. The model proposed by the Collegio and the one suggested by the Ospizio constitute, in essence, an emblematical point of arrivai of those political changes, institutional and social-cultural, that together characterized the formation of the modern state in the south.

El documento inicia con la revisión general del funcionamiento del Sistema de Cajas en países de Sudamérica, tales como Colombia y Chile. En el caso de Colombia se reseña acontecimientos ocurridos a finales de los 90s, cuando se cierran las Cajas Agrarias, en especial la Caja de Crédito Agrario, agobiadas por la pérdida de su rentabilidad atribuida a la carga tributaria e impuestos derivados de la excesiva contratación de personal. La Caja de Crédito Agrario fue fundada con un criterio de necesidad social y apoyo a los municipios pobres del país, fue reemplazada por el Banco Agrario, el cual tiene una nueva visión, en la que prevalece la rentabilidad por encima del servicio social. En Chile se hace referencia a la excesiva carga tributaria que tenían las empresas comparativamente con otros países (sobre el ingreso de personas y utilidades de las empresas). Se menciona que la carga tributaria sobre el ingreso se encontraba dentro de las más altas en comparación a los países con los cuales debe competir, por lo que la dirección de las reformas a este último impuesto no fue elevarlo, sino por el contrario simplificarlo y sesgarlo en favor de la inversión y el ahorro. Sin embargo, al hacerlo se está introduciendo una distorsión que afecta los precios relativos en la economía, y de esta forma altera las decisiones de los agentes privados, introduciendo un costo en términos de una más eficiente asignación de recursos. Adicionalmente se menciona que de acuerdo a otros trabajos técnicos quedaba establecida la poca incidencia de los impuestos como instrumento de redistribución de ingresos en el caso chileno, y agregan que lo mismo sucede en otros países de América Latina, con diferente estructura tributaria. Para minimizar este efecto, se estima que es conveniente optar por impuestos al consumo. La baja en la carga tributaria sobre la renta permite un aumento en la rentabilidad del capital, incentivando la inversión. El uso más intensivo del capital aumenta la productividad del trabajo, lo cual se traduce en un incremento en las remuneraciones. A continuación se plantea el paralelo con las Cajas Municipales del Perú, describiendo los resultados de la Caja Metropolitana de Lima, de la Caja de Trujillo y de la Caja del Santa. De la página web de SBS se han obtenido la evolución de los indicadores financieros y la estructura de los gastos administrativos para el periodo 2005 al 2008, que pueden contribuir a efectuar un análisis comparativo más completo del desempeño del Sistema de Cajas Municipales en el Perú, y con respecto a la hipótesis de trabajo: Las obligaciones tributarias y laborales tienen una fuerte incidencia en la liquidez y rentabilidad de la CMAC SANTA S.A. en los periodos 2005-2007. El análisis de los EE FF y de los indicadores contribuye a corroborar la hipótesis de trabajo, porque el incremento de los rubros correspondientes a las obligaciones tributarias y a las obligaciones laborales deteriora los indicadores de liquidez, de independencia financiera, de solvencia, así como los de rentabilidad patrimonial y los márgenes bruto y neto. Las principales conclusiones que se establecen en este trabajo motivan la necesaria reflexión sobre el papel del estado al regular el marco tributario y la normatividad laboral, debiendo servir la ilustración de lo acontecido en otros países para evitar que la excesiva imposición estatal termine en un ciclo de ineficiencia para las instituciones financieras del ámbito de su regulación. A la vez, la reflexión más elocuente sería que el mayor y más negativo impacto lo perciben los favorecidos con los servicios de intermediación que prestan las Cajas Municipales, es decir, los pequeños y microempresarios, y finalmente en el extremo del círculo vicioso, lo que también sufre desmedro es el desarrollo económico y social del país. ; The document begins with a review of the functioning of banks system in South American countries like Colombia and Chile. In the case of Colombia outlined developments in the late 90s, when closed Agricultural Banks, especially the Agricultural Credit Bank, saddled with the loss of profit attributable to the tax burden and excessive taxes from contracting staff. The Agricultural Credit Bank was founded on a basis of social need and support the country's poorest municipalities, was replaced by the Agrarian Bank, which has a new vision, which prevails over profit social service. In Chile, referring to the excessive tax burden that companies were compared to other countries (on income of individuals and corporate profits). It is mentioned that the tax burden on income was within the highest compared to countries with which to compete, so that the direction of the latter tax reform was not high, but rather simplify and skew for investment and savings. However, it is introducing a distortion that affects relative prices in the economy, and thus alters the decisions of private agents, introducing a cost in terms of a more efficient allocation of resources. Additionally it is mentioned that according to other technical work was established the low incidence of taxation as an instrument of redistribution of income in Chile, adding that the same happens in other Latin American countries with different tax structure. To minimize this effect, is estimated to be advisable to choose consumption taxes. The decline in income tax burden allows an increase in the profitability of capital, encouraging investment. The more intensive use of capital increases the productivity of labor, which translates into increased wages. Here arises the parallel with the Cajas Municipales in Peru, describing the results of the Fund of Lima, Trujillo in the box and the Santa Fund. From the SBS website have obtained the evolution of financial indicators and the structure of the administrative expenses for the period 2005 to 2008, which can help make a more complete comparative analysis of system performance Cajas Municipales in Peru and with respect to the working hypothesis: The employment tax obligations and have a strong impact on liquidity and profitability of the CMAC SANTA SA in the periods 2005-2007. The analysis of the EE FF and indicators helps to confirm the working hypothesis, because the increase of the items for tax obligations and work obligations deteriorating liquidity ratios, financial independence, solvency, as well as those of asset returns and gross and net margins. The main conclusions are set out in this work gave rise to the necessary reflection on the state's role in regulating the tax framework and labor standards, and should serve as an illustration of what happened in other countries to avoid excessive government taxation ends in a cycle inefficiency in financial institutions in the field of regulation. At the same time, the most eloquent reflection would be the largest and the perceived negative impact favored with brokerage services provided by the municipal savings, ie, small and micro entrepreneurs, and finally end the vicious circle, which expense is also suffering the economic and social development.

The Philippines has made significant progress in empowering women and in advancing gender equality. The government's policy on gender equality and women's empowerment has prioritized women's economic empowerment, advancing human rights and enhancing gender-responsive local governance. All these priority concerns are integral components of poverty reduction programs in the Philippines. The Philippines has made significant progress in empowering women and in advancing gender equality. Since the government introduced a constitution in 1987 affirming the equality of women, it has pursued a number of initiatives to mainstream gender concerns in national policies and programs. A development plan for women was launched in 1987, followed by a plan for gender-responsive development, 1995-2025, coordinated by the National Commission on the Role of Filipino women. In 2004, the commission drafted a framework plan for women that identify three priority concerns to meet the objectives of gender equality and women's empowerment: economic empowerment of women, protection and fulfillment of women's human rights, and gender-responsive governance. Projects that support these priorities will facilitate more equitable development across the Philippines, including supporting the full participation of women in political processes and governance in the international and national local level, strengthening gender-sensitive and inclusive programs and mechanisms with civil society, and increasing women's access to economic resources such as capital, technology, information, markets, and training.

La Seu d'Urgell és una població que s'inclou en una determinada formació social, Catalunya, els grups dirigents de la qual no tenen un Estat propi, ja que el Principat només era una regió perifèrica on el liberalisme havia impulsat un procés, no reeixit, de nacionalització espanyola. A més, la ciutat urgel·litana formava part d'allò que hom ha anomenat tradicionalment com la "Catalunya pobra", de base aclaparadorament agrària i ramadera, aliena als gran canvis derivats de la industrialització general del país durant bona part del segle XIX. Finalment, com a capital comarcal, la Seu d'Urgell és també representativa d'una determinada Catalunya, la pirinenca, que presencià un notable arrelament del liberalisme de matriu progressista. Aquest fet configurà una singular tradició política, amb un comportament electoral específic que es traduí en una oposició al cunerisme governamental. Això desmenteix, doncs, els tòpics, fins i tot prejudicis, que s'han bastit entorn de la ciutat, presentada sovint com una imatge de les forces conservadores, àdhuc de la reacció ultramontana. La trajectòria històrica de la Seu d'Urgell permet descobrir alhora un sentiment i una particular interpretació de l'ideari liberal, tot això construït sobre dos pilars bàsics: per un costat, la demanda d'una major autonomia municipal per tal d'encarar els problemes quotidians, un fet força visible, per exemple, durant les conjuntures revolucionàries; d'altre, l'elaboració d'un discurs reivindicatiu, àmpliament compartit per la població, que tenia com a fita la defensa d'una major vertebració i equitat territorial en consonància amb el progrés material que semblava anunciar el desenvolupament capitalista. Aquest discurs, en certa forma, prengué una renovada embranzida quan la Seu d'Urgell fou proposada com a capital d'una hipotètica cinquena província catalana poc després de finalitzada la Primera Guerra Carlista (1833-1840), un reconeixement que hauria de contribuir a superar la marginació de les terres urgel·litanes. En certa forma, l'aposta per l'opció liberal comença a perfilar-se durant la Guerra del Francès (1808-1814), un fet que, malgrat la seva cruesa, va permetre el desvetllament d'unes energies ciutadanes en el moment que la ciutat s'erigí en un focus important de la resistència antinapoleònica en acollir la Junta corregimental. Durant el regnat de Ferran VII (1814-1833), assistim a l'eclosió del nucli liberal local, liderat pel bloc dels lletrats, que, com a homes d'ordre i experts en lleis, tenien responsabilitats municipals i actuaven com a intermediaris d'un Estat que era vist com una realitat llunyana, recaptatòria i repressiva. Paral·lelament, cal destacar el paper de l'Església, sobretot amb el bisbe Josep Caixal i Estradé, impulsor d'una modernitat des de l'antiliberalisme que tingué com a fites la llei de la Nova Reforma de la veïna Andorra i la construcció del nou Seminari conciliar. ; Los principales retos para abordar un estudio como el presente se encuadran en dos niveles complementarios de análisis. Por un lado, la Seu d'Urgell es una población que se incluye en una determinada formación social, Cataluña, cuyos grupos dominantes carecen de un Estado propio, ya que el Principado era solamente una región periférica, un país sucursal de España, donde el liberalismo había iniciado un proceso de nacionalización española que se reveló débil. Además, la ciudad forma parte de las denominadas ""terres de Ponent"", el área leridana por excelencia, que define a grandes rasgos lo que tradicionalmente se ha llamado la ""Catalunya pobra"", de base eminentemente agraria y ganadera y, por lo tanto, ajena a las grandes transformaciones experimentadas por el proceso de la industrialización del país. Por otro lado, como capital comarcal del Alto Urgel, la ciudad también es representativa de una determinada Cataluña, la Cataluña pirenaica, que apenas ha merecido la atención adecuada por parte de la moderna historiografía catalana, la cual presenció un notable arraigo de las opciones políticas progresistas que desmienten el pretendido conservadurismo de la montaña catalana. Así pues, detrás de la complejidad de contenidos que encierra la implantación del liberalismo en Cataluña, el caso aquí estudiado pretende aportar algo más de luz y contribuir al conocimiento de un determinado modelo o significado en la organización política y social a la zona pirenaica. Al mismo tiempo, hemos sido conscientes de la pervivencia de algunos tópicos que han situado propiamente el conocimiento histórico de la Seu d'Urgell en una especie de nebulosidad. Tales tópicos son producto de determinados prejuicios aparecidos en el mismo momento que la Seu d'Urgell se ha visto asociada a una imagen levítica y ultramontana, sobre todo a partir del episodio de la Regencia de Urgel (1822) o de la personalidad del obispo José Caixal Estradé, paradigma de la nueva Cruzada antilberal que asumió sin complejos una parte destacada del clero español y catalán durante el largo pontificado de Pío IX. Los hechos estudiados ponen de manifiesto que el grupo dirigente de la ciudad, liderado por los letrados, apostó por la opción liberal durante la Guerra de la Independencia, cuando la Seu d'Urgell se convirtió en capital corregimental para el bando ""patriota"" en sustitución de la villa de Puigcerdá. Este hecho contribuyó a despertar unas energías ciudadanas que se tradujeron, más adelante, en unas reivindicaciones de mayor autonomia municipal, el anhelo para convertirse en capital de una hipotética quinta provincia catalana y en un comportamiento electoral que abrazó las opciones progresistas (Salvador Maluquer, Josep Ignasi de Llorens) frente a las intromisiones del cunerismo oficial. En el fondo esto encontramos un discurso de ""cambio"" sobre la base de una mayor equidad o vertebración territorial, compatible con el progreso material que parecía inaugurar el desarrollo capitalista. ; La Seu d'Urgell is a population that is included in a certain social formation, Catalonia, whose leading groups lack their own State, since the Principality is only a peripherial region where liberalism had promoted a very limited process of nationalization. In addition, the city was part of the ""poor Catalonia"", predominantly agrarian and livestock-based, where the radical changes of industrialization went rather unnoticed for much of the 19th century. Finally, as a regional capital, la Seu d'Urgell is also representative city of a certain Catalonia, the Pyrenees, which witnessed a notable roots of liberalism with a progressive matrix. This fact determined a singular political tradition, with a specific electoral behavoir, opposed to governmental cunerismo. All this denies, then, the clichés, and even the prejudices, that created a conservative image of the population, even favorable to Carlism. The historical trajectory of the Seu d'Urgell allows us to discover a feeling and a particular interpretation of the liberal ideology on two basic pillars: the demand for greater municipal autonomy and the elaboration of a protest speech in defense of a greater territorial structure and equity. In a way, the commitmend to the liberal option began to be seen during the War of Independence (1808-1814), which allowed the awakening of citizen energies when the city became an active focus anti-Napoleonic resistance, as opposed to Puigcerdà, the old corregimental capital. During the reign of Fernando VII (1814-1833) we witnessed a true emergence of the urban liberal nucleus, headed by a mesocracy led by lawyers. The role of the latter, as men of order, acquires a special role due to the absence of the State with in relation to issue concerning the public interest. On the other hand, we must mention the role of the Church led by Bishop Josep Caixal Estradé, promoting another way of understanding modernity, either by promoting the political reform of neighboring Andorra, or by building a large Council seminary.

As a cradle of ancient Chinese civilization, the Yellow River Basin has a very long human-environment interrelationship, where early anthropogenic activities re- sulted in large scale landscape modifications. Today, the impact of this relationship has intensified further as the basin plays a vital role for China's continued economic development. It is one of the most densely-populated, fastest growing, and most dynamic regions of China with abundant natural and environmental resources providing a livelihood for almost 190 million people. Triggered by fundamental economic reforms, the basin has witnessed a spectacular economic boom during the last decades and can be considered as an exemplary blueprint region for contemporary dynamic Global Change processes occurring throughout the country, which is currently transitioning from an agrarian-dominated economy into a modern urbanized society. However, this resourcesdemanding growth has led to profound land use changes with adverse effects on the Yellow River social-ecological systems, where complex challenges arise threatening a long-term sustainable development. Consistent and continuous remote sensing-based monitoring of recent and past land cover and land use change is a fundamental requirement to mitigate the adverse impacts of Global Change processes. Nowadays, technical advancement and the multitude of available satellite sensors, in combination with the opening of data archives, allow the creation of new research perspectives in regional land cover applications over heterogeneous landscapes at large spatial scales. Despite the urgent need to better understand the prevailing dynamics and underlying factors influencing the current processes, detailed regional specific land cover data and change information are surprisingly absent for this region. In view of the noted research gaps and contemporary developments, three major objectives are defined in this thesis. First (i), the current and most pressing social-ecological challenges are elaborated and policy and management instruments towards more sustainability are discussed. Second (ii), this thesis provides new and improved insights on the current land cover state and dynamics of the entire Yellow River Basin. Finally (iii), the most dominant processes related to mining, agriculture, forest, and urban dynamics are determined on finer spatial and temporal scales. The complex and manifold problems and challenges that result from long-term abuse of the water and land resources in the basin have been underpinned by policy choices, cultural attitude, and institutions that have evolved over centuries in China. The tremendous economic growth that has been mainly achieved by extracting water and exploiting land resources in a rigorous, but unsustainable manner, might not only offset the economic benefits, but could also foster social unrest. Since the early emergence of the first Chinese dynasties, flooding was considered historically as a primary issue in river management and major achievements have been made to tame the wild nature of the Yellow River. Whereas flooding is therefore largely now under control, new environmental and social problems have evolved, including soil and water pollution, ecological degradation, biodiversity decline, and food security, all being further aggravated by anthropogenic climate change. To resolve the contemporary and complex challenges, many individual environmental laws and regulations have been enacted by various Chinese ministries. However, these policies often pursue different, often contradictory goals, are too general to tackle specific problems and are usually implemented by a strong top-down approach. Recently, more flexible economic and market-based incentives (pricing, tradable permits, investments) have been successfully adopted, which are specifically tailored to the respective needs, shifting now away from the pure command and regulating instruments. One way towards a more holistic and integrated river basin management could be the establishment of a common platform (e.g. a Geographical Information System) for data handling and sharing, possibly operated by the Yellow River Basin Conservancy Commission (YRCC), where available spatial data, statistical information and in-situ measures are coalesced, on which sustainable decision-making could be based. So far, the collected data is hardly accessible, fragmented, inconsistent, or outdated. The first step to address the absence and lack of consistent and spatially up-to-date information for the entire basin capturing the heterogeneous landscape conditions was taken up in this thesis. Land cover characteristics and dynamics were derived from the last decade for the years 2003 and 2013, based on optical medium-resolution hightemporal MODIS Normalized Differenced Vegetation Index (NDVI) time series at 250 m. To minimize the inherent influence of atmospheric and geometric interferences found in raw high temporal data, the applied adaptive Savitzky-Golay filter successfully smoothed the time series and substantially reduced noise. Based on the smoothed time series data, a large variety of intra-annual phenology metrics as well as spectral and multispectral annual statistics were derived, which served as input variables for random forest (RF) classifiers. High quality reference data sets were derived from very high resolution imagery for each year independently of which 70 % trained the RF models. The accuracy assessments for all regionally specific defined thematic classes were based on the remaining 30 % reference data split and yielded overall accuracies of 87 % and 84 % for 2003 and 2013, respectively. The first regional adapted Yellow River Land Cover Products (YRB LC) depict the detail spatial extent and distribution of the current land cover status and dynamics. The novel products overall differentiate overall 18 land cover and use classes, including classes of natural vegetation (terrestrial and aquatic), cultivated classes, mosaic classes, non-vegetated, and artificial classes, which are not presented in previous land cover studies so far. Building on this, an extended multi-faceted land cover analysis on the most prominent land cover change types at finer spatial and temporal scales provides a better and more detailed picture of the Yellow River Basin dynamics. Precise spatio-temporal products about mining, agriculture, forest, and urban areas were examined from long-trem Landsat satellite time series monitored at annual scales to capture the rapid rate of change in four selected focus regions. All archived Landsat images between 2000 and 2015 were used to derive spatially continuous spectral-temporal, multi-spectral, and textural metrics. For each thematic region and year RF models were built, trained and tested based on a stablepixels reference data set. The automated adaptive signature (AASG) algorithm identifies those pixels that did not change between the investigated time periods to generate a mono-temporal reference stable-pixels data set to keep manual sampling requirements to a minimum level. Derived results gained high accuracies ranging from 88 % to 98 %. Throughout the basin, afforestation on the Central Loess Plateau and urban sprawl are identified as most prominent drivers of land cover change, whereas agricultural land remained stable, only showing local small-scale dynamics. Mining operations started in 2004 on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, which resulted in a substantial loss of pristine alpine meadows and wetlands. In this thesis, a novel and unique regional specific view of current and past land cover characteristics in a complex and heterogeneous landscape was presented by using a multi-source remote sensing approach. The delineated products hold great potential for various model and management applications. They could serve as valuable components for effective and sustainable land and water management to adapt and mitigate the predicted consequences of Global Change processes. ; Der Gelbe Fluss - in der Landessprache Huange He genannt - ist für die Ausprägung und Entwicklung der chinesischen Kultur von großer Bedeutung. Aufgrund der frühen Einflussnahme auf die natürlichen Ökosysteme in dieser Region durch den Menschen, entwickelte sich dort eine ausgeprägte Interaktion zwischen Mensch und Umwelt. Diese Wechselbeziehung hat sich infolge der gegenwärtigen rapiden sozioökonomischen Veränderungen in den letzten Jahrzehnten weiter intensiviert. Das Einzugsgebiet des Gelben Flusses bildet die Lebensgrundlage für fast 190 Millionen Menschen, die zum Großteil von natürlichen Ressourcen abhängig sind. Zudem gehört es zu den wirtschaftlich bedeutendsten und am schnellsten wachsenden Regionen in ganz China. Durch weitreichende Reformen wurde ein wirtschaftlicher Aufstieg forciert, um den Agrarstaat China zu einem modernen Industrie- und Dienstleistungsstaat weiterzuentwickeln. Ein derartiges rasantes wie auch ressourcenintensives Wirtschaftswachstum führte schließlich zu einem enormen Wandel in den Bereichen der Landbedeckung und Landnutzung. Hinzu kamen neue und komplexere wirtschafts-, sozial- und umweltpolitische Herausforderungen, die bis heute eine langfristige und nachhaltige Entwicklung der Region gefährden. Aus diesem Blickwinkel kann das Becken des Gelben Flusses als regionales Spiegelbild der durch den Globalen Wandel bedingten, gegenwärtigen Veränderungsprozesse in ganz China gelten. Eine wichtige Voraussetzung für den adäquaten Umgang mit den Herausforderungen des Globalen Wandels sind kontinuierliche Informationen über aktuelle sowie historische Veränderungen von Landbedeckung und Landnutzung. Infolge der technologischen Entwicklung steht heute eine Vielfalt an Satellitenbildsystemen mit immer höherer zeitlicher und räumlicher Auflösung zur Verfügung. In Verbindung mit kostenfreien und offenen Datenzugriffen ist es möglich, daraus neue Forschungsperspektiven im Bereich der Landoberflächenkartierung - insbesondere für heterogene Landschaften - zu entwickeln. Zur Generierung thematischer Karten werden häufig Klassifikationen entlang verschiedener räumlicher und zeitlicher Skalen vollzogen. Daraus können zusätzlich die nötigen Informationen für lokale wie auch regionale Entscheidungsträger abgeleitet werden. Trotz dieser neuen Möglichkeiten sind regionalspezifische Informationen, die einem besseren Verständnis der Dynamiken von Landoberflächen im Bereich des Gelben-Fluss-Beckens dienen, noch rar. Dieses Forschungsdesiderat wurde im Rahmen dieser Arbeit aufgegriffen, wobei folgende Schwerpunkte gesetzt werden: (i) Zunächst werden die vorherrschenden sozioökologischen Herausforderungen für das gesamte Einzugsgebiet des Gelben Flusses dargestellt sowie verschiedene Management- sowie Politikmodelle für eine nachhaltigere Ressourcennutzung diskutiert. (ii) Darauf aufbauend wird die fernerkundliche Ableitung von Landbedeckungs- und Landnutzungsveränderungen der letzten Dekade im Gebiet des gesamten Gelben Flusses flächendeckend durchgeführt und anschließend interpretiert. (iii) Im letzten Schritt werden basierend auf den zuvor abgeleiteten Informationsprodukten die dominierenden Landoberflächendynamiken in höherer zeitlicher und räumlicher Auflösung detailliert untersucht. Insbesondere die dynamischen Prozesse der Minenausbreitung, Landwirtschaft, Waldgebiete und der urbanen Räume rücken in den Fokus. Aufgrund jahrzehntelanger Übernutzung der natürlichen Ressourcen im Gebiet des Gelben Flusses in Verbindung mit politischen Entscheidungen, der vorherrschenden kulturellen Prägung wie auch der Entwicklung der dort ansässigen Institutionen ist eine vielschichtige Problematik entstanden, die für die gesamte Region eine große Herausforderung darstellt. Durch frühzeitige Maßnahmen der Flutbekämpfung und Flussregulierung konnte den zahlreichen Überflutungen der Vergangenheit entgegengewirkt und das Risiko großflächiger Überschwemmungen minimiert werden. Trotz dieser Erfolge ergeben sich laufend neue, komplexere Herausforderungen mit verheerenden Auswirkungen auf Ökologie und Gesellschaft, wie zum Beispiel Boden- und Wasserdegradation, Entwaldung, Rückgang der Artenvielfalt, Ernährungsunsicherheiten und ein steigendes soziales Ungleichgewicht. Durch den anthropogenen Klimawandel werden diese negativen Probleme noch weiter verstärkt. Zwar wurden sie von der chinesischen Regierung als solche erkannt, dennoch scheiterten die Versuche, mit zahlreichen Gesetzen und Verordnungen die genannten Folgen einzudämmen, an unkonkreten Formulierungen, so dass diese der Komplexität der Herausforderungen nicht gerecht wurden. Die in jüngster Zeit verfolgten modernen und deutlich flexibleren, marktorientierten Ansätze (z.B. Subventionen, Wasserzertifikate), die speziell an die lokalen Gegebenheiten angepasst wurden, zeigen bereits Erfolge. Mit Hilfe einer gemeinsamen Daten- und Informationsplattform, beispielsweise in Form eines Geographischen Informationssystems (GIS), wäre eine integrierte und holistische Flussmanagementstrategie für den Gelben Fluss leichter realisierbar. Auf diese Weise könnten alle verfügbaren statistischen-, räumlichen- und Feldaufnahmen gespeichert, harmonisiert und geteilt und so die bisher noch unvollständigen und veralteten Daten laufend aktualisiert werden. Die Flussbehörde des Gelben Flusses (Yellow River Conservancy Commission) böte sich an, ein solches System zu verwalten. In dieser Arbeit wird die heterogene Landbedeckungsstruktur für das gesamte Einzugsgebiet des Gelben Flusses für die Jahre 2003 und 2013 erfasst und interpretiert. Die fernerkundlichen Eingangsdaten für die einzelnen Klassifikationen bestehen aus optischen MODIS NDVI-Zeitserien, aus denen jährlich phänologische Parameter berechnet werden. Da die Qualität optischer Satellitenbilder häufig durch Wolken und Schatten beeinträchtigt ist, müssen die betroffenen Flächen maskiert und entfernt werden. Die so entstandenen Lücken in der Zeitserie werden durch einen Filteralgorithmus (SavitskyGolay) aufgefüllt und geglättet. Die verwendeten RandomForest-Klassifikationsverfahren ermöglichen die Ableitung von Landbedeckungen und -dynamiken. Diese neuen und räumlich detaillierten Produkte unterscheiden insgesamt 18 verschiedene Landbedeckungsund Landnutzungsklassen. Erstmals liefern diese eine regional spezifische Charakterisierung der vorherrschenden Landbedeckung im Gebiet des Gelben Flusses. Darauf aufbauend erfolgt eine sowohl zeitlich als auch räumlich detailliertere Untersuchung der wichtigsten Veränderungen im Bereich der Landbedeckung, die auf dichten Landsat-Zeitserien basiert. Jährliche Informationen über Dynamiken von Minenabbaugebieten, Landwirtschaft, Waldgebieten und urbanen Räumen zeigen präzise lokale Veränderungen im Einzugsgebiet des Gelben Flusses. Die daraus abgeleiteten Ergebnisse lassen insbesondere auf dem Lössplateau die Auswirkungen ökologischer Restorationsmaßnahmen erkennen, bei denen degradierte Flächen in Waldsysteme umgewandelt wurden. Auf dem Qinghai-Tibet-Plateau zeigt sich eine dramatische Ausbreitung von Kohletagebau zu Lasten der besonders anfälligen alpinen Matten und Feuchtgebiete. Auch der anhaltende Trend zur Urbanisierung spiegelt sich in den hier gewonnenen Ergebnissen deutlich wider. Durch die Kombination von Fernerkundungsdaten unterschiedlicher räumlicher und zeitlicher Auflösungen liefert diese Arbeit neue und bisher einzigartige Einblicke in historische und aktuelle Landbedeckungsdynamiken einer heterogenen Landschaft. Die regionalen Analysen wie auch die thematischen Informationsprodukte besitzen somit großes Potential zur Verbesserung der Informationsgrundlage. Die Ergebnisse dienen außerdem als aussagekräftige Entscheidungsgrundlage mit dem Ziel eines angemessenen und nachhaltigen Land- und Wassermanagements für die natürlichen Ökosysteme im Becken des Gelben Flusses.

This country note for Armenia is part of a series of country briefs that summarize information relevant to climate change and agriculture for three pilot countries in the Southern Caucasus Region, with a particular focus on climate and crop projections, adaptation options, policy development and institutional involvement. The note series has been developed to provide a baseline of knowledge on climate change and agriculture for the countries participating in the regional program on reducing vulnerability to climate change in Southern Caucasus Agricultural systems. This note for Armenia was shared with the government and other agricultural sector stakeholders and used as an engagement tool for a national awareness raising and consultation workshop, held in Yerevan in April 2012. Feedback and comments on the note from this consultation process have been incorporated into this updated version in collaboration with the Armenian Ministry of Agriculture.

This technical note on access to finance addresses six questions: 1) what is the access to and use of financial services in the Philippines, how does it vary, and how does it compare to other countries? 2) What financial services are available to different market segments? 3) How do different categories of financial institutions contribute to outreach, and what is their potential to expand outreach? 4) How does the regulatory environment support access to finance? 5) What financial infrastructure is available to make credit decisions? 6) What are the results of government policies or programs to promote access to financial services? The note concludes with recommendations to improve access to finance. An estimated 30 percent of Filipinos use formal financial services. This is lower than the East Asia region average. Access to finance has improved since the 2002 Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP). The provision of financial services to low-income individuals has expanded. The Philippines has received international recognition for its favorable regulatory policies to promote pioneering use of mobile payments technology and its microfinance regulatory framework.

This review of public expenditures on Social Protection (SP) in Nicaragua is based on the analytical framework of Social Risk Management (SRM) developed by the World Bank. The concept of managing social risk comes from the notion that certain groups in society are vulnerable to unexpected shocks which threaten their livelihood and/or survival. Social protection focuses on the poor since they are more vulnerable to the risks and normally do not have the instruments to handle these risks. This prevents the poor from taking more risky activities that usually yield higher returns and that could help them overcome gradually their poverty situation. Social risk management involves policies and programs aimed at reducing key risks, breaking inter-generational cycle of poverty and vulnerability. Risk management consists in the choice of appropriate risk prevention, mitigation and coping strategies to minimize the adverse impact of social risks. Social protection under SRM is defined as public interventions to assist individuals, households and communities to better manage risk and provide support to the critically poor. Thus Social protection should provide: a safety net, particularly for the poor that are likely to fall in the cracks of established programs; and a springboard for the poor to bounce out of poverty.

Розглянуто передумови становлення та історичні аспекти розвитку кафедри обліку та оподаткування НУБіП України, проаналізовано основні напрями її діяльності, що стали визначальними у формуванні наукового світогляду студентів. Розкрито зміст базових досліджень науковців, їх вклад у професійне становлення конкурентоспроможних сучасних фахівців з бухгалтерського обліку в умовах навчального процесу. Систематизовано результати науково-дослідної роботи студентів як невід'ємної складової навчального процесу і одного із найважливіших засобів підвищення якості підготовки і виховання фахівців з вищою освітою, професійної компетентності і конкурентоспроможності майбутніх випускників на ринку праці, здатних творчо застосовувати в практичній діяльності наукові досягнення. Окреслено стратегію розвитку кафедри обліку та оподаткування, що спрямована на всебічне оновлення всіх сфер її діяльності, інтенсифікацію навчально-виховного процесу, поглиблення науково-дослідницької роботи зі студентами, зростання кваліфікації майбутніх бухгалтерів і престижу професії.Ключові слова: кафедра обліку та оподаткування, підготовка кадрів, професорсько-викладацький склад, навчально-методична робота, науково-дослідна робота ; The preconditions of formation and historical aspects of development of the accounting and taxation Department of NULES of Ukraine are considered. In particular, it is substantiated that the Department of Accounting and Taxation is leading in the training of specialists in the field of specialty (training direction) "Accounting and Taxation" ("Accounting and Audit"). Periodization of the history at the Department with refinement names (Accounting and Auditing, Accounting, Analysis and Audit) appears as a consistent change at the chronological stages. Its founder-organizer and first head in 1959 became Associate Professor S.M. Rogachenko. With his participation, calculation type of the estimated accounting Plan in the collective farms, which was officially recognized in Ukraine, and subsequently became the all-union, which contributed to the creation of integrated system of Accounting in agriculture instead of an autonomous. Historically, a powerful scholarly school has been formed, aimed at further development of fundamental search and applied research on Accounting, and over time - Audit and Taxation. The emergence, development and enrichment of the academic accounting school coincides with the leadership at the Department of the Doctor of Economics, Professor I.V. Malyshev, who carried out a fundamental scientific research with an impact on the theory of Accounting by substantiating the method of double recording.The content of the basic researches of scientists, their contribution to the professional formation of competitive modern accountants in the conditions of the educational process is revealed. In particular, Professor Kireytsev G. G. prepared 32 Candidates and two Doctors of Economic Sciences (L.V. Gutsalenko, P.L. Suk); carried out scientific research at the most important theoretical socio-economic and scientific and technical problems of Accounting development in Ukraine. The scientist carried out his scientific research in two main areas: theoretical and methodological principles of Accounting development and training of accounting personnel in the system of higher agroeconomic education. The results of scientific research were published in more than 200 scientific and methodological works, among them were monographs, textbooks, manuals. Among the scientific works in the nomination "Monograph in the field of economic knowledge in the direction of: Accounting, Audit and Statistics", in particular the monograph "Globalization of the Economy and the unification of the Accounting methodology" (2008), was recognized as the best one by NAAS of Ukraine. The scientific achievements of the Professor at the Department L.K. Suk are outlined: he has developed the Recommendations of the check form of control of the internal economic calculation, Recommendations of the application of the journal-order form of Accounting, Typical standards for the planning, accounting and calculation of the production (works, services) cost of agricultural enterprises; the imitative accounting and analytical model of reproduction management of long-term biological plant production assets has been formed; in practice, proposals have been approved to reflect and group the costs of their cultivation. 14 candidate dissertations have been defended under scientific guidance of the scientist.The directions of modern researches of leading scientists, which became the decisive factors in forming the scientific outlook of students, were determined. In particular, head of the Department Professor E.V. Kaliuga within the Strategy for the Modernization of the Accounting System in the Public Sector for 2007-2015 (Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 34 of 16.01.2007) took a direct part in the elaboration and final editing of national accounting standards drafts (public accounting standards) (forward - NP(S)APS: 122 "Intangible assets", 124 "Revenue", 126 "Rent", 127 "Impairment of assets", 136 "Biological assets", built on the basis of the IPSAS, taking into account the IMF GFSM 2001). E. V. Kalyuga was awarded with gratitude of the Methodological Accounting Board under the Ministry of Agrarian Policy of Ukraine (2010), with the Honorary Diploma of the Ministry of Finance of Ukraine (2011), with other awards for a significant contribution to the development of Ukraine's Accounting and high professionalism. Effective scientific and methodological work on updating and improving the normative-methodical providing of Accounting and financial reporting was carried out by E.V. Kaliuga in the composition of the Methodological Accounting Council of the Ministry of Finance of Ukraine (from 2007 for the next eight years). In scientific researches of Professor E.V. Kaluga theoretical and methodological principles of Accounting in the state sector of Economy, the estate of economic control in Ukraine and directions of its reform are prioritized. Various problematic issues of Accounting, Auditing and Taxation in the conditions of harmonization of domestic Accounting and Control to the requirements of international standards are consistently developed in secured dissertations under the direction of Professor E.V. Kaluga (five Candidates of Economic Sciences have been prepared and defended).The article systematizes the results of research work of students as an integral part of the educational process and one of the most important means to improve the quality of training and education of specialists with higher education, professional competence and competitiveness of future graduates in the labor market, able to creatively apply in practical activities scientific achievements.Significant attention is dedicated to the international activity at the Department, which became an integral part of its evolutionary development. Professors carry out joint research on the problems of the theory and methodology of Accounting with scientists from foreign educational institutions through the preparation of scientific articles, reports for international conferences, postgraduate students for the implementation of dissertation papers; lecturers undergo a scientific-pedagogical internship at the Warsaw University of Life Sciences under a program of scientific exchanges organized by UNESCO (Ph.D., Associate Professor Litvinenko V.S., 2016). The activization of international activity at the Department with the direct participation of students is emphasized. In particular, the American Institute of Management Accountants (IMA), which has more than 80,000 members from 120 countries, has provided six scholarship grants to the most talented Master students: A. Dudnichenko, R. Gorbunenko, V. Chekarev, V. Vovchenko, O. Gnesy and N. Pinchuk. The program provides free training and passing exams to one of the most popular among practitioners international qualifications in managerial Accounting, "Certified Management Accountant (CMA)", and as a result - the acquisition of complex competencies which are necessary for the work of specialists in the field of Accounting, Audit and Taxation or related financial sector at domestic and international companies. Within international cooperation the University Bachelors, Masters and Postgraduate Students of the Department of Accounting and Taxation successfully study abroad at leading universities and study internships at enterprises in Poland, Czech Republic, Germany, Switzerland, Denmark, Japan, USA, gaining experience in European education and innovative knowledge in specialty.The necessity of cooperation not only with foreign ones, but also with domestic scientific and educational institutions is substantiated because the issue of graduate`s employment has special importance for the Department of Accounting and Taxation. The Department's own experience in shaping the bases of passing students' practice and ensuring the employment of graduates is revealed. Range of business and scientific partners are used in full measure, among them are the Research Financial Institute DNNU «Academy of Financial Management», State Audit Office of Ukraine, leading consulting company EBS and others. The need and high value of cooperation with experts-practitioners, representatives of government bodies is confirmed by the cycle of recent meetings.The strategy of Accounting and Taxation Department aimed at the comprehensive updating of all spheres of its activity, the intensification of the educational process, deepening of research work with students, the growth of qualifications of future accountants and the prestige of the profession is outlined. The presented scientific achievements, the developed partnership relations testify that the Department is not just a certain contingent of scientific and pedagogical workers, the place of transfer of their knowledge to the next generation. This, above all, is traditions based on the years and style of study, the motivational atmosphere of scientific knowledge with the involvement of students in this process. At the same time, the new challenges of society development, the current world crisis of education and, finally, the scientific achievements of the Department of Accounting and Taxation require its modern faculty members to formulate and implement new tasks and goals. Among the priorities are identified the search for alternative and rational ways to strengthen positions at the educational field, multiplying and disseminating at the domestic and international levels scientific achievements that would meet modern European challenges, including life-long learning, reorientation of the educational process from traditional ways of transferring existing knowledge to students to development their abilities and innovations, their ability to learn. At the same time, it is important to integrate the directions of educational, research and educational work of students, which must be realized both during studying and outside the educational process. The driving principles of the Department of Accounting and Taxation are defined: combination of the best existing educational traditions of the Department and the experience of domestic and international higher educational institutions; flexibility in responding to existing social changes, creativity and innovation of faculty members.

The relevance of the study has two sides — individual and general. In its essential aspect, it is the development of achievements of predecessors by consistently taking into account the latest data on trends and changes in the interconnected spheres of education, economics and culture. In the individual aspect, it is about improving the professional means of improving the efficiency of teaching foreign languages in order to form students with a high level of linguistic-professional competence. Public relevance is the goal of educating young people in a new patriotic direction, because today, due to various global influences, the classical principles of life in the agrarian system (in which Ukrainians have a good national heritage), created in recent centuries, or in the industrial society, are devalued due to various global influences.The purpose of the study in a broad sense was to highlight the causes and consequences of the European religious Reformation as the main factor in accelerating the movement of the whole of Western Europe to the position of the world leader that previously belonged to China. We see precise tasks in the integrated analysis on the basis of the latest discoveries of many humanities and exact sciences in the educational, economic and cultural systems of Germany and other successful European states. On this basis, we hope to fulfill the public task which is to make significant proposals in the plans and practice of higher education reform in Ukraine. The methodology of the study relies on the best classical means, on the principle of historicism and the continuity of the connection between the material and the ideal, a modern multidisciplinary approach. For the highest effectiveness of the research, we will use the latest scientific data and recommendations of the innovators who collect and use these data. The results of the study mostly follow from the mentioned new discoveries. They testify that in ancientt history, in the role of locomotives of civilizational progress in the western part of Eurasia, direct descendants of the inventors of agriculture acted, among which the especially great contribution (domestication of the horse, the invention of the wheel and the efficient metallurgy of copper) belongs to the ancestors of Ukrainians from the territories of Trypillya and the Great Trypillya. It is indicated that during the existence of the Great Trypillya, future German farmers acquainted themselves with the technologies of the Great Trypillya, so the German language, through borrowed words, became part of the Indo-European family. It is noted that after the collapse of the Great Trypillya, the Germans and Slavs became neighbors along the meridian Elbe. In the age of steppe invasions, future Ukrainians and Germanic tribes did not get in contact, and the influence of the Roman Empire was mostly experienced by western lands. Emphasis was placed on the evolution of ideological, religious and other paradigms in the territory of Germany after the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire, which determined the development of the nation for the next hundreds of years. The religious and philosophical paradigmatic origins of those unique features of culture and education that during the nineteenth century were emphasized. brought Germany to the position of the scientific and technological leader of the world. The high role of German neo-humanism and the Berlin Research University were noted. In the final section, special attention is paid to religious issues and to the destructive impact on social and other processes in the German immigration flows of Islamists. The conclusions focus on the competition of several important paradigms in the education of modern Germany and the proposals made to incorporate German experience in legislation and the use of the Bologna process. An important caution is made regarding the choice of Germany's strategy for the development of the scientific and educational complex 'within the framework of the Lisbon project (2000). This country has become a world leader not only in alternative energy, but also in the implementation of the fourth industrial revolution. We consider an example of this leadership like the regular world conferences in Davos, which involve the majority of influential politicians and economists (in particular, from Ukraine) ; Актуальность нашего исследования имеет две стороны - индивидуальную и общественную. В сущностном аспекте она заключается в развитии достижений ученых-предшественников через последовательный учет новейших данных о трендах и изменениях взаимосвязанных сфер образования, экономики и культуры. В индивидуальном аспекте речь идет о совершенствовании профессиональных средств повышения эффективности преподавания иностранных языков для формирования у студентов высокой культурно-профессиональной компетентности. Общественную актуальность составляет воспитание молодежи в новом патриотическом направлении, ведь настоящее через различные глобальные влияния обесценивает созданные в последние века классические основы жизнедеятельности в аграрном (здесь украинцы имеют хороший национальный наследству) или индустриальном обществе. Целью исследования в широком аспекте мы выбрали изучение причин и последствий европейской религиозной Реформации как главного фактора ускорения движения всей Западной Европы в положение мирового лидера, ранее принадлежавшее Китаю. Конкретные задачи мы видим в интегральном анализе на основе новейших открытий многих гуманитарных и точных наук событий в образовательных, экономических и культурных системах Германии и других успешных европейских государств. На этой основе мы надеемся выполнить общегражданскую задачу - внести весомые предложения в планы и практику реформ высшего образования Украины. Методология исследования опирается на лучшие классические средства, на принцип историзма и неразрывность связи материального и идеального, современный мультидисциплинарний подход. Для высшей результативности исследования воспользуемся новейшими научными данными и рекомендациями ученых-инноваторов, которые и накапливают эти данные и используют их. Результаты исследования, большей частью вытекают из указанных новейших открытий. Они свидетельствуют, что в долетописные времена в роли локомотивов цивилизационного прогресса в западной части Евразии выступали прямые потомки изобретателей земледелия, среди которых особенно большой вклад (одомашнивание лошади, изобретение колеса и эффективной металлургии меди) принадлежит предкам украинцев с территории Триполья и Большого Триполья. Указано, что уже во время существования Большого Триполья будущие немцы-земледельцы знакомились с технологиями Большого Триполья, поэтому немецкий язык через заимствованные слова вошел в состав индоевропейской семьи. Отмечено, что после распада Большого Триполья немцы и славяне стали соседями по меридиану Эльбы. В век степных нашествий будущие украинцы и германские племена контактировали мало, а влияние Римской империи испытали преимущественно западные земли. Сделан упор на эволюции мировоззренческих, религиозных и других парадигм на территории Германии после распада Священной Римской империи, которые определили развитие нации на следующие сотни лет. Подчеркнуто религиозные и философские парадигмальные истоки тех уникальных черт культуры и образования, которые в течение XIX в. вывели Германию на позицию научного и технологического лидера мира. Отмечена высокая роль немецкого неогуманизма и Берлинского исследовательского университета. В заключительной части особое внимание обращено на религиозные вопросы и на деструктивное влияние на социальные и другие процессы в Германии иммиграционных потоков исламистов. В выводах акцентировано внимание на конкуренцию нескольких важных парадигм в образовании современной Германии и сделаны предложения учета в Украине немецкого опыта в законодательстве и в использовании Болонского процесса. Сделано важное предостережение по выбору Германией стратегии развития научно-образовательного комплекса в рамках Лиссабонского проекта (2000 г.). Эта страна стала мировым лидером не только в альтернативной энергетике, но и в воплощении в жизнь четвертой промышленной революции. Примером этого лидерства мы считаем регулярные мировые конференции в Давосе, в которых принимают участие большинство влиятельных политиков и экономистов (в частности, и из Украины) ; Актуальність нашого дослідження має дві сторони – індивідуальну і загальносуспільну. В сутнісному аспекті воно полягає в розвитку досягнень науковців-попередників через послідовне врахування найновіших даних про тренди і зміни взаємопоєднаних сфер освіти, економіки та культури. В індивідуальному аспекті йдеться про вдосконалення фахових засобів підвищення ефективності викладання іноземних мов задля формування у студентів високої мовно-фахової компетентності. Загальносуспільну актуальність складає мета виховання молоді у новому патріотичному скеруванні, адже сьогодення через різноманітні глобальні впливи знецінює створені в останні століття класичні засади життєдіяльності в аграрному (тут українці мають хороший національний спадок) чи індустріальному суспільстві. Метою дослідження в широкому аспекті ми обрали вивчення причин і наслідків європейської релігійної Реформації як головного чинника прискорення руху всієї Західної Європи до становища світового лідера, що раніше належало Китаю. Конкретні завдання ми вбачаємо в інтегральному аналізі на основі найновіших відкриттів багатьох гуманітарних і точних наук подій в освітніх, економічних і культурних системах Німеччини та інших успішних європейських держав. На цій основі ми сподіваємося виконати загальносуспільне завдання – внести вагомі пропозиції в плани і практику реформ вищої освіти України. Методологія дослідження спирається на кращі класичні засоби, на принцип історизму і нерозривність зв'язку матеріального та ідеального, сучасний мультидисциплінарний підхід. Для вищої результативності дослідження скористаємося найновішими науковими даними і рекомендаціями науковців-інноваторів, які і накопичують ці дані, і використовують їх. Результати дослідження, більшою частиною випливають з вказаних новітніх відкриттів. Вони свідчать, що в долітописні часи у ролі локомотивів цивілізаційного прогресу у західній частині Євразії виступали прямі нащадки винахідників землеробства, серед яких особливо великий внесок (одомашнення коня, винахід колеса та ефективної металургії міді) належить пращурам українців з теренів Трипілля і Великого Трипілля. Вказано, що вже під час існування Великого Трипілля майбутні німці-землероби знайомилися з технологіями Великого Трипілля, тому німецька мова через запозичені слова увійшла у склад індоєвропейської сім'ї. Відзначено, що після розпаду Великого Трипілля німці і слов'яни стали сусідами по меридіану Ельби. У століття степових навал майбутні українці і німецькі племена контактували мало, а впливу Римської імперії зазнали переважно західні землі. Зроблено наголос на еволюції світоглядних, релігійних та інших парадигм на теренах Німеччини після розпаду Священної Римської імперії, які визначили розвиток нації на наступні сотні років. Підкреслено релігійні та філософські парадигмальні витоки тих унікальних рис культури та освіти, які впродовж ХІХ ст. вивели Німеччину на позицію наукового й технологічного лідера світу. Відзначена висока роль німецького неогуманізму і Берлінського дослідницького університету. У заключній частині особлива увага звернута на релігійні питання і на деструктивний вплив на соціальні та інші процеси в Німеччині імміграційних потоків ісламістів. У висновках акцентовано конкуренцію кількох важливих парадигм в освіті сучасної Німеччини і зроблені пропозиції врахування в Україні німецького досвіду у законодавстві та у використанні Болонського процесу. Зроблено важливе застереження щодо вибору Німеччиною стратегії розвитку науково-освітнього комплексу в рамках Лісабонського проекту (2000 р.). Ця країна стала світовим лідером не тільки в альтернативній енергетиці, а й у втіленні у життя четвертої промислової революції. Прикладом цього лідерства ми вважаємо регулярні світові конференції у Давосі, в яких беруть участь більшість впливових політиків та економістів (зокрема, і з України)

Issue 35.6 of the Review for Religious, 1976. ; ,,,,llllili,,,~,iililli REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS is edited by faculty members of St. Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boule-vard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. It is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, Missouri. Published bimonthly and copyright © 1976 by REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Composed, printed, and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. Single copies: $2.00. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada: $7.00 a year; $13.00 for two years; other countries, $8.00 a year, $15.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order payable to. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Change of address requests should include former address. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Robert Williams, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Jean Read Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor Assistant Editor November 1976 Volume 35 Number 6 Renewals, new subscriptions, and changes of address should be sent to REVXEW yon RELIGIOUS; P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Correspondence with the editor and the associate editor together with manuscripts and books for review should be sent to REvmw voa RELICIOUS; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boule-yard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, SJ.; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at $4th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsyl-vania 19131. Catholic Schools in a Declining Church: A Theological Reflection Donald J. Keefe, S.J. Father Keefe, on the faculty of the Department of Theological Studies; St. Louis University; St. Louis, MO 63103, has been a frequent reviewer in these pages. Presently he is on sabbatical leave and is residing in the Jesuit Community; Fordham Univer-sity; Bronx, NY 10458. Catholic Schools in a Declining Church, co-authored by Andrew Greeley, William McCready and Kathleen McCourt (Sheed and Ward, 1976) has attained a prominence in religious publication ,which is perhaps comparable to that of Hans~ Kiing's In[allible? An Inquiry. Their common success fol-lows a common formula: each purports to present a scholarly basis for a radical criticism of the institutional Church. Each is underwritten by a prominent figure in the Catholic world, Consequently, each has~a political significance which is independent of the intrinsic merits of its critique. Each has been given instant notoriety in th.e popular press and each, in its fashion, is symptomatic of what seems to be a pervasive dissatisfaction within Cath-olic academic circles regarding what are felt to be inappropriate responses of the Church to the contemporary world. Finally, each reflects a similar impatience with the "official" ecclesiology, one which understands the Church as "the sacramental sign of the Kingdom of God: KiJng's rejection of this ecclesiology, long since explicitl does not concern us here. Rather we are coficerned with the ecclesiology implicit in Catholic Schools in a De- ,clining Church, particularly insofar as this bears upon Greeley's judgment that the encyclical,.Humanae Vitae, is simply a disaster. Greeley's salient theological conclusion is that, by reason of a funda-mental failure in communication, the official Church, though, revivified by the reforms of Vatican II, has, in the publication of Humanae Vitae, entered 801 802 / Review ]or Religious,: Volume 35, 1976/6 upon a suicidal rejection of 'its own reality-in-history by rejecting the morality of artificial contraception; and this despite the fact that~ the greater part of the Catholi6 people find no impropriety in such practices. Certain normative presuppositions undergird Greeley's conclusion: .1 ) The Catholic Church is as fit a subject for sociological analysis as any other social .entity. It is quite as permeable to this kind of scrutiny'as, for example, would be the Democratic Party. 2) The actual meaning of events, as these occur in the history of the Church, is that meaning which this kind of investigation reveals. Thus, for example, an event is "disastrous" when its effects, as measured by sociolog-ical criteria, are found to be destructive. These presuppositions are merely expressions of the demand for auton-omy which every intellectual inquiry, regardless of its object, makes as a matter of course. Every science is in search of the unity of truth. The syn-thetic or conclusion-reaching aspect of any science is no more than an expression of confidence in the power of its own method to integrate into a comprehensive understanding all the scattered data which its inquiry un-covers. There.is a kind of arrogance associated with any disciplined attempt to understand, for it supposes an ability to transcend, to dominate, ultimately to comprehend its object. Such intellectual self-sufficiency at a naive level raises no particular theological difficulties. But when it is given sophisticated expression as a method O[ knowledge, it can become an ideology, one which would pretend to offer a comprehensive criterion of truth and reality that would be analogous to, and necessarily competitive with the Christian faith itself. Such methodologies in fact become ideological when they refuse to admit the existence of any truth, of any reality beyond their grasp. They become ideological when they place prior limits upon-what can be "known," upon what can be "true." Over the centuries of the Church's history, such ideological convictions have continually troubled the faith of its community. Such convictions have been woven out of the tangled threads of rabbinical Judaism, of the Medi-terranean mystery religions, of the He~llenistic philogophies which were contemporaneous with the early Church. With the dawn of the Middle Ages, the first introduction of Aristotle)~ logic prbvided a new challenge to the faith. In the late Renaissance, there was a c~omparableenthu~iasm for yet another powerful intellectual resource: "scientific method," with its ac-companying mathematics, began to be exalted as the ~nique mode of .access to certitude. By the end o~ the eighteenth century, this confidence had waned. The Romantic period then found in the humanistic study of history and in nascent sociology a new key to the human enigma. Truth is no longer to be r~garded as something "out there." Rather it is seen as the proper Catholic Schools in a Declining Church: A Reflection / 1~03 achievement of human societies in history--a history which is fundamentally in human hands, open to human analysis and exhaustive comprehension. This, too, fed the formation of ideologies. Common to all such ways of knowing iS the problem of their "conver-sion." The value ofthese works of human intelligence is enormous, in-dispensable. How can they be conformed to the Catholic faith, enter into a Catholic intellectuality? The claim that they cannot be. so conformed is still heard, both from those who too much love and from those who too much fear the new learning. For those who love too much, such a conversion would put an end to the "autonomy of science." For those who "too much fear," such a conVersion would end by relativizing the faith. Perhaps the simplest reply to such claims is to point out their futility. The objection that the "conversion" of an otherwise autonomous method of scientific inquiry would write finis to its independence rests upon an outdated notion of scientific method, the philosophical roots of which were undercut by Kant.~The intrinsic dilemmas of this method were demon-strated half a century ago by Heisenberg's0principle of indetermination. In point of fact, Descartes' dream of a universal science remains a dream, a dream tied to a time now remote. In our day, it survives only as an ideology of a peculiarly old-fashioned sort, kept alive' largely by social engineers' such as B. F. Skinner with his form of determinism. In such hands, this ideology becomes a kind of salvation, scheme by which the unpredictability, the enigmatic character of historical humanity is remedied by the elimina-tion of those human attributes which permit the emergence of historical' novelty: freedom and personal responsibility. The reduction of humanity to fungible integers thus finally makes possible a mathematically accurate calculus and control of the human. Such an ideology is really nothing more than eighteenth-century,Enlight-enment optimism, which wasn't even taken seriously by its own proponents. They wouldn't dream of submitting themselves to this~kind of salvation-scheme. Yet it is precisely in the. proliferation of ~such salvation-schemes that there comes,to be most clearly evident scientific method's need for a radication in a faith which transcends it. On the other hand, the point of view we indicated above as that which fears the relativizing of faith by any application to it of a free inquiry has its exemplars in the long line of rigofists who have always been present in the,Church. First there were the Judaizers of whom Paul complains. There was Marcion in the next century, Tertullian in the third. There have been the ever-present battalions of "hypertraditionalists," those who fear that a free future must :be open to~ sin and corruption, and would, on that account, foreclose the.History of Salvation in the name of salvation itself, 'quite as would their counterparts, the social, engineers. But their historical pessimism is the less excusable because the faith they are zealous to defend 804 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 is precisely a faith in the Lord of History whose creation is good and whose presence in. the world makes its history to be salvific. It is then as illusory for the scientist to fear the conversion of his methodology to the service of the Catholic faith as it is perverse for the committed Cathblic unduly to°fear the scientific inquiry which such a .con-version would unleash. Still, the mutuality of science and. of the Catholic faith is easier to envisage than it is to achieve. While the sunny confidence in a salvation-to- be-wrought-by-reason has waned somewhat since the age of optimism that was' ended in the blo~d,soaked fields at Verdun and. the Somme in World War ~, the practitioners of the social sciences, however mindful they ¯ be of the oft-cited perils of "Helleriization," still tend, to be less than troubled by the demonic potential of~their own saeculum, by the resistance of their own cultural commonplace--scientific method t6 conVersion. Not a little of this resistance is the fruit of the recognition by Vatican II that the world is not alienated from the concerns of the Church. Indeed, the autonomy of the secular in its own realm is there explicitly stated, bring-ing with it the enfranchisement of the scholar to do his work without con-cern for received opinions among churchme.n in regard to matters which are properly within his province. In Vatican II, historical and social re-search were liberated from all pious dishonesty. Catholic confidence in the ultimate goodness of fallen historicity required no less. " Since that time, Catholics have become accustomed, as they were not before the Council, to a view of an historical Church "with warts on." For many, perhaps for most,~ this new outlook was traumatic. Accustomed hitherto to think of the Church in terms of such attributes as militancy, witness, inerrancy, historical unity and the like, they were suddenly con-fronted by the countering of these commonplaces with other assertions of the Church's' documented cowardliness, conformism, error, division and so on. Indeed, these wer, e not seldom presented as conclusive refutations of the traditional faith in the one, holy, catholic and apostolic Church: More, and worse, these charges had a kind of ecclesial warrant--the "spirit of Vatican II." This spirit more and more often found expression in terms, of an active antagonism to the Catholic past. In particular, the validity of tradition and of the authority of the Church were challenged in the heretofore sacrosanct realm of sexuality. In this realm scarcely any element of the Church's faith or practice was without its learned opposition. In its opposition, argument rested not on historical research--for the.con-stancy of the moral tradition was quite clear--but upon what was con-sidered to be "the religious insignificance" of sexuality. From the vantage point of modern psychology and sociology, Catholic emphasis upon the sacramentality of sex, which found expression in the condemnation of certain sexual practices as being immoral, in the prohibition of clerical marriage, Catholic Schools in a Declining Church." A Reflection / 805 and of the ordination of women, was viewed as simply mistaken. Sociology and psychology were thought to provide a sufficient explanation for the origin of these, rules and 'condemmitions, while at the same time, these same disciplines,seemedzunable to find any present justification for con-tinuing such norms. Underlying such. conclusions was the presupposition that "whatever can be given a secular explanation must be so explained." Of course, this is a denial of the sacramental'significance of historical humanity. It represents a retrogression to thht .primitive mentality which .identifies religion~ with magic. In this' way,~, all holiness, all religious value~in the everyday, non-marvelous, commonplace human life in the world comes to be ignored. In such a circumstance, the Church has nothing to say to this~world; for the Church is seen to exist ,only~to provide :illusion for a dwindling clientele. Whoever would challenge the Churchqn such terms really cannot expect a heating' .The Church must~refuse the postulates of.iany science-become-idei~ logy. (3riticis .ms of the Church based on the validity-of such postulates do not bear upon reality. ,They leave .no common ground fore discussion. The authenticity of the Church's teaching and practice does not--and can~ notqwait upon certification from any secular tribunal. Greeley, oin his critique, like Kting, fo~-gets ,this, ~though not to, the point of the latter's explicit denial of the Church's sacramental and causal' relationship to the fulfilled Kingdom of God., Rather, Greeley~ simply does not advert to it. Still, the net effect'is the same.~When the Church is treated for purposes of the laboratory as' merely*an empirical datum, its sacramental character is ignored. The laboratory is not concerned with the truth and effectiveness of a sacramental sign. Yet the Chur~h,~can be understooddn her reality only insofar as he'r history is aqknowledged to, be the~uniquely effective sacra-mental instrument through which humanity, regardless of its historical di-versity, its contention and sin, is~ ultimately redeemed from its fallenness and raised to fulfillment by the.Lord of History.°tf this sacramental reality is not admitted at the outset, the,~Church becomes something debatable, a matter for dispute,, bringing us back to the format of what is, .after all, an obsolete apologetic: a profitless debate over the Church"s worthiness and/or unworthiness. In Catholic'. Schools in a De'clining Church, the worthiness/ finworthiness preoccupation is' mdni[est: the-Church-as-worthy is~,seen to be the-Church-as-popular. ,: ¯ ~- And yet, if it qs right to be wary of an ecclesiology which w~ould, sub-mit the Church to some .sup'erior academic wisdom, it would be quite an-other thing to conclude that the., Church need not respond .to criticisms which the academy cannot but, offer it. Conversation _between the two, however, can take place only where there is a foreswearing of,funda-mentalism On the one hand_and of doctrinaire scientism on the other. Only thus could there, come" into being a common universe of discourse. Necessarily~,ifivolved in this is a recognition by the Church that its doc- 806 / Review for Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 trine is given historical utterance for the sake of beginning new discussion quite as much as for the sake of punctuating an antecedent one. Necessarily involved is a recognition by the scientist that, when .all his data are collated, the inferences they support must be_ framed as questions, and as problems, not as doctrine in competition with the faith. It is by no means easy to preserve the conditions for such an exchange. Good will is, only the first of these. Ultimately the demand of such condi-tions is met by the recognition of what is actually taking place in such_a conversatibn. It represents an interchange between the faith of the Church and the questing reason of its members '(,which is called theology). It repre-sents the transformation of an otherwise purely secular scientific interest, a transformation imperated by its application to the Revelation.which is given in Christ.In this application, a given discipline accepts as the object of its inquiry a reality whose truth cannot be utterly controlled by its methodology, which it can only approach in a posture which is fundamentally one of worship. When .this attitude of worship fails, the exaggerated claim bf autonomy is thereby taken up again, and the transcendence~ of the Church's truth, of its faith, is rejected out of hand for the sake of "truly scientific objectivity." When such a rejection is misunderstood by'th~ Catholic faithful, when it is presumed to be normative for the scholarly enterprise, the opposite extreme becomes unavoidable: the sacramental holiness of the world and the historical character of the worship of the Church are equally sup: pressed. And the conversation which was originally ambitioned disintegrates into mutual recrimination. The changes rung on this theme are indefinitely numerous. In sum,. they preface and. finally constitute an aversion for the historical faith of the Catholic community in favor of those alternatives whose name is legion. All of this has been remarked sufficiently over the centuries. In the abstract, it is easy enough to see the need for a mutuality between Church and academy, but the realization of such a mutuality is continually im-peded byo the fallenness which mars us all. We are, all and. always in the sway of the~emptation to revert to a pessimistic status quo ante in terms of which the revealed compatibility of God and man, of the Church and the world; of faith and reason can be shown to be absurd, a fiction that is unworthy of man and derisory of God. Thisois a universal failing: It is no more characteristic of the academy than 'of the cloister, of the chancery than of the market. In either case, reductively we are seeking to denature God's good creation by rationalizing and objectifying its sacramental truth and unity.~By such devices we frag-ment our world: We trivialize and compartmentalize our world into isolated bits. And this becomes prelude for dismissing from our lives~ actual his-torical meaning, its sacramentality, the holiness of its totality. Whether done in the name of an ecclesial or a secular piety, what is Catholic Schools in a Declining Church: A Reflection / 807 achieved is a flight from the threatening mystery of our historical existence, from our need to be sustained in it by the Lord of History, and from our share in the crucifixion by which it is redeemed. Thus is worked out some very bad theolggy--and not only by theologians, but by anyone who pre-scinds, from the sacramental structure of reality for the sake of judging reality. A sociological examination 6f the Church simply cannot avoid at least an implicit theological component. If, .supposing it to have been clearly affirmed, an equation were to be drawn between the Catholic Church and the Aristotelian "perfect society," an explicit ecclesiology--however wrong-headed--- necessarily follows. If, on the other hand, one omits any definition of the Church, but then proceeds to analyze it precisely in the same way as one would analyze the United Mine Workers or ,the Democratic Party or the Marine Corps, in other words as an empirical organization of people, a group adequately understood as responsive to the laws which govern all social organization-- then the ecclesiology involved is. perhaps less explicit, but no less operative. In either case, the Church is measured by categories which are quite extrinsic to the worship which gives it its structure. The result for that older theology was a Church whose "perfection" was in contradiction to its involvement in the fallenness of history resulting in an antiseptic notion of a Church apparently immune to history. Comparable (if inverted) distortions in our own time profess to find the Church's patent~involvement in sin a fact entirely incompatible with its claim to transcendent sacramental stature. The contemporary excesses of this "low" ecclesiology are quite as responsive to the'preoccupations of its own day as had been the earlier baroque triumphalism--and with as little profit. The living Church cannot be understood by the use of devices which would separate its history from its meaning thiough a denial of either part of its reality. It is of course possible to concede these truisms and still resist their corollary: that the Church of .our daily encounter, with its monumental confusion, cowardice, ignorance and complacency--in sum, with all the ills the spirit is heir :to--can be and is the earthly community in which the risen Christ is present and active in the outpouring of his Spirit. Surely one may attend with sympathy Dr. Robinson's "but I can't be-lieve that!" Particularly is.it hard to give to such a.Church a cash value by admitting, even demanding, an infallible Magisterium'. Such notions, it may seem, were perhaps credible before the dawn of historical consciousness. But they can hardly survive our contemporary understanding of the social and historical conditioning of the Church. This~is indeed a very possible conclusion--especially if we forget that it is precisely from this kind of despair of the temporal and human as being the medium bf God's presence that humanity was lifted by the faith, first Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 of the Jews, and then of ourselves who are their heirs, in theJdord of History who is present to hiss, people. He is present to his people not as a timeless and universal principle,, but in his Covenant, by which alone time has unity and significance, and thus is history: sacramental time. The salvific content of the events of which we are a part is quite as hard to accept today as it was at Meribah. It is indeed hard to believe that the concrete deeds and words of the Church across the .ages constitute the unique mediation of the risen Lord, for the Church is so obviously trapped, blinded, sullied and fragmented by its own historicity, by its own involve-ment in Sin. But precisely such a belief is integral with the Catholic faith. It is simply not negotiable. It is no news that there has been a developing reluctance within Catholic academic circles to give full value to the ecclesial-historical character of our redemption in Christ. This hesitation on the part of the acaderhy had focused on the Church's assertion of ,doctrinal unity and authority. But it has since broadened its front to the. extent that tradition itself is held to be discon~ tinuous within its own history, whether we are dealing with the. historical unity of the Church's doctrine or its moral or liturgical tradition. Thus it is deemed to be discontinuous within its own history, intrinsically incoherent, without value or~significance~ for the present time. In,sum, the unity of the Church has no historical expression, according to this view. Consequently the historical record, whether doctrinal, moral 'or liturgical~ is of purely academic interest. It lacks the necessary unity to support its claim to sacra-mental significance. The heart of this argument, of course, is the ancient conviction of the incompatibil.ity of'~God and man, heaven and earth, the present time and the egchatological golden age of fulfillment. Its pseudo-Christian version, Gnostic in its roots, denies that the community Of sinners; which constitutes the Church, can be the effedtive symbol, the sacrament of the fulfilled King-dom of God. This denial relies upon the perceived incongruity between the sacramental sign, whichLis ~the historical Church, .,and the effect claimed for it: the completed and fulfilled redemption of humanity in Christ. It was the mistake of' the Counter-Reformation apologetic to contest this visible incongruity, even though it is simply indisputable. To pretend the contrary leaves the apologete open to all the sacred dishonesty which characterizes a triumphalist reading of Church history. It is .not.because the Church is Worthy that she is "the sacrament of our encounter with God." It is by virtue of the presence of the risen Christ in her historical worship that the Church has her reality and her mission, not by virtue of her own probity, nor by any "works" of her own devising. It is this insight, fundamental to any valid ecclesiology, which demands Of the Catholic scholar a subordination, of his critical method to~the prior truth of his faith together with~ a surrender o of an~y delusory intellectual Catholic Sch~ools in a Declining Church." ,4 Reflection / 809, autonomy. In this 'way, while maintaining as its object, the full sacramental reality of the historical Church, the scholar's inquiry also retains intact its full integrity. The radical consequence of a refusal or of a failure in this subordina~ tion of method is the equivalent methodological reduction of the ev~nt~ of the Church's history to merely empirical significance, and the: dissolu-tion of ~the sacramental value of these events. ,At such a point, any. re, sistance to this dissolution ~must then be accounted unscientific, irrational, unrealistic, benighted. Such resistance fails to justify itself before the court of scientific reason whose writ runs as ,.far as the mind may range. In such a context, when the Church, as the object of this kind of "scien-tific" scrutiny, claims, e.g., for its traditional sexual morality a trans-empirical and sacramental value, it is challenged to make manifest the .worthiness of its doctrine for the salvific role asserted for it~and,.of course, cannot do so. Its claim is then held .to be out of court, and. if it.is a~cepted at all, this is deemed a matter of private idiosyncracy, an affair de gustibus, not "really" true . ° In the criticism ,of Humanae l/itae presented in .:Catholic Schools in a Declining Church there is more thana little of this rationalist obscurantism. ~Instead of attempting to construct the sociological o theology which ,only Catholic.-sociologists 'are equipped to' offers,, this book provides merely a secular object of sociological investigation, a pseudo-church, one with which a secular methodology,~:may be entirely comfortable~ ~i~ This pseudo-church is' fashioned from., atoms oLempirical information gathered according to the canons of .that secular methodology. The struc-ture w~hich emerges from these atrms in their collectivity is entirely em-pirical. The resulting picture of the "church" is found, to no one's amaze-ment, to Square rather badly with the Church of Catholic tradition ~enunci-ated,, for example, in Lumen Gentium or Gaudium et Spes, and particularly with thb tradition repeated affew years later in Humanae Vitae. Among the particularly prominent discrepancies between the official Church of these documents~.and the empirical "c~hurch;' described by Greeley's team is the disrrgard on the part of.the latter of the sexual, moral, ity .~which was recently reatiirmed by Rome,. to which the Catholic hierarchy has subscribed. This, in its turn, must lead to; a dilution of that respect in which the teaching authority of the Church must'be held. ~ Greeley considers this .situation to be the result of a massive failure in communication in the. institutional Church. By reason of this, a badly informed pope came to insist, disastrously, upon a morality long since abandoned by his subjects. ~ . ~ Doubtless experts in the~fieid of his methodology will find reason to contest the adequacy of Greeiey's sampling~and analytical techniques. Per-haps they will reject the evidence of "decline" which this book infers. Review tor Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 Whether or not such deficiencies exist is not finally very important. No doubt a further examination of the data will contribute to the clarification of the structure revealed by the study and perhaps even require a recasting of previous inferences, thereby contributing to the accuracy of Greeley's findings. But no refinement of this methodology can bring it to bear upon more than an empirical entity. And when that entity is identified with the visible Church, a fundamental mistake has been made. If this mistake is insisted upon, it must lead to a rejection of the Catholic doctrine that the Church is a sacramental sign, having a significance which entirely transcends the empirical. This sign-visibility is the visibility of worship; ultimately, it is Eucharistic, the concrete historical actuality of the Eucharistic community, the visible structure of which is constituted by the sacraments of its worship. This c~mmunity, the Church, can no more be identified with the "church"~ discovered in Greeley's research than can th6 Eucharistic Lord be identified with the merely surface phenomena of the Eucharistic celebration. Such a refusal of this Catholic dbctrine of Church need be neither ex-plicit nor deliberate. In fact, this kind of rejection most frequently occurs inadvertently, when, for instance, a powerful new intellectual tool permits the achievement of results so impressive that its adepts forget that the faith transcends it, that the faith cannot be contained within it or be controlled by it. In the controversy which is bound to follow, a similar forgetfulness just as frequently afflicts their theological opponents. These, in rejecting the dominion of the new learning, tend also to ignore the possibility of its con-version, and so they, in their turn, underwrite the isolation of the Church from history. For a clear example of this, one need only recall the dispute between, the "old" theology and the "new" logic in the early Middle Ages. Such mistakes find their corrective in the conversion of the new device to the perennial task of theology, a process which, like all conversions, is always incomplete. While the sociological construct which emerges in Catholic Schools in a Declining Church' cannot be identified with the Church, it remains ~true that the people who responded to the questions of the study did so in the con-text of their actual involvement with Catholicism. If their response is to be given the kind of theological value and weight that Greeley suggests, it mtist be because the attitudes and opinions which~this survey reveals are under-stood as entering into the sign-which-is-the-Church, and therefore as an element of the visibility of the Eucharistic community and of its worship. In this c~ntext of Eucharistic worship, the reaction which Catholic Schools in a Declining Church has registered, whether .in regard to the value of°Catholic schools, to the changes introduced by Vatican II, or to Humanae Vitae, cannot be identified simply as the kind of Church consensus that Catholic Schools in a Declining Church: A Reflection constitutes the sensus fidelium, the living faith of the People of God. This is because the sacramental Church is a s.ign which is contradicted. Our living of the faith is not a clear and obvious thing, but rather is rendered obscure and enigmatic by the fallenness of humanity and of the world. We daily refuse the truth of the "good" creation; and that refusal continually finds its historical expression in the community of the Church in a failure of Worship. The Church's worship has its prior antecedent structure in the sacra7 ments. These are the form of authentic human existence in fallen history, and in their unity they constitute the sole criteria of visible membership in the Church. Their truth is that of mystery, i.e., it can be appropriated only through worship. ~But by this worship it is appropriated. And over the centuries, this appropriation emerges historically in the doctrinal, moral and liturgical tradition of the Church. This appropriation is also a continual conversion and enfranchisement of the People of God. That it does not fail is due to no excellence of the Church's members, but only to the promise and presence of Christ among them, by which they continue to be the Body of Christ, one flesh with their risen Lord~ That this union does not fail is therefore a matter of faith: neither its existence, its quality, or its extension can be verified empirically. Its worship is that of a community of sinners. Essential to it is that sacra-ment of repentance and reconciliation by which sin, as a personal concrete failure of worship, is acknowledged in an~act of worship by which 'personal solidarity with the Eucharistic community is given again. ~ The fortunes of this sacrament of reconciliation over the nearly two millennia of its history record the enormous resistance offered the Christian notion of personal moral responsibility. The primitive identification of "sin" and "crime" required centuries to reform.~The subsequent' privatizing of confession and penance began so to obscure the public aspect of sin as to reduce public morality once more to a mere obedience to law. In some Catholic circles, this tendency is now .so far advanced as to include the despotic proposition that "the law to be obeyed" is simply the public law of the civil society. In this view, the Church has nothing to say in re morali beyond a loving endorsement of ~the reigning pluralistic consensus. ~ Yet it is only through an existential familarity with the antecedent, mean-ing of-the holy that sin is recognized and acknowledged to be a violation of the human, of the sacramental existence which is structured by the Church's worship. This holiness, this human integrity is sustained and measured by this worship, and 'not otherwise. Only here does a valid consensus emerge as to the meaning of good and evil. This consensus, this discovery, keeps pace with the slow, reluctant response of the People of God, of the Church in its members, to its Lord and his Gift--which is to live in Christ, in light rather than in an undemanding darkness, in freedom rather than in a comfortable 1112 / R'eview ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 conformity, in history rather than without. significance. And finally, it is to live responsibly, rather than to abdicate that honor and burden in favor of a false transcendence which knows no .crucifixion and offers rio redemption. The pace of this pilgrimage is impeded by our straggling, by our desertion, our defection toward one or other mirage.~ This history of Exodus is our history--together with its' pain. All of us who think ourselves Catholic must hope to be within that his-tory, undergoing that reformation and salvation. But we cannot guarantee ourselves to be so, whether as individualS'or as representatives of the whole. We cannot suppose our personal assessm6nt of moral right and wrong to be definitive and assured. Particularly is this the case when.the mass of Catholic Christians have not yet come to terms with the Christian meaning of free-dom; when they tend still to'suppose that whatever is not forbidden by Church law or tradition is thereby moral, or at least morally indifferent. It is only when adult Catholics recognize, their responsibility for the realization into history of the truth of Christ and consequently acknowledge in prayer the possibility of their own wilfull violation of their own human symbolism, their own sacramental and historical reality, their~own inescapably sexual existence--it is only in this circumstance that they can form a Eucharistic_ consensus on this now excruciating question of' the consistency of the sacra-mental symbolism of marriage with that symbolism which is inseparable from artificial contraception, and upon a complexus of other questions of only lesser urgency which bear upon the sacramental truth~of human sex-uality. This condition is not now met. Only when it is met can the Church speak confidently 'upon these newly disputed points. The obstacle to such utterance .now is not that the twenty years since the discovery of "the pill'-', is insufficient for mature judgment, but that even now the basis for making the judgment is not clear--as Catholic Schools in a Declining Church makes very evident~ The Second Vatican Council indeed introduced changes in the Church. But the greatest of these is the most ignored: the quiet dropping of .the obediential "morality which was typical of Catholic moralists before the Council--and which, unfortunately, remains typical~ for many of them to this day~ Conformi~, rather than responsible personal participation in the worship of the Church, is still proposed as the basis for moral decision. The book under consideration~only joins a chorus long since formed. But it is still from the authentic experience of free Eucharistic worship and its achievement of ~free historical.truth that the Church must teach; the truth of Christ is available, on no other basis. This is the only information system there is. It falters always~ but it does not fail. ~ The Small Group in Religious Life William Barber, Ph.D. Dr. Barber is Professor of. Psychology at Eastern. Washington State College in Cheney, WA 99004. He also is a consulting psychologist with ot~ces in Spokane. Earlier drafts of this article were helpfully reviewed by Paul Fitter, S.J.~ Ellen Monsees, R.S.C.J., Henri Nouwen and Leo Rock, S.J. Introduction This paper analyzes religious community groups from a behavioral science perspective. "Commu.nity" here refers to a face-to-face living group, usually comprised of fewer than a dozen persons, whose members may ormay not include co-workers in one,s ministry: The attempt is to show how a group's psychological developmeiat, as a community relates to and interacts with the work of members in their apostolic ministries. There exists a ~vell-established theological basis for "church as com-munity,".~ much of which has. developed since Vatican 11,1 and a detailed historical and sociologi.cal rationale calling for intensive, committed com-munity group relationships has been presented recently by Fitz and Cada.z Leaders of. religious communities know about and agree attitudinally with the need for establishing strong and deep group relationships. . o It is the experience of the writer in providing consultation to leaders of religious orders and to particular groups of religious, that what is not known is how to integrate into religious life the concepts and skills needed to est~ib-lish strong, dynamic groups of religious. It is hoped that What follows~offers some goidelines, drawn from the be-havioral sciences, for bridging the gap between the theoretical and "the practical aspects of group development in religious life. 1Dulles, A., Models oi the Church (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1974). -"Fitz, R. L., & Cada, L. J., "The Recovery of Religious Life," REVIEW FOR RELI~OUS, 34, September, 1975. 813 814 / Review for Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 The approach will be to describe ways in which groups differ from col-lections of individual persons, to distinguish religious communities from other kinds of groups, and to show how a religious community becomes an organi-zation for meeting the personal needs and at the same time the apostolic purposes of its members. A psychological rationale for community life is offered along with concrete suggestions for effective religious community life. Assumptions A group becomes more than a collection of individuals when all mem-bers need one another to accomplish a common task or goal. A dozen persons sunbathing near each other on a sunny beach are not a group in this sense; but if together they respond to a cry for help from a sinking swimmer they become a group as they work together on their shared.task of rescue. Once their task is completed, the group ceases to exist as a group, unless the members should decide to form an association to provide beach safety, in which case they would continue to be a group. Thus, being together doesn't define a group, even though all members have the same objective (in° this example to acquire suntans). It is when members need each other for some collective purpose; it is when they become interdependent, that they become a group? A community, such as a religious community is a special kind of: group in that it attempts to provide for more than support for the accomplishment of external tasks. A community~ is a group which attempts to meet the human and personal needs of its members as well: physical needs for food and shelter, social needs for recognition and friendship, and what Maslow calls the "ego needs''~ for meaning, and self-actualization as persons? Thus, a collectivity of individuals may become a group: a group may become a community for meeting physical, social and ego needs of members. At this highest level of motivation--the ego needs for actualization and fulfillment~it seems a religious community as a group attempts to meet another nee.d, the idiosyncratic need to develop its own "identity." And a re-ligious community's identity must be considered in relation to its ministry. Identity and ministry are like horizontal and vertical aspects of a group's religious life. The Vertical Dimension As a person needs to grow in self-knowledge, so a group becoming a community is drawn towards a deeper, more complete sense of identity. This is like a "vertical" dimension of growth--reaching down inside to ex-plore, to observe and to reflect upon the sense of '"~who we .are," and then aBass, B. M., & Nord, W., Leadership, Psychology and Organizational Behavior (New York: Harper & Row, 1960), p. 39. ¯ ~Maslow, A. H., Motivation and Personality (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1954). The, Small Group in Religious LiIe / 815 to come back up to the surface to test and to listen to what is being said in response. What do we mean by the discovery of identity? We mean finding out., real desires and characteristics . . . and being able to live in a way that expresses them. You learn to be authentic, to be honest in the sense of allowing your behavior and your speech to be the true and spontaneous expression of your inner feelings.~ Community identity then becomes established through sharing informa-tio~ n" in response to the question 'Who are we'?" More specifically this means generating information from the senses, the emotions, the intellect, and from the spirit for those who believe in a faith dimension to life. Transactions that provide such information for a community have to do with interper-sonal exchange: Who are we for each other? What do we want from each other? What will we offer to each other? These questions are continually asked and responded to, as persons tyy to moye from being a "group" to becoming a "community." As these questions are asked and responded to, "data"--i.e., information about thoughts, feelings, wishes are made avail-able for sharing, and thereby become integrated into the processes of decision and choice. Research indicates that more data from members produce higher quality decisions and greater member commitment to carrying them out.~ The Horizontal Dimension Identity needs to be expressed in life outside the community group; it needs to be expressed in apostolic ministry. This is like a horizontal dimen-sion of growth reaching out, listening openly and reflectively and respond-ing to what one is called upon to do and be with others. In the words of Maslow: Part of le~arning who you are, part of being able to hear your inner voices, is discovering what it is you want to do with your life. Finding one's identity is almost synonymous with finding one's career, revealing the altar on which one will sacrifice oneself,r As there are points of diminishing return in gains from individual per-sonal growth experiences s.uch as psychotherapy or encounter groups, so too are there limits to the gains to be expected from a religious community's developmental experiences--those aimed at developing a group's identity dimension. Community relationships and activities have as their raison d'6tre the support of tasks that further the work of apostolic ministry. It is analogous " to a couple's love for on'e another, in that their relationship, their "com- ¯ ~Maslow, A. H., The Farther Reaches o] Human Nature (New York: Viking Press, 1971), p. 183. GKelIy, H. H., & Thibault, J. W., ',Group Problem Solving," in Lindzey, G. & Aron-son, E. (eds.), Handbook o] Social Psychology (Cambridge, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1969), pp. 61-88. rThe Farther Reaches, p. 185. 816 / Review [or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 munity" in a sense, requires expression in accomplishing goals-~having and raising children, for example--in addition to developing the affective rela-tionship that draws and keeps them together. Such a relationship needs manifest expression in order to continue to grow. This does not mean each aspect of community life requires direct con-nection to members' ministries. On the contrary, support is often drawn from interludes from "tasks": activities of recreation, distraction and apparent irrele(,ance. It is important to remember the purpose for which the support is given: that is, the rationale and the dyna.mic force for religious community comes from the shared commitment of members to thee values and goals underlying their collective ministries. As such, community identity is incom-plete without outward expression; small group religious life is incomplete without being related to apostolic ministry for purpose and direction. Similarly, ministry needs cbmmunity. Ministry needs community: (1) to provi~le a support system for sharing, helping, caring; i.e., for providing "maintenance" for the work of ministry, and (2) to provide for the personal development of members for their own sake, apart ~'rom apostolic work roles. "For their own sake" must not be taken lightly. The intrinsic dignity and value of each person's humanity calls for emotional connection to sig-nificant others. This need, this expectation, can be responded to by persons who commit themselves to one another in community life In summary, it seems that religious community groups work on two "agendas"---one vertical, the 6ther horizontal--and these become interde-pendent. Work on the vertical (e.g., listening, sharing; and more systematic-ally at times, team building or role clarification interventions)~ allows the group and each member more to offer on the horizofftal, in ministries. ' Work on the horizontal, the ministries, enables the con~munity to insert it-self into the world. It brings the world through members' experience into the community in order (l) to infuse ndw life, (2) to offer new direction, and (3) to provide standards for evaluating effectiveness of effort. The result is a dynamic system in which energy and creative r~sources increase. The sy~stem is dynamic in that it generates energy, and it is self-renewing because of the interdependent, reciprocal', exchanging relationship between vertical "and horizontal dimensions. The Goal of Community: Synergy One cannot explore for very long questions Such as we have asked about the dynamics of community life and ministry without confronting the larger question: What should community experience be like? What is it we are searching for by our attempt to integrate identity needs with apostolic min-istry? Maslow was a student of the anthropologist Ruth Benedict and he draws upon her concept of synergy to describe activities within a group w,hich benefit both individuals and the group as a whole. Quoting Benedict, Maslow writes: The Small Group in Religious Lile / 817 I shall speak,.of cultures with low synergy where the social structure pro- ¯ vides for acts which are mutually opposed and counteractive, and cultures with high synergy where it provides for acts which are mutually reinforcing, ¯ . . I spoke o] societies with high social' synergy where their institution insures mutual advantage ]rom their understandings, and societies with" low social synergy where tile advantage o] one individual becomes a victory over an-other, and the majority who are not victorious must shi]t as tliey call. (Italics by Maslow).8 Note the images that portray sources of energy and strength in Bene-dict's synergistic group and that we strive for in the small community group: " . . . acts which are mutually reinforcing . " " . . . mutual .advantage frrm their understandings"; opposing activities whereby "the advantage of one individual becomes a victory over another. " (italics mine). The goal of small group religious community life from a psychological viewpoint is to tap and direct this energy to provide driving force toward purposeful objectives. And the content of Benedict's message i~ the syner-gistic communities offer understanding, support °and action and oppose win/ lose relationships among members. Criteria for Synergistic Community ~ One way to test the thesis offered: here is to observe and reflect" upon experience with alternate life styles among priests and religious. Certainly no single organizational structure' promises to bypass the struggles required to enable a synei~gistic community to grow. Comprehensive discussion is beyond the scope of this paper, but we wish to poi~nt to certain mechanisms that have been found helpful by some rdligious communities in developing open, prbblem-solving climates. Most of the traits mentioned require organi-zational consultation and experience-based learning methods to become operational.9 The starting point is the vertical dimension--to expand the experience of c~mmunity identity. Desirable characteristics and mechanisms have to do with group size, group norms, communication skills, information about members' ministries, shared prayer' and sacraments, and explicit contracts regarding time, tasks, territory'and role of members. A' small group of from four to twelve members enables differences in re-sources to be present and the opportunity for each person to become well known to the others¯ Norms--implicit rules governing behavior--must be developed to support the expression'of affection a~d warmth, confronta, lion and conflict, and to support bringing-in input and help for the group. Basic communication skills in paraphrasing, describing behavior, describing Sop, cit., p. 202. 'aBarber, W. H., & Nord, W., Healer RoleJ o[ Consultants and Need Orientations o] Clients (Spokane: Eastern Washington State College,~mimeo, 1975). Barber, W. H., and Lurie, H. J., "Designing an Experience Based Continuing Education Program," American .tournal o[ Psychiatry, 130, 10, 1973. 818 / Review [or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 feelings and giving and receiving personal feedback, facilitate interpersonal communication. Some initial didactic experience is useful, and the develop-ment of norms to support the use of communication skills in day-to-day practice is crucial. Since feelings about s'elf are strongly influenced by feelings about work, members who strive for interdependence need to have direct, first-hand in-formation about each other's apostolates. The group has the benefit of dif-ferent experiences and resources when it is comprised of members from different ministries. As there should be shared expression at an interpersonal level of posi-tive feelings and confrontation, as noted above, so there should be shared expression at a spiritual level through prayer, liturgical celebration.and other faith experiences. This serves the purpose of enabling persons who have a commitment to each other to share this special part of their lives. Keeping spiritual sharing separate from other community activities and allowing for differences in member participation is also important because these are valuable means of legitimizing the individuality of personal experience and expression. To be clear about and in control of boundaries the points of separa-tion- for the community in regard to time--when things happen; tasks-- what occurs; territo.ry--appropriate physical spaces for the separate and shared parts of members' lives; and role,delineation of special roles within the group (e.g., management, coordination, various maintenance roles). Summary: Culture and Open System Two ideas may help to summarize the characteristics of effective com-munity: they are "culture" and "open system." It is the hope of those estab-lishing a small group community to enable a particular culture to emerge, one that is unique and meets special needs for that group. A culture is characterized by its social organization--especially norms, roles and ex-pectations for member behavior--and by its "expressions," i.e., what is shared with the outside world by the group. We have said here that the culture of the religious community needs to develop through Particular norms, patterns and values regarding communication and the organization of tasks and roles and religious expression. An open system like a biological organism, is one characterized by in-take, transformation and export processes.1° Transactions occur with the environment: intake of new members, materials and information; and export of the "products" of members' work, and members who leave the system. It is through evaluating differences between intake and export that the quality of the group's efforts, its internal processes can be judged. To be. effective as an open system, a religious community requires management of its intake, export and internal transformation processes, in the latter case 10Rice, A. K., Learning ]or Leadership (London: Tavistock Publications LTD., 1971). The Small Group in Religious Li]e / 819 procedures for meeting individual and group needs for' control of boundaries of time, task, territory and role. Growth of the v~rtical dimension occurs as the culture develops; this growth can be measured by the quality of interaction among members. Open relationships occur as members share ideas, feelings and perceptions that have to do-with their purposes in being together. Trust develops enabling openness and personal sharing to occur appropriately (in contrast with some coercive group norms toward "confiding" or "revealing"). Norms support-ing individual differences in sharing grow and become explicit. When both openness and personal sharing occur and yet individual differences are en-couraged, a climate of genuine intimacy develops. Conclusions Openness, trust and intimacy are important because as human beings we are drawn toward becoming "the persons who we are" and toward being "in relationship.''~ But as a priest or religious one is committed to apostolic ministry--horizontal dimension. Community exists "in the service of min-istry"-~ and this is primary. But since vertical and horizontal dimensions are interdependent, the work of ministry will suffer unless it is anchored in re-ligious community experience that meets social and psychological needs of member~ along with spiritual and apoStolic objectives. One implication is that persons living in religious community may use-fully explore ways in which they are and are not, like the sunbathers men-tioned above, (1) a number of separate individuals in physical proximity to one another, (2) a group brought together because of an immediate, com-mon task, or (3) a special kind of institution, formed to support the work of members' apostolates and simultaneously to facilitate members' personal development. This paper has tried to distinguish among such groups in order to enable members to better cfioose the type of community to which they wish to be committed. The small group as religious community is a collectivity of persons unified by the overarching mission of faith--to facilitate the experience of Christ among persons. This paper attempts to describe how synergy develops and is maintained in the service of ministry thi'ough integrating, in a dynamic way, community needs and apostolic objectives of inembers.1~ XlBuber, M., I and Thou (New York: Scribners, 1970). tZThe ideas in the paper were presented at an assembly of provincial leaders of the Society of the Sacred Heart from North America, Australia, and New Zealand in September, 1975. Provincial teams of three to five persons worked for ten days at various experiential activities aimed at internalizing, in their own behavior, the char-acteristics which are noted in this paper. Their purposes were to strengthen their team relationships, to increase their own experience of Community and to apply the ideas in this paper to 'their concrete work tasks and roles. The women reported, and assembly observers documented~ significant movement toward integrating the concepts with be-havior and action. A paper summarizing behavioral science aspects of the assembly and follow-up data may be requested from the author. The Contemplative Attitude in Spiritual Direction William A. Barry, S.J. Father Barry, Director of the Center for Religious DevelopmeJat, has written on the subject of spiritual direction for our pages before. His last article for RfR was pub-lished in March, .1973. He continues to reside at 42 Kirkland St.; Cambri~lge, MA 02138. In a number of articles both William J. Connolly, S.J. and I have referred to contemplation and the contemplativ~ attitude as the kind of prayerful attitude which spiritual directors try to encourage in those who seek spiritual direction.1 We have tried to describe what we mean by these words. Suffice it here to say that we use the word contemplation in itsoetymological sense; we mean to refer to the act of looking at or listening to something. Webster's first definition of "contemplate" says some of what we mean: "to view or consider with continued attention." In our earlier articles, I believe, we have not been sufficiently precise in our use of the word co.ntemplation and contemplative attitude. We have spoken of contemplating .the Lord in Scripture and in nature and have not sufficiently distinguished between the contemplation of Scripture and nature 1Barry, W. A., "The Experience of the First and Second Weeks of the Spiritual Exer-cises," REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, Vol. 32, No. 1 (1973), pp. 102-109. Bai'r~;, W. A., "The Necessity of Contemplative Prayer for the Teaching and Stu~ly of Theology in a Ministerial School," Church Society ]or College Work, Vol. XXXIII, No. I (1975), pp. 6-10. Connolly, W. J., "Contemplation and Social Consciousness in the Context of the Directed° Retreat: An Experiential Approach." An address at the 8th National Workshop on the Spiritual Exercises, Cincinnati, August 25-28, 1974, and published by The Program to Adapt the Spiritual Exercises, Jersey° City, New Jersey 07302. Connolly,.W.J., "Contemporary Spiritual Direction: Scope and Principles, An Intro-ductory Essay." Studies in the Spirituality o] Jesuits, VII, (1975), pp. 95-124. 820 The Contemplative Attitude in Direction / 8:21 and the contemplation of the Lord. Perhaps we have also not sufficiently attended to the nuance that one can have a. contemplative attitude and yet noi be contemplating the LordsIt is the purpose of these notes' to attempt some clarification of the meaning of and use of contemplation in spiritual direction. The Contemplative Attitude and Its Relation to "Transcendence" Have you ever been so absorbed in watching a game or reading a book or listening to music that you have been surprised at the end of the passage of time, by how cold or hot you are, by the anger of a friend (who has been asking 'you something for ten minutes)? Then you know the power of paying attention to something, and you have a personal example of the contemplative attitude. The most telling examples come from reports of how parents 'have been so concentrated on their children's safety in a fire or accident that they have only at the end felt the pain of their own wounds. Thus, one effect of the contemplation of something outside ourselves is that it can make us forget ourselves and our other suroundings. Contempla-tion leads to, or rather, is an experience of transcendence, of self-forgetful-ness of everyone and everything else except the contemplated object. '. Conversely, we find that self-absorption makes the contemplation of any-thing or an~yone else very difficult, if not impossible. Thus,. a starving man may well be unable to enjoy a sunset. One of the key elements to ministry in a hospital is the atte~apt to help the sick to become interested in others around them and in the outside world, that is, to help them todo something that will enable them to forget their own pain and suffering or to put it in another perspective. , . : Another aspect of the examples we began with should' catch our atten-tion, namely that the responses of absorption, joy, pain,: sympathy, love, gratitude which are associated with contemplation are not willed acts or willed emotions~ They are elicited from us by what we see and hear and comprehend.,~ (Of course; these responses~, do not arise qrom a blank tablet, but are conttitioned by our own past experiences~) Herewe have an impor-tant element to consider in all spiritual direction. Responses that are elicited by contemplation are not experienced in the first instance as willed acts. The clearest example, perhaps, is the response of love when one looks at the beloved; it seems to be a gift, something that arises because of the other, not because one has decided to love or fall in love. What one can do is to look it and to try to pay attention to the other, but ore cannot will one's response. At most one can hope that one will respond a certain way, This last point leads us to a further consideration. The person who con-templates in the way we are describing has to have an attitude of reverence and wonder before the other, especially if what he/she ~vants to see or hear is within the power of the other to grant 9r~withhold. In this case all one can do is to ask the other to reveal himself or herself and wait for it to Review 1or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 happen. This insight is behind the prayer for what one desires which Ignatius of Loyola puts at the begifining of every one of the exercises of the Spiritual Exercises. For example, in the Exercises I pray that the Lord will reveal to me my sinfulness, that I may have shame and confusion, that the Lord make himself known to me in order that I may love him and follow him. Here we see even more clearly the relation between contemplation and transcendence. When we are dealing with another person, we are not in the same position as we are when we are dealing with an object. Saint Exuprry's Little Prince on his small asteroid only needs to move his chair a bit in order to see another sunset, but he is powerless to see the reality and unique-ness of his flower until she chooses to reveal herself to him.2 But when the free other chooses to reveal him or herself, then the genie is out of the bot-tle, as T. S. Eliot said,~ and the mystery of the other is upon us. Thus we have a further observation on the relation of contemplation to transcendence. We try to control our perceptions. We are threatened by new-hess and strangeness, msa result we often see only what we "want" to see or what our perceptual and cognitive structures let us see. To try to contemplate means to try to let the other be himself or herself or itself, to try to be open to surprise and newness. To begin this process means to open oneself to mystery, ultimately to the Lordship of the Other. It is to let oneself be controlled by the other; paradoxically, one finds oneself free. The upshot most often is that one becomes less incapacitated by fear from accepting the mystery of life/ The experience of transcendence is, I believe, one of a continuum from total self-absorption to total absorption in the other--with the two ends of the continuum being ideal .states not found in nature. In any human experi-ence there is bound to be an.admiXture of both self-consciousness and. aware-ness of the outside world. The boundaries of the continuum might well be circumscribed by referring to the narcissistic person on the one hand and the enraptured mystic on the other. It might also be a help to those who are praying to realize that the contemplation of the Lord is no different from the contemplation of any other person in this regard, namely that one can be in the intimate presenc~e of a very dear friend'and still be'or become aware of the ache in one's feet, of wondering whether one put out the lights in the car, of the work still to be done for school tomorrow, and so forth. ZAntoin"e de Saint-Exuprry, Le Petit Prince, New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1943. " :~"But let me tell y~u, that to approach the stranger ls to invite the unexpected, release a new force, Or let the genie out of the bottle. It is to start a train of events Beyond your control ." T. S. Eliot, The Cocktail Party 4See W. J. Connolly, "Freedom and Prayer in Directed Retreats," REVIEW ]FOR REr LIGIOtJS, Vol. 32, No. 6, (1973), pp. 1358-1364. The Contemplative Attitude in Direction "/ 823 "Distractions," in other words, are a part of even the most intimate rela-tionships and should be expected in prayer too. Finally, in an intimate conversation reflection on what is happening or. on how well one is doing, especially with the idea of writing about it in one's journal or using it as an example for an article like this, can disturb the communication and be an instance of self-absorption. It happens, but it is better not to program it this way. Thus, the wisdom of. the tradition in spiritual direction of advising the person praying to do the reflecting after the period of prayer is over. Contemplation ~f the Lord in Nature and in Scripture Perhaps now we can clarify what we mean by contemplation of the Lord in nature and in Scripture. The Lord is invisible, and so hard to look at; he also seems pretty silent, and so hard to listen to~ Often enough, therefore, we try too hard to pray, :try too hard to listen and look. Too often prayer is seen as self-absorbing; our natural reaction when someone says, "Let us pray," is to bow our heads, close our eyes, and get serious--all of which is proper in its place. But we rarely get the impression that prayer can be an enjoyable experience, :that it can be a conversation, a dialogue, a relation- .ship. The spiritual director is confronted with the problem of,helping people to the enjoyment of God when much Of their past experience of prayer is one of labor, seriousness, brooding, and self-absorption. Many of us .who do spiritual direction have hit upon the idea of helping people to forget themselves for a while. We ask them what they like todo, what he!ps them just to forget their problems (besides going to sleep), and we try to help them to see that 0ihey already do contemplate in the way de- Scribed in the first note. We suggest that they spend a certain amount of time-~each.day, if possible-~-, doing whateVer it is that they like doing that is contemplative, and that they :consider this time as time with the Lord (i.e: prayer) in much the same way that they might want to share the same ex-perience with a close friend. We also suggest that they ask the Lord to make his presence known, to reveal himself. Then they look at and/or listen to whatever it is 'they enj'oy. After e~ch period of doing this we ask them to reflect on the experience: What happened?'What did they experience? Did the Lord make himself known? It is surprising what .happens wl~en people begin to do something like this. They often have objections at first: they.f.eel it cannot be prayer. More-over, being so conditioned to think that brooding and insights and resolu-tions are what prayer is all about they often need time and patience to get the hang of it and to find out that the director really means what he says. But then they begin to find such "prayer" times enjoyable and relaxing; they find themselves surprised by feelings of joy and gratitude and a real sense that Someone is present who loves and cares for them. They find that th~ey can 824 / Review ]dr Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 admit things to themselves that they were always afraid or ashamed to look at--and they feel better for it; they feel freed, healed. Agnes Sanford in her book The Healing Gilts ol the Spirit gives very similar advice. To people whosay "I can't find God," she suggests doing some simple things, especially things they like to do, that will put them in the way of God, as she says,0so "that he can find you.''~ That is the point, of course; as we saw in the first.section, ~the only thing we can do when we want to get 'to know another person is to put ourselves near and askthe person to reveal himself or herself. These reflections bring us to the question: Are there any privileged places or privileged events where we can go to put ourselves in the Lord's way? The traditional answer has been that there are, and. that these places and events include the sacraments, especially the Eucharist, the church teaching, the Scriptures, and the works of the Lord, especially nature, I will say something later about additions to this list, but now I would like to take up nature and' the Scriptures, Traditionally people have found peace and refreshment in the beauties of nature: The fact that most retreat houses, houses of prayer and monas-teries have been located in or near scenes of natural beauty testify to the belief that God is found more easily in nature and in solitude than, say, in cities. Traditionally, too, we have spoken of God revealing himself in the things he has made, "in plants and animals and in men, the wonders of Your hand," as the canon written ~by John L'Heureux puts it,~ I do not want to counter this tradition although I do believe that the Lord can be as present in the city; rather, I want to examine how the Lord is met and how we can help people to meet him in natt~re. First of all directors should suggest~ looking ~nd listening, not give ideas about God's continual creation, his indwelling, and so forth. We have to remember that most of us are conditioned by catechism, philosophy and the-ology classes to have beautiful thoughts about how. God is in all things, but that few of us have ever looked long.enough at a flower to let God reveal himself as the maker of that flower for me. Before a tree can become a symbol of God, it must first be seen and touched and smelled as a tree. The first suggestion, then is that people look at and listen to what.is around them. The second suggestion is that looking at natural beauty can in itself be a way of relat!ng to the Lord without any words~being said. Just as I relate to an artist by taking interest in what he has made, by taking time to look at it or listen to it, so too I can relate to God if I take time to contemplate what he has made. Creators lik~ to have people show interest in what they have done. All the better if I like" what I ~see and smile or sigh or express ~Sanford, Agnes~ The Healing Gilts 0! the Spirit (New York: Lippincott, 1966), esp. pp. 25-32. ~In Hoey, R. F. (ed.), The Experimental Liturgy Book (N,Y.: Herder and Herder, 1969), p. 97. ' The Contemplative Attitude in Direction delight in the presence of the artist. Such responses are elicited by what I contemplate, not willed by me, and they are communications to'the artist; in the case of God they are then called prayers of praise. Tfiey do not have to be couched in "prayer language." Indeed, the prayer is often made before a word is formed. The spiritual director might then be able to point out that the responses of the directee are similar to the responses that the poet who wrote Psalm 104 must have had and then tried to express in poetry. Not everyone is a poet, but almost everyone can be thrilled by a dazzling sunset or sunrise, the sun's light on fall leaves, and so forth, and feel a. deep sense of wonder. , Thus far we have been stressing the need to look and listen, the con-templative attitude. As I contemplate, I can also have desires, one of which is that the Lord reveal himself to me while I am looking at his works. If I begin my period of contemplation with a prayer that this desire be grant.ed, then.it is liable to happgn. I do not want to rule out high mystical experi-ences--~ because they do happen and more frequently than we tend to think --but here I would rather concentrate on the more ordinary ways the Lord reveals himself in,answer to this prayer. One can be walking along the beach at night and see a touch of silver from the moon on the crest of a wave and besides delighting in it suddenly feel at peace and in someone's presence who .himself delights in such things. Unaccountably one may feel that one is still loved, even though one does drink o'r eat too much or get angry with one's community members too often or even though one has just lost one's best friend or has just been turned down for graduate school or was not elected superior or whatever, and one may feel free to face ~oneself more honestly and with less self-pity. Or a person may sense her insignificance under the stars, and yet feel her own importance in the ~whole scheme of things, Or another may Sense a call deep inside himself to change his life style. In all these instances the person may be hearing or sensing the voice of the Lord revealing himself. When these kinds of experiences are real and exciting.and challenging as well as com-forting, then the Lord has begun to take on a new reality for the person. Perhaps now he or~.she can also pay attention to him and not just to his creatures. And here may lie the dividing line between contemplating the Lord and contemplating his works. The work of the spiritual director now becomes one of helping the per-son praying to discern, that is, to figure out what is going on, what is God's voice, what not. The discernment of spirits, begins when there are inner movements and the question is: Is the Lord revealing himself, and if so, what is he saying? The genie is out of the bottle, and now it is important to follow the genie's movements. We can look at the contemplation of Scripture in a similar way. Scrip-ture is not the Lord, but a privileged place to meet him. However, one must pay attention to the Scripture itself just as one has to pay attention to trees 1126 / Review for Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 or sunsets or mountains. That is,"it is necessary to have a contemplative at-titude toward Scripture, to let the Scriptures be themselves and to listen to them and to ask that the Lord reveal himself while we are listening to these words. I do not intend ~here to delve into the arguments as to whether any other religious texts might be privileged places for meeting God; they could be and indeed people have met God while paying attention to St. Augustine's Confessions, to the prayer of St. Francis, to many other works of religious .literature, and even to secular literature. I am accepting as a given that Sgripture has primacy of place over all other literature as the Word of God. But we must listen to the Scriptures themselves, and not our projections onto them. One sometimes hears that modern scripture ,.scholarship with its de-mythologizing and its form criticism has been a blow to piety and has made it more difficult to use Scripture for prayer. Scripture scholars, it is some-times charged, have taken the mystery out of the infancy narratives of the gospels and other stories. We are not sure what Jesus actually said, or whether he actually did everything the gospels say he did. "How can we ever know him then?", people wonder. Those of us who take scripture studies and spiritual direction seriously have had to ponder these questions and charges as well as to take seriously our own and others' experiences in praying with the Scriptures. I think that we have not always been careful in our way of speaking, and it is my hope that this note will contribute to the clarification of our thought and ex-pression. , ,I want to focus on. the contemplation of the gospels and hope that the principles enunciated here can be analogously translated to the use of other scripture texts~ The first point is obvious: It does little good for prayer or Christian living to base both on a delusion. Hence, it is important to see the gospels for what they are. They are not biographies of J.esus, but four differ-ent expressions of the faith of the early Church and what it remembered in faith about Jesus. Each gospel has its own point of view, its own theo-logical focus, its own Sitz im Leben. Contemplation of°Mark's gospel, for example, means taking Mark's work on its own terms and trying to listen to his work of art. Secondly, it should be said that one need not be a Scripture scholar in order to be able to use the gospels for prayer. The Lord can still reveal him-self to someone who believes that angels actually did sing "Glory to God in the highest" at Bethlehem as long as one is open to having the living Lord reveal himself. But I do believe that the more one knows about the gospel, the better one can look at and listen to it and not to one's own cultural and personal projections of it. Thus, I believe that scripture study can be a help to contemplation. In other words, it helps, I think, to be able to con-template Mark's Jesus and know that it is Mark's Jesus and not necessarily The Contemplative Attitude in Direction / 827 the "real article" in all his historical reality. For one thing, one is not going to be thrown so much out of kilter by new discoveries of scripture scholars. More importantly, one is more likely to realize that the person one wants to meet' is not the Jesus of the past, but the present living Lord (who, of course,'is continuous with Jesus of Nazareth). Here we are at the heart of the matter. The purpose of contemplating the gospels .is to come to know the living Lord Jesus. Here again we can see the wisdom of Ignatius of Loyola. Before every contemplation of events from the gospels Ignatius has the retreatant pray for what he desires, namely "an intimate knowledge of our Lord, who has become man for me, that I may .love him more and follow him more closely.''~ Then I listen to the gospel text and treat it for what it is, as imaginative literature. I try to take the text ~seriously, and try to let it inspire my imagination, as it was written to do (as well. as to enkindle my faith). But my desire is not to know the scripture text better, but to know the risen Jesus better. I want him to reveal himself to me. And when he takes on reality and shape for me (not neces-sarily in a picture, by the way), then I talk to him, not to the text, and I listen to him, not the text. Those-who have not had this experience will not know what I am talking about, but hopefully they will be open enough to listen to the experience of those who have. The purpose of contemplation of Scripture is not to see Jesus. walking on water or to see him in Galilee or hear him say to Peter "Feed my lambs.~ The purpose is to hear the risen Jesus say to me: "Your sihs are~ forgiven,~you" and to know he means me; to hear him say to me." "Come,,follow~me.and be my friend" and.know that it is the Lord and that he is talking to me. Once again, discernment be-comes a necessity when I begin to feel moved by the Lord himself. I hope that by now it is clear that contemplation of nature or of Scrip~ ture is not in itself contemplation of the Lord, but that the former is a privileged way to the latter. Indeed, one can say that contemplation in the first sense is a technique or method, where contemplation in the second sense is relationship itself and no methods ~are needed. Finally as to the list of privileged places, it may be well to indicate that those mentioned earlier are still privileged places and also that different eras and different people may prefer one of the privileged places to others. It may also be that new privileged places may come into prominence. I am thinking especially of a shift from nature to man-made works of art or technique, a suggestion made by Josef Sudbrack, S.J? In our modern urban culture we may well find that human artifacts as well as human persons themselves may be more privileged than natural beauty. "l~here should be no difficulty here since the works of humans are ultimately God's handiwork. ~Spiritual Exercises (Puhl Translation), No. 104, p. 49. 8Sudbrack, Josef, Beten ist Menschlich: Aus der Er]ahrung Unseres Lebens mit Gott Sprechen (Freiburg in Breisgau: Herder, 1973). 828 / Review jor Religious, Volume 35~ 1976/6 On the Question of the Utility of Contemplation Recently in a discussion of contemplation someone mentioned that many people were advocating the 'techniques I have labelled contemplative for problem solving in management, for conflict resolution and that they worked without reference to God or the transcendent. That is, the contemplative techniques we mentioned in the,.earlier notes, were being used for secular purposes,, and people were feeling better, were more creative, more integral, and so forth. There is no question that the technique of contemplation by itself is very salutary. We need~ not bemoan that fact. But then what is the need to bring in God and prayer? ~ Here the only reply is to ask oneself to what end one uses contempla-tive techniques. If the answer is to solve problems, to feel better, to be more creative, then perhaps there is no need t~ refer to God and prayer. But for those for whom contact with the living Lord and the relationship itself with him are the goals, the question loses significance. It is like asking someone what he gets ,out of time spent with his wife that he could not get from others just as well. For those who seek the Lord, these techniques would be worthless no matter how good they. made them feel if in the process they did not find their Lord. Throughout.~these notes I have stressed that the purpose of contemplating nature, Scripture, or anything else is to meet the living Lord. When he is engaged, or rather when he engages me, there is no need of techniques or even of asking what the utility of prayer is. I want to be with him, and ttiat is enough. Without effort utility comes; one be-comes a better person and Christian. But relationship,is what is sought: In a Rut To get out of a rut a seed digs deeper. Edward A. Gloeggler P.O. Box 486 Far Rockaway, NY 11691 Individual Apostolates and Pluralism Community Identity in John T~I Ford, C.S.C. Fr. Fo~:d is Associate Professor of' Theology and Coordinator of Ministerial Studies in the School of Religious Studies at the Catholic University of America, WA 20064. Not too long ago, as our history is measured, the apostolic endeavors of American religious communities almost' invariably took a corporate or insti-tutional form. A typical example is the religious house all of whose members work in an adjacent school. Though there may be considerable variety in the occupations of individual religious (e.g~, ,~administration, teaching, coun-seling, maintenance, etc.), the work of;each is seen as contributing to the overall~ofunctioning of the institution. This corporate pattern is frequently paralleled in hospitals,~parishes, and other works religious communities un-dertake. ~ An.~important.consequence of this familiar pattern is aopervasive identi-fication, of religious community .with its institutions:' For example, this iden-tification is commohly reinforced through° a schedule that melds communal and institutional activities: if religious aren't working~in the institution, then they usua.!ly can be found together at some communal, activity in the near-bmyo rree sciydneinccale .h Tavhee c roemsuplatr iesd p wraitcht iicmapllryis ao n"mtoetnatl; .i nhsotwituetvieorn;.aalsi zwatiillo bne" nthoatet dthe later, a more apt.' comparison is with the communal life of the "family farm" or the "cottage industry" in agrarian societies. In brief, then, an "institutional apostolate" is a particular activity that members= of a religious community undertake as a corporate: effort; it is both a means of livelihood and a means of realizing the goals of the community. The melding of communal and institutional activities also affords a means ~f self-identity for religious. For example, the fact that religious (with 829 a30 / Review Jot Religioux, Volume 35, 1976/6 appropriate humility) speak of"'our school" is but one indication of the in-fluence of merged communal-institutional life on individual religious. Re-cently, when it has become necessary to close "our school," this identifica-tion has sometimes become painfully apparent. In other terms, the American tendency to identify a person with his occupation (e.g., John Smith is a carpenter, Mary Doe is a teacher) reached sort of a zenith in the case of religious; indeed, religious may be so identified with a particular institution that "outsiders" may not even know the proper name of the community whose members work there (e.g., "the sisters who teach at St. Mary's"). The liabilities of institutional apostolates are all too familiar. Perhaps the most burdensome is the tendency to subordinate the personal life of religious to the consuming demands of the institution. Illustrations are legion: fre-quently requests of a personal nature are refused if they are seen as inter-fering with the work of the institution (rather than as being alien to com-munity life). Another burden is an unrealistic subordination of communal life to institutional demands. While the acceptance of an institutional apos- ,tolate necessarily demands coordination with the life of the community, sometimes this is done by an additive process, as in the case of a com-munity that fulfilled its quota of religious exercises, one rapidly following another, after closing school for the day. Occasionally, the reverse happens: the requirements of an institutional apostolate are over-ruled by community procedures. An obvious, instance is the appointment of religious to in-stitutional positions for which their major qualification is membership in the sponsoring community. While post-conciliar renewal has (presumably?)caused the disappear-ance of the more conspicuous malpractices, still an inherent and recurring problem in institutional, apostolates is to maintain an appropriate balance between institutional work, living in community; and personal life. Any notable imbalance in these relationships is likely to occasion friction or dissatisfaction within a community. In addition to this perennial problem, there are other factors that have brought added pressures on institutional apostolates in recent years. For example, as a result of the post-conciliar decrease in the number of active religious, many communities have been. unable to staff their institutions in the same measure as formerly. Maintaining institutional 'commitments is seemingly so burdensome that some religious doubt the wisdom of institu-tional apostolates at all---even if their community would have sufficient personnel in the future. This feeling is frequently shared by those younger religious who are disenchanted with institutions in general and have entered religious life in view of a more personalized type of service. While this anti-institutionalism is~sometimes naively ex.aggerated, the fact remains that some communities have accepted members who simply do not identify with in-stitutional apostolates. Simultaneously new options have become available. For example, ~the Individual Apostolates and Pluralism / 831 closing of some schools has made it possible or necessary for religious to seek positions outside the educational institutions conducted by their own community. Again, recent developments in the °Church, have led to the creation of new positions that ~previously didn't exist--directors of religious education representing a common instance. And in some cases, religious have found employment in government agencies or public interest firms. An interesting relationship has emerged in many institutions of higher education. In order to qualify for governmental assistance, a legal separation has been effected between institution and sponsoring community. While the same religious may continue their apostolate within the institution, legal separation makes it incongruous for a community to continue to consider the institution "ours." The legal status of religious working in the institu-tion is also changed; for example, many religious now have contracts with institutions that were formerly controlled by theircommunities. Apparently, institutional apostolates are being "individualized." Individual Apostolates Such recent developments have led to the emergence of'a variety of "individual apostolates.''1 Here an "individual apostolate" is :taken to mean a particular occupation that a religious undertakes as a personal effort and responsibility; it is to some degree independent of the administration of the community as such; it depends more on the particular personal qualifications of the religious, not on membership in this or that community. The degree of individuality, however, may ~vary considerably: religious who continue to'work in what were formerly their community's institutions may find that legal separation is a more or less nominal change; other religious, however, may find that they have to qualify competitively for their positions. In the latter case, when a particular religious leaves an individual apostolate, the community can not expect and is not expected to furnish a replacement (as is frequently the case in institutional apostolates). An im-portant icharacteristic of individual apostolates is that the religious com-munity as such can not determine whether its members will be able to ob-tain specific positions. Speaking.of an: apostolate as "individual" does not imply that it~is in-dependent of church or community; rather (if it is to be considered an apostolate) it must be conceived in'some way as a service that witnesses to Christ and reflects the spirit of a particularjcommunity. Moreover, there is a sense in which every apostolate is "individual,". insofar as religious are individually responsible for "personifying" the Gospel in their particular occupations. l Just as some may prefer terms such as '!mission" or "ministry" in place of "aposto-late," some may prefer terms such as "special" or "experimental" to "individual." Whatever the merits of one or other term, the concern here is with the implications of the individuality of these occupations in relation to community life. 1132 / Review for Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 However, one must admits, the arbitrariness of classifying practically any occupation as an "apostolate." For example, practically any occupa-tion- from farming to fine arts, from physical education to theoretical physics--has been placed under the generic umbrella of "apostolate" in various institutions conducted by religious. Given this precedent, it seems rather arbitrary to attempt to restrict "individual apostolates" along rigid lines.: In addition, individual apostolates have long-standing precedents in most active communities: the missionary stationed alone, the student i'e-ligious living outside a community residence, the traveling .retreat-master or fund-raiser, etc. Again on the'basis of precedents, it is hard to disqualify individual apostolates on .'the ground of separation from daily community life. Or is it justifiable to consider these instances "temporary," when in fact they last for years? Or is it realistic to consider these cases .exceptions or experiments, if they involve a relatively large percentage of a com-munity? The point in raising these questions is not to object to the legitimacy of individual° apostolates in active communities? Insofar as religious rules are guidelines~ not~ absolutes,, exceptions are allowable or, at times,.nece~sary; there does not seem to be any.a priori reason why individual apostolates can not be a justifiable exception. Likewise, communities have always had to experiment in their apostolates; accordingly, individual apostolates can be seen as a new type of apostolic venture attempting to respond to con-temporary needs. Still, it is hardly adequate to treat individual apostolates merely as exceptions or experiments~ First of all, a more positive view is necessary. Individual apostolates should be seen as a development that is appropriate, perhaps necessary, if the Church is to witness to Christ in the contemporary world? Indeed', individual apostolates have already proved beneficial in some communities; for example, their existence has occasioned a much needed delineation of lines of community responsibility in relation to all apostolates. Moreover, individu~il apostolates are a means whereby com-munities, instead of being constrained to fill various slots, can utilize their personnel in more creative ways. Perhaps the most attractive aspect of indi-vidual apostolates is their challenge to religious to develop fully their talents in the service of Christ. 2The question of what constitutes app(opriat~e occupations for r.eligious parallels that of appropriate occupatior~s for priests; cf. G. Murray, "The Hyphenated Priest," R]R (~'REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS) 25 (1966), 693-702; D. Hassel, "The Priest-Expert," Chicago Studies 3 (1964), 201-225. .~Whether individual apostolates can be defended in contemplative communities is a different question; the example of Thomas Merton suggests that the possibility should not be peremptorily rejected. :*Cf. M. Rondet, ',Choices of Religious Life in a Secularized Worldi" R]R 34 (1975), 574-579. ~Individual Apostolates and Pluralism / 833 On the other hand, since individual apostolates have seemingly arisen more by indirection than by intention~ it is easy to continue the pattern of temporary expedients ~ or ad hoc experiments"without facing broader issues. For example, it may be tempting to presume that individual apos-tolates are only a passing fad that will eventually go away; yet ~what if they are really introducing a new. and, distinct.form of religious,life?~ Again, it is tempting to assume that ,there is little difference.,~between religious, life for those in individual apostolates and those in institutional, apostolates; accordingly, the ~same mo~lel of religious' 'life should prevail in both. But what if there ,is-need for a new type of balance between occupation, re-ligiouslife, and personal life-style in individual apostolates? " The impl!cations of individual apostolates for religious life have been emerging, ,.like ~the apostolates themselves, only piecemeal. Though only partially apparent, these~implications need to be examined, for they poten- .tially constitute the raw material for either crisis or creativity---~r more ljk61y, a bit,of both. In other words,, a pattern is being established that affects,not only'the individual religious involved,,but the commumty as a whole~ For example, a relatively high proportion'of members in some communities is currently engaged in individual apostolates; even were it desirable to withdraw mem- .bets' from individual apostolates,.,it may no longer be feasible to do so without serious disruption (viz. problems in re-assignment, budget, resi-dence, etc.). Somewhat incongruously~ individual apostolates seem to have reached a point of institutionalization! On .the theoretical level, v~hat is at issue is a community's self-vision and self-identity. On the practical level is a complex of questions relating to the implementation of thi~ vision and the fostering of community identity Theoretical Level: A New Vision? Whatever the imbalances in institutional apostolates, they offer religious a sense of identity: "our community working in our restitution:" Quite commonly this sense of corporate identity ~s reinforced by a vision of religious life as a continual harmony of prfiyer ~nd Work, of w~or.k and prayer. Indeed, the identification of community and° institution, suggests something of an equation of,communal prayei and institutional work. If this'vision of religious~life was on~ convincingly painted in the novi-ti~ ite, such an interlocking matrix of p~ra~,er and work seems' alien 'to many religiohs today. The loss c~f this vision may'6ccasi6n feelings of ~talgia for a vision now blurred and a rhythm of. activity now. disjointed. Yet before ~Cf. R. Faricy, "Change in the Apostolic Religious Life," RIR" 34 (1975), 413-414. for a description of the "demonasticization of,apostolates." Should individual aposto-lates be seen as the cutting edge of this centrifug~al movement away from monasti-cism? o ' 834 / Review ]or Religious, l/olume~ 35, 1976/6 indulging guilt4eelings ab'rut, visions lost, it would be well to ask whether the vision is worth recapturing at all . . The vision of religious life as harmonious integration of prayer and work seems to presuppose a double model: a sociological model of an agrarian society coupled with a theological model of a divinely regulated universe.6 While an agrarian model may seem medieval, perhaps the. proximate in-fluence is the American frontier ideal of the self-sufficient family farm. Questions of historical origin aside, an agrarian model seems more influen~- tial in religious.life than is commonly acknowledged. For example, most religious communities were originally founded within agrarian societies; more importantly, an agrarian ideal of .community seems to survive in the expectations, of many religious. Indeed, one may suspect that efforts to "return to the spirit of the founder" may on occasion be similar to the flight from urban life and its mounting frustrations: a yearning for :a simpler life may be nostalgia for the benefits of an agrarian society. Or again, the once common practice of establishing houses of frrmation in rural settings ("where religious life could be lived at its ideal"), reflects something of the ideal of a self,sufficient family farm. Examples could be multiplied; varia-tions on the agrarian model could be added (e.g., religious~ community as "cottage industry" or "ethnic village," etc.). It seems worth noting the similar melding ~of work and communal life that characterizes both agrarian societies and institutional apostolates. Fitting: neatly with an agrarian model of religious :communityqs a the-ological :model Of a well regulated universe: iu~t as the universe is har-moniously ordered in every detail by an inherent set.of laws enacted by a provident God, so too is the religious community harmoniously regulated in every detail by a set of rules provided by ~a diyinely guided founder and subsequently administered, by omniscient superiors.7 While this is blatant caricature, it should be-remembered that every caricature hits uncomfortably close to life¯ ¯ Both models have become theoretically untenable. The~ agrarian model ~;Many different models have been used to explain the transition from one vision or world-view to another: for example, T. Nuij, "New Forms of Community Life," R]R 32 (1973), 59-64, coniraSts commtlnity in primitive, rural or pre-technological, and technological or industrial cultures. Among the abundant literature on this transition, cf. T. O'Meara, Holiness and Radicalism in Religious Lile (New York~ 1972); G. Moran, The. New Community (New York, 1970); L. Schaller, hnpact o[ the Future and The Change Agent (Nashville-Ne~ Yo.rk, 1969 and 1972, respectively); R. Weg-mann, "The Catholic Clergy and Change," Cross Currents i9 (1969), i78-197. The well-known works of C. Reich, The Greet,ing o! America (New York, 1971) and A. Toffler, Future Shock (New York, 1970) offer additional models and numerous illustrations. rThe influence of another model, the church as institution; is also evident; on the advantages~ and.~ limitations of 'this and. other ecclesiological models, cf. A. Dulles, Models o[ the Church (Garden City, New York, 1974). !t would be helpful to have a similar analysis of models of religious life. ~ Individual A,postolates and Pluralism / 835 is_Ansufficient in view of the complexity of urban, technological soCiety, while the theological model of-a s~,stematically directed universe is inade- - quate in the face of historical consciousness and philosophical pluralism. Accordingly, neither of these models .provides a suitable framework for a vision, of religious life. Nbnetheless, there is one reason ~for their tengcious survival:¢ they undoubtedly furnish a sense of security. It is ~spiritually reassuring to devote one's entire day in a harmonious blend of prayer and work dedicated to God: could a fervent religious want more? For some religious, then, the h'armonious vision is quite satisfying. For others, othe ~vision may~be~ feeble, but they are willing to live with;incon-sistency, because they are unable or unwilling to search for a new vision. If~a few havediscovered a new vision, many others are still searching. Aside from the fact that it is far easier to criticize a vision-become-problematic than to construct a replacement, visions are elusive and difficult to verbal-ize. More than likely, discussions within a community do notdebate visions but center on practical issues: traditional procedures versus new approaches. It is tempting, for example; to treat individual apostolates merely as another practical problem. Yet touch'more is at stake: competing visions of com-munity and apostolate that stand at the heart of personal and corporate self-identity. Not surprisingly, the .response to new visions has been varied. First of all, some would prefer to re-upholster the traditional vision by discard-ing out-dated elements" and .super-imposing sundry modern touches. Change is then cosmetic: the superficial appearance is different, but the funda-mental vision remains the same. Nevertheless, there are definite ad-vantages to this approach: it affords cor~tinuity with the past--a matter of concern to older members; it accommodates itself to new circumstances.--- a mattef of importance for younger members; and it introduces, ch~inges gradually sb that there is sufficient time to become accustomed to one set of changes before more_ are introduced--a matter of expediency in all social changes. Yet such an option Carries with it a'notable liability: it relies on a vision that is basically unattractive and unacceptable to many. ~ ~ ¯ Nonetheless-, the right of a community to take this option must be respected, for it may be the only option that a particular community can really live with.8 To follow an out-dated vision may not be wise, but it need not be wrong.dn fact, the attempt to .jerk away an apparent Linus blanket from those committed to a traditional vision is likely to be disrup-tive of both community and apostolate? .Without arbitrarily precluding the o sit might be well to develop a declaration of rights for religious similar to Vatican II's Declaration on Religious Freedom. '~Th6 hazards of adopti0g a new vision are forcefully, though stridently, indicated by J. Hitchcock, The.Decline and Fall o~ Radical:~Cbtholicism (New York, 1971); with-out accepting his viewpoint, one can still~adna!t the need for facing straightforwardly his criticisms. 83b / Review for Religious, Vrlume 33, 1976/6 possibility of future change, a community may.decide very realistically and very,' honestly that its capacity for renewal can only accomplish so much at~a ~iven moment of its history. Communities that decide to retain a traditional vision of community and'apostolate would be well advised not to"eng~ge any of their members in,individual, apostolates that require a life-styl~ that'is basically incompatible with the community,s traditional, vision and thus 'threaten its ~corporate identity. The predictable resulr~'would be serious dissension that.:the, com~ mfihity .may not be prepared to bear:~Yet this need not imply that such communities need to exclude ever~ type of individual.apostolate; what is implied is that~each proposed individual apostolate must be carefully ex-amined for its concordance.with the community's self-vision and self-identity. ,, The Problem, of Pluralism : If the traditional vision is~unattractiw or untenable, what is the new vision of ~community and apostolate? The ~option would be simple~ if a compelling new vision were~ at hand;'then at least-the choice would be.~ clear-cut: traditional or new. Unfortunately there is no one unifying vision that demands acceptance. If it is quite clear that modern life is techno-logical not agrarian, pluralistic not uniform, it is not clear how such aspr'cts .can be synthesized in a new vision. Instead of one new vision, there are~ any number of competing visions--each with advantages~ all'with their respective liabilities. The way to the future seems tobe: may. the best vision win! It is then quite understandable why many religious prefer to hold on to the~ vision they have, whatever.its deficiencies, rather than risk'the vague uncertainties of some apparently more problematic replacement. It is equally understandable why many other religious tend to hedge their op-tions ,by tentatively exploring new possibilities, while keeping a firm'grasp on,a traditional vision. Still., just as a diversity of liturgical practices and theological viewpoints has emerged in. the post-conciliar Church, so a similar diversity in life-styles and visions of community and apostolate has emerged in post-conciliar religious life. This ~variety is rooted in a greater theological awareness of the diversity in the mystery of Christ, the uniqueness of each person, and the temporal and cultural plurality of mankind.~° Where formerly uniformity was prized,as exemplifying the uhity of the Church, now pliJralism is seen as reflecting the Church's catholicity. Yet if it is easy~to pay lip-service to pluralism, it is much more difficult ~°Cf. E. Carter, "Pluralism in Christian Life," R[R 31 .(1972), 22~26; K. Rahner~ "Pluralism in Theology and the Oneness of the Churchs' Professiono o~ Faith," Con~ cilium 46: 103.123; A. Dulles', "Dogma as an Ecumenical Problem,'" 'Theological S~udies 29 (1968),~ 397-416 (reprinted in Dulles! The~'Survival ot Dogma [Garden City, New York, 1971], pp. 152-170). ,Individual Apostolates and Pluralism / 837~ to cope consistently with its implications. For example, some religious have adopted new life-styles, but have not related these to a new vision; and vice versa, new visions 'have been officially adopted in constitutions and rules without subsequent implementation in a community. ~ More importantly, the transition from uniformity to pluralism is both threatening~and enticing. Those who were trained for, or are congenitally inclined to, a life of uniformity and regularity can be severely confused by a,superabundan~e of choices and°the burden of responsibility inherent in a pluralistic situation:~°For example, obedience seems to furnish an excuse for some religious to become over-dependent on their superiors; or vice versa, obedience seems to allow some superiors to pre-empt most decision-making from their subordinates. If some r~ligious pale at pluralism~ it may be the threat of responsibilities that they are unwilling or unable to, bear; similarly, if some ~superiors resent pluralism, it may be through unwilling-ness to share their authority with former subordinates. Another dismaying aspect of pluralism is the potential loss, of com-munity support-systems; when familiar practices vanish, religious ma~' feel themselves ostracized from the group or isolated in their work. Change ih any form is unsettling to creatures of habit, but clinging to a traditional pattern may result in isolation. Since the prospect of losing the respect and understanding of one's companions is~unnervihg, pluralism can prove to be just as formidable to younger religious as to older. In the case of the younger, ,it can be the refusal to adopt the ~vision currently in vogue among their peers. Yet if pluralism ig threatening; it is also attractive. In place of the enervating burden of predictable routine there is the prospect of flexibility and variety in both communal and ~ apostolic life. Religious life is more easily seen as a challenging opportunity for'personal initiative and creativity in the service of Christ. For example, obedience may be seen~ as a commit-ment to Christ that takes the form of submitting one's proposed activities tO the critical encouragement and the charismatic~ evaluation of one's col-leagues; authority is pr!marily that of competent advice; ultimate responsi-bility is one's own before Christ and community. But such a revised view of~ obedience has to be accepted, not ~ofily by the individual but by the community, which may have fo ask whether it can function with a number of different and divergent views of obedience. Another attractive aspect of pluralism is the atmosphere which~ the community provi~tes religious for developing their self-potefitial both in their lives as Christians and in ~their apostolates; this implies a willingness and openness in sharing insights and successes, failures and feelings; in-deed, the diversity of apostolates undertaken by their colleagues can be-c~ me an incentive for religious to Work at~maximum capacity. The preceding contrast exemplifies some of the positive and negative aspects of pluralism. The examples may also help explain why individuals 838 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 react quite differently to the prospect of pluralism: some feel threatened; others are attracted; still others would like to have the advantages of both uniformity and pluralism without the liabilities of either.11 Insofar as pluralism seems to have emerged within religious life more as the result of a series of individual decisions and external trends than through precise planning for pluralism, its implications need attention. Earlier, pluralism in religious life tended to exist more as a collective phe-nomenon: different communities constituted a diversified spectrum of "catholic" religious life, but any one community tended to occupy only a section of this spectrum; each community enjoyed a fairly well specified corporate apostolic identity. The importance attached to this identity-via-apostolate is illustrated by the fact that some communities (even when personnel was available) refused to undertake certain apostolates, as incompatible with their constitutions; as a result, some communities originated as off-shoots of others, when a new apostolate was needed which the parent community felt unable to enter. "Of course, some communities have always allowed greater internal diversity than others. For example, if some communities have restricted their endeavors to one or two specific apostolates, others have undertaken a variety. At first sight, individual apostolates appear to be simply an exten-sion of this variety. And in fact, this seems to be the way most individual apostolates have come about: superiors have allowed individual religious to accept experimental apostolates as exceptions to accustomed practices. In fact, these exceptions have gradually reached the point in some com-munities- where a comparatively high percentage of members is involved; in some instances, proportionately more members are now in individual apostolates than are in some traditional ones. In effect, the exceptions appear to be constituting a new rule, though there is not always a new vision to accompany it. Thus, the introduction of individual .apostolates may precipitate a re-orientation of a community's self-vision and self-identity. In other words, individual apostolates seem to imply the acceptance of a plurality of visions, only some of which are com-patible with traditional vision(s). The basic question then is: to what extent is a community really willing to accept the implications of pluralism? Practical Options A community's Vision of its apostolate(s) is a vital element in its cor-por. ate identity; presumably its apostolic vision is an important factor in attracting, applicants ,and in training younger membersi presumably too, 11The reaction of any person to pluralism seems to involve a number of intertwined factors--personality, intelligence, education, age, occupation, etc.--so that it is im-possible to predict an individual's receptivity.to pluralism. Nor is receptivity~ merely a matter of age; the contrast "traditional-pliJralistic" is not identical with older versus younger~ Also, one may doubt whether it is possibl6 'to foster pluralism simply through instruction~ Individual Apostolates and Pluralism /839 apostolic vision is an essential motivation for the special spirit and dy-nainism of a community. Moreover, apostolic vision is necessary if a community is to avoid being victimized by the needs of the moment and to pla.n its activities on a long range basis. It is crucial, then, for a com- ~iinity to delineate its apostolic vision as clearly as possible, while recog-nizing that every option involves risk.1~ ,~ first option is for a community to continue its institutional aposto-late( s) as~ its primary and (probably) exclusive commitment. Presuming of course that its institutions are really viable, the most-compelling motive for this option can be found in the fact that this is what the membership recognizes as its proper charism and commits itself to do. The evident risk is that this option is not particularly appealing to those who want to work in a more personalized setting; thus, recruitment of new members and dis-satisfaction among present members could well be problems. Moreover, this option may yield to the temptation to abandon the struggle to live a religious life in the modern pluralistic world. The polar-oppbsite' is the option to make individual apostolates the primary and presumably exclusive emphasis in a community.~As a means of responding to challenges facing the Church in the modern world, thisop-tion presupposes considerable flexibility in community structures as well as Considerable self-reliance on the~part of individual religious. These pre-sumed strengths may be dissipated through excessive individualism on the one hand or through lack of traditional support-systems on. the other. While a few commuriities," or at least some segments .of communities, appear to be headed in the direction of this option, what may really be at stake is the creation of new communities (even though the present may not seem a particularly auspicious moment for new found~tiofis). L oA compromise between these two options is the attempt to. juxtapose ¯ institutional and individual apostolates. In greater or less degree, this is theo~present option of many active communities in the United States. In-deeid, it seems to be a typical bit of American pragmatism for a community to allow its members to dream different visions, to work in diffe~rent settings, oani:l, yet to unite, together as members of one family. If such diversity defies theoretical alignment, American religious will presumably be content, as long as their community lives and works harmoniously, however diversely. Compromise will tend to succeed as long .as religious are genuinely tolerant of the inevitable tensions that diversity introduces. The unavoidable risk is that s'uch a compromise will become unglued for example, through a wide-spread failure to fulfill responsibilities both in apostolates and in religious life, through favoritism or factionalism introduced when one group attempts to impose its views on others, or through the difficulty of attracting new members to a pluralistic life. r-'Cf, the interesting interview with a superior,general, C. Buttimer, "Is Religious Life Viable Today?" America 128/4 (February 3, 1973), 86-90. 840 / Review Ior Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 If compromise is to be successful, it is important for the members of a community~ explicitly to recognize the terms of the compromise. In other words, if the tensions arising from diversity in visions and a variety of life-styles are not to. be divisive, a community needs to recognize and to ,accept a spectrum of variant models of apostolic endeavor and of, community life. A community should specify the extent of pluralism that it is capable of tolerating. For example, some communities may be ,open to any type of individual apostolate; others may wish to restrict themselves~ tO select types. Without prior specification or evaluation, .there is potential for arbitrary decision-making, either real or imagined; there is also the likelihood of disillusionment among members if their expectations, ,whether realistic or idealistic, are :not met. (Disillusionment can affect both those who expect the traditional apostolates to be maintained, as well as~ those who, want ind~ividual apostolates to be introduced.) . ~ ~ The acceptance of pluralism should eventually. 'be expressed in bbth the constitutionS, which describe a community's aprstolic vision, and in the rules,~which attempt to concretize this vision in the life.of a community. Such, formulation is .a difficult endeavor, as the revisions undertaken after Vatican II amply confirm.13 Moreover, the emergence of individual aposto-lates adds to the.complexity: first, since the vision is pluralistic and personal, constitutions apparently can do little more than generalize about the limit-points of the pluralism that is acknowledged in principle~ secondly, if rules presumably reflect the lived experience of a community over a period of ¯ time, individual apostolates, in their present form, ar~ both recent and .still .experimental. Accordingly, .different communities may choose .to accept individual apostolates .in rather different ways. Some communities may find it feasible to consider tliem as extensions of existing apostolates; for example, a com-munity., whose apostolate is in education may decide to restrict the ac-ceptance of individual apostolates to educational endeavors. Other com-munities, which have defined their apostolates in terms of specific groups (e.g., poor,~ unevangelized, ethnic, etc.) may allow individual apostolates as a broadening of their ministry to these groups. Still other communities may encourage any~,type of new individual apostolate that displays some relation to witnessing Christ in the modern world.' At least as crucial as express recognitio,n of individual apostolates~ in :constitutions and rules is the way religious regard such formulations. For some, rules are principles that must be uniformly applied in partiCular in-stance. s; others would view rules as determinations that are to be supple-mented and emended according to actual experience. This contrast is given visual form,,in the first case, by those rules that are published in leather-l'~ Cf. J.l_~zano, "Revision of the Constitutions: Meaning, Criteria, and Problems," R]R 34 (1975), 525-534. Individual Apostolates and Pluralism / 841 bound, red-edged volumes resembling miniature Bibles; in the second.case, rtiIes migtit well be mimeographed on loose-leaf sheets and placed in folders to facilitate periodic revision and up-dating. At least this illustration may indicate tha~t attempting to specify'rules for a diversity of individual aposto-lates is a ~tenuous enterprise. In addition, it suggests that traditional rules; however well suited to institutional apostol~ites, should not simply be used as .an umbrella to cover the new situations encountered in individual aposto-lates. Since uniform rules for individual apostolates tend to be anomalous in theory and impractical in"fact, it seems necessary for commuifities whose members are engaged in individual apostolates to develop new approaches: It may well bethat'a community may decide to'formulate guidelines for community or .procedures~for administration or standards .for~professional life for those members in individual apostolates. In so doing, a community will need to face squarely both the advantages and the draffbacks that are encountered in attempting to live and work with quite different 'types of apostolates and life-styles within tile same community. o In any pluralistic situation, it is obviously impossible to lis't all the variables; yet it may be helpful to saml~le a few problem areas: administra-tive procedures, community life, and personal freedom. Administrative Procedures In the halcyon days of institutional apostolates, administration .may have been tedious, but it f~equently had the advantage of following a,stan-dard pattern of applying general norms to particular cases. This '.view. of administration is inadequate for dealing with individual apostolates (and, it should be added, With most institutional apostolates as-well). On the one"hand, individual apostolates tend to elude uniform norms, unless these a~'e~,extremely general; on the other hand, individual apostolates necessarily change the roles of and relationship between superiors and subordinates; This change in, roles" is graphically illustrated by the religious who occa-sionally employed the provincial' superior on a part-time basis. A prime factor in the:reorientation of roles is the fact that in most indi- .vidual apostolates, religious .need a fair amount of latitude to negotiate with prospective employeis and that, ~once employed, their work is not under, the direct supervision of community superiors. As a result; a superior's role tends to be narrowed to antecedent approval (for it is frequently unfeasible, if not counterproductive, for a superior to become involved in negotiations) ¯ and subsequent ratification, which may,be tantamount to rubber-stamping a iait accompli. Some superiors may find this process quite congenial; they have plenty of other problems and are quite relieved if some religious can successfully pursue their individu~ apostolates without supervision. Other superiors may feel more or less frustrated at wanting .to be helpful yet not being needed or at wanting to give daily directives yet being powerless; they may subcon- Review Ior Religious, Volume 35, 1976/6 sciously resent the apparent diminution of their authority. All of these reactions manifest, a lack of appreciation of the change in roles in the superior-subordinate relationship. If it is unrealistic to expect to transfer a set of relationships en masse from institutional to individual apostolates, what then is the role of the superior in relation to religious in this context? First of all, a superior has to take seriously the individuality of each apostolate as well as the personality of each religious; in effect, each apos-tolate must be considered as a separate and somewhat unique case, just as each religious ~is a unique individual. Instead of applying general norms to individual cases, a reverse process is needed: whether and how general principles apply needs to be discovered through an evaluation of each apostolate. The latter task can only be carried out as a joint effort of supe-rior and subordinate, acting as colleagues. . Accordingly, the role of the superior is less a matter of issuing com-mands and more a matter of fostering dialogue, discernment, and discre-tion. 14 Dialogue is necessary if the superior is to understand different apos-tolates from the viewpoint of participant religious; though this does not necessarily imply that a participant's view is always the best, still it should at least be the point of departure for productive discussion. Discernment, in the sense of raising appropriate questions to evaluate the potential, and performance for an individual apostolate, must also be a joint endeavor if the merits and disadvantages of a particular apostolate are to be appreci-ated. Discretion, which aims at deciding on an appropriate course of action among a number of alternatives, should also be shared; it is pointless to impose a decision that one cannot or will not be implemented. Obviously, such an approach to community administration requires a more personal type of communication than may have been customary in the supervision of institutional apostolates. Where a large number of indi-vidual apostolates are involved, such an approach may require that super-visory responsibilities be divided among more than one superior. Effective use of such an approach demands that superiors be skilled in interpersonal communication; in practice, this may mean that other administrative tasks, such as financial management, may have to be delegated to others. If a new administrative approach is required for individual apostolates, no approach is a panacea. While a more personal approach may be more human and hopefully more productive, both superiors and subordinates should realize that there is no advance assurance that their discussion will prove fruitful: if ~dialogue can result in agreement, it also may make any disagreement painfully evident; if discernment can raise crucial questions, l~One of the reasons-that dialogue, discernment, and discretion have become m~ajor concerns in post-conciliar renewal is linked to increased recognition of religious as persons; an added reason for the importance of these means here is the individuality of apostolates. Individual Apostolates and Pluralism / 843 it may also end in self-contented deception; if discretion can aid in deter-mining appropriate action, it is also an arbitrary selection among alterna-tives. There is no method that as such will guarantee success. For example, one question that dispels any roseate vie

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, politica, istituzioni (XIX - XX secolo) ; La ricerca realizzata ha inteso studiare, in un'ottica di lungo periodo e in una prospettiva complessiva, ciò che ha rappresentato l'esperienza del fascismo in un contesto territoriale periferico e non omogeneo, di cui è espressione quel segmento dell'Umbria meridionale costituito in provincia nel gennaio 1927. Tale area si è rivelata un case study esemplare, in grado di offrire interessanti spunti interpretativi. In effetti, all'unico grande polo industriale della provincia, compreso nel territorio della conca ternana, si contrappone la restante parte del territorio provinciale, comprendente città come Orvieto e Amelia, contrassegnate da consolidate relazioni con le regioni limitrofe, espressione di un'Umbria verde, agricola e mezzadrile, ma anche francescana, terra d'arte, di misticismo, ritenuta dalla pubblicistica di regime "cuore" dell'Italia fascista. A partire da ciò, si è creduto opportuno impostare la ricerca attorno a tre questioni principali, ritenute essenziali per cogliere aspetti e dinamiche della società locale nel ventennio mussoliniano. Per fare questo è stata definita una griglia interpretativa funzionale a verificare il ruolo del Pnf nel quadro del rapporto centro-periferia, continuità-rottura. Si è così puntato a esaminare come il fascismo abbia influito sui processi di formazione e consolidamento dei ceti dirigenti locali, verificandone la capacità di rapportarsi con le vecchie élites, di promuoverne di nuove o, magari, di fare coesistere entrambe. Si è poi cercato di approfondire il ruolo che il partito ha svolto in ambito locale, la sua capacità di inserirsi nelle diverse dinamiche territoriali, di creare e controllare reti clientelari e, soprattutto, di rapportarsi con le due realtà che rimangono fuori dal suo controllo, il grande gruppo polisettoriale rappresentato dalla "Terni" polisettoriale di Bocciardo e la Chiesa locale, il tutto al fine di conseguire i propri obiettivi totalitari. Infine, si è affrontata la questione del consenso. In questo senso, è stato preso in considerazione non soltanto il ruolo della violenza attuata dal fascismo per conquistare il potere e la stessa azione repressiva dispiegatasi negli anni del regime, che si dimostra concreta e reale come è normale in una situazione di dittatura, ma si è provato a fare luce sul dissenso e sulle aree di rassegnazione o di consenso tiepido che sembrano persistere nella società locale. Nel procedere si è poi cercato di coniugare la storia politicoistituzionale con quella sociale e in parte economica, attraverso un costante lavoro di analisi e incrocio delle fonti studiate, scelta ritenuta utile per conseguire gli obiettivi prefissati. Certamente, la riflessione sulle origini, l'affermazione, il consolidamento del fascismo in provincia di Terni, offre sostanziali conferme a quanto una parte della storiografia aveva proposto. Nell'Umbria meridionale il fascismo, nei suoi vertici, sorge e si afferma come punto d'incontro dei ceti dominanti tradizionali. Esso si afferma in quanto strumento della reazione agraria e dei gruppi industriali monopolistici di 2 fronte alla conflittualità contadina e operaia e al dilagare del socialismo. La sconfitta delle élites politiche tradizionali alle elezioni politiche del 1919 e a quelle amministrative del 1920, che seguiva l'effervescenza sociale del biennio rosso; la stipula del patto colonico del 1920 sfavorevole per gli agrari; la stessa esperienza, sebbene breve e contraddittoria, dell'occupazione delle fabbriche, sullo sfondo di una situazione economica difficile, ne determina la reazione, che si concretizza per l'appunto nell'adesione al fascismo. Dapprima nella versione squadrista, capace di sconfiggere sul piano militare gli oppositori, anche grazie al diffuso sostegno degli apparati di sicurezza dello Stato, quindi come blocco elettorale e nuova struttura politica in grado di conquistare il potere, il fascismo si configura come una sorta di union sacrée contro il "bolscevismo", in cui confluiscono conservatorismo agrario ma anche impulsi industrialisti e modernizzatori. Più concretamente, esso viene accorpando tutte quelle correnti politiche, contrapposte tra loro nel primo quindicennio del secolo, che avevano costituito il frastagliato universo giolittiano. In questo senso, come l'analisi dei vertici del Pnf provinciale e degli amministratori locali ha permesso di verificare, sino al 1927 a essere protagonisti sulla scena politica locale sono le forze che tradizionalmente facevano parte del blocco agrario. In primo luogo i proprietari terrieri, molti dei quali appartenenti alla nobiltà, a cui si affiancano esponenti della borghesia delle professioni, le cui proprietà erano cresciute a cavallo tra Ottocento e Novecento, nonché alcuni settori espressione diretta del mondo rurale, come gli agenti di campagna, i fattori, ma anche quei contadini che nei primi anni venti erano riusciti ad accedere alla proprietà della terra. In provincia di Terni quindi, dalla conquista fascista sino all'introduzione della riforma podestarile ma, in gran parte, anche dopo, la presenza ai vertici delle amministrazioni municipali e di quella provinciale di esponenti del notabilato locale, essenzialmente aristocratici, proprietari terrieri, professionisti, si rivela dato costante che permette di accomunare la provincia di Terni a realtà come la Toscana, l'Emilia-Romagna e, anche, a parte dell'Italia meridionale. L'attuazione della riforma podestarile, con le prerogative concesse al prefetto nella nomina dei vertici delle amministrazioni comunali, non sembra variare di molto la situazione, almeno nella prima fase di attuazione della riforma. Come è emerso nei comuni della provincia di Terni, il criterio seguito dai prefetti per l'individuazione dei podestà era connesso con la rilevanza sociale ed economica riconosciuta in una comunità ai candidati alla carica che, senza dubbio, un titolo nobiliare e una professione adeguata erano in grado di assicurare, anche magari a scapito della mancanza di qualche requisito previsto dalla legge istitutiva della riforma podestarile. In questo senso, sembra dunque perpetuarsi un modello burocratico e ottimatizio insieme, grazie al quale il fascismo intendeva presentarsi alle comunità locali con un volto rassicurante, al fine di accattivarsi il favore della popolazione. L'analisi prosopografica dei profili relativi a presidi, consultori provinciali, podestà, membri delle consulte municipali, per il periodo 1926-1943, ha reso possibile definire un quadro che vede sostanzialmente confermata l'analisi fatta in una prospettiva nazionale da Luca Baldissara ormai più di una decina di anni 3 fa1. E' cosi emerso il carattere di classe della rappresentanza politico-amministrativa fascista in questi anni, sebbene con alcune differenze effetto delle specificità socioeconomiche caratterizzanti l'area esaminata. Nello specifico, l'esame condotto sul corpus di 147 amministratori (78 podestà e 69 commissari prefettizi) che si succedono nei Comuni della provincia nell'arco di tempo considerato, ha permesso di tracciare l'identikit di un funzionario con un'età compresa tra i quaranta e i cinquanta anni; in possesso di un titolo di studio elevato (laurea o diploma di scuola superiore); in cui la proprietà della terra riveste un ruolo essenziale, coerentemente al tessuto socio-economico prevalente in provincia, e in cui dal punto di vista della professione esercitata appare predominante la figura del libero professionista (in genere avvocato e notaio). Forte è poi il legame dei podestà con il Pnf, più della metà del campione individuato risulta nel partito dal biennio 1920-1922; al tempo stesso, la maggioranza delle designazioni effettuate dai prefetti avviene in accordo con la federazione provinciale fascista. Sembra quindi delinearsi un quadro d'assieme che nel corso degli anni trenta, in gran parte della provincia, vede la predominanza delle gerarchie notabilari nella gestione del potere locale. Da tale situazione si discosta in parte l'area industriale compresa tra Terni e Narni, in cui come avviene in altri contesti urbani o regionali, attraverso il Pnf si assiste all'ascesa di personalità espressione della media e piccola borghesia urbana, per i quali l'istituto podestarile diventa uno strumento di promozione sociale e di affermazione nella gerarchia del potere locale. L'immagine del governo locale che si profila non è però statica, appare invece dinamica e contrassegnata da una forte conflittualità che, a vari livelli, si dimostra uno dei tratti comuni percepibili sotto l'apparente pacificazione realizzata dal fascismo. La forte instabilità presente nelle amministrazioni comunali della provincia di Terni, attestata dall'elevato numero di commissari prefettizi e di podestà retribuiti che si succedono, è testimonianza non solo delle difficoltà incontrate dai prefetti nella selezione di un ceto dirigente adeguato ma, soprattutto, del tentativo delle élites tradizionali, attraversate da interessi diversi e relazioni clientelari e familiari molteplici, di resistere all'azione omologatrice del regime. Indubbiamente, lo Stato fascista, attraverso la promozione di un modello di podestà fondato su competenza, capacità di agire, allineamento alle direttive dei vertici, in nome della proclamata modernizzazione puntava a ricondurre le periferie sotto il controllo del centro. Ecco allora che la ricerca di una concreta azione di governo delle amministrazioni locali, frequentemente sollecitata dal prefetto, da perseguire, ad esempio, attraverso la realizzazione di opere pubbliche funzionali alla mobilitazione di settori diversi della società, diventava il riferimento attraverso cui misurare l'efficienza e, soprattutto, "l'operosità" degli amministratori locali. L'elevato turnover dei podestà rappresenta pertanto una spia che si presta a misurare significativamente le difficoltà incontrate dal regime nell'affermare la propria azione in periferia. Non di rado tuttavia l'intervento del prefetto sui podestà si rendeva necessario per stroncare le lotte intestine e di fazione che si scatenavano all'interno delle élites locali per la gestione del potere. Le modalità attraverso cui tali scontri si manifestano sembrano esprimere dinamiche del conflitto omogenee a quanto accertato da altri studi 1 Luca Baldissara, Tecnica e politica nell'amministrazione. Saggio sulle culture amministrative e di governo municipale fra anni Trenta e Cinquanta, Il Mulino, Bologna 1998. 4 riguardanti realtà comunali, provinciali e regionali diverse. Esse assumono la forma di lettere, esposti, denunzie anonime, che divengono lo strumento di lotta principale tra le fazioni in una dimensione comunale ma, come è stato accertato in chiave provinciale, anche tra i rappresentanti dei diversi poteri locali, oltre che all'interno degli stessi vertici della federazione fascista ternana. A partire dal 1927, con la nascita della Provincia e l'insediamento di istituzioni politiche e amministrative nella città capoluogo, anche per il fascismo locale inizia una fase nuova, l'esame della quale ha permesso di meglio comprendere come in questa realtà si viene definendo il rapporto con il centro. La genesi della nuova entità territoriale è frutto di una serie di variabili legate, da un lato, alle esigenze politiche amministrative dello Stato fascista divenuto regime; a cui si sovrappongono le dinamiche conflittuali interne al fascismo regionale, che portano alla pacificazione dello stesso e alla nascita della federazione provinciale del Pnf. Infine, un ruolo determinante lo ha l'affermazione della "Terni" polisettoriale, vero e proprio potere forte nella nuova provincia, in grado di dare vita a un originale sistema di fabbrica a metà strada tra paternalismo assistenziale e truck-system. Con essa il regime dialoga direttamente, baypassando la neonata federazione provinciale del Pnf e, se necessario, intervenendo per normalizzarla, come dimostra esemplarmente la vicenda politica e personale di Elia Rossi Passavanti, primo federale e podestà di Terni. In questo senso, la ricostruzione dei percorsi personali e professionali dei vertici dell'amministrazione statale (prefetti e questori), degli organi politici (federali, vicefederali, segretari amministrativi, componenti del Direttorio della federazione fascista) ed economici (membri del consiglio provinciale dell'economia, di quello delle corporazioni e del principale istituto bancario del capoluogo), è stata preziosa per le riflessioni che permette di realizzare rispetto al ruolo avuto dal Pnf in provincia e, specialmente, alle dinamiche politiche che si innescano nei rapporti che il partito instaura con le altre autorità, a cominciare da quella prefettizia. Proprio con riferimento ai prefetti, si è potuto osservare che sui nove che si succedono in provincia di Terni nel periodo considerato, ben sei provengono dal Pnf. Tale fatto non sottende necessariamente un'automatica collaborazione con la federazione fascista, quanto piuttosto sembra rispondere all'esigenza del centro di superare i contrasti esistenti tra la federazione fascista e la prefettura che, invece, è situazione ricorrente in provincia. Nel contempo, il succedersi di dodici federali alla guida del partito è prova di una significativa instabilità, dato peraltro ulteriormente confermato dalla netta prevalenza di personalità estranee all'ambiente locale, ben nove. Questo fatto non esprime solo una certa debolezza del fascismo locale, incapace di fornire un ceto dirigente adeguato, ma dimostra la stessa evoluzione che subisce la figura del segretario federale, nei termini di una spiccata professionalizzazione inquadrabile nel più generale contesto di crescente burocratizzazione del Pnf funzionale a consolidarne il ruolo di mediazione e di intervento nell'amministrazione dello Stato, che si rivela uno dei tratti tipici del Pnf staraciano. In questo senso, le guerre che si scatenano tra prefetto e federale nel corso degli anni trenta, ad esempio per la questione delle nomine dei podestà, in cui ruolo determinante lo acquista ancora una volta l'arma dell'esposto e della lettera anonima, attestano il tentativo portato avanti dal partito di far sentire il proprio peso al fine se non di sovrapporsi, quanto meno di affiancare lo Stato in periferia. Affiora così quella di5 mensione policratica che si configura come uno degli elementi caratterizzanti la politica in periferia negli anni del regime. Nonostante i contrasti che si scatenano tra i poteri, le lotte intestine all'interno del Pnf, la cronica debolezza dimostrata dai ceti dirigenti, la federazione provinciale fascista nel corso degli anni trenta riesce comunque a essere vitale e in grado di esercitare il proprio ruolo ai fini della fascistizzazione della società locale. D'altra parte, ai vertici del partito se si escludono i federali e i loro più stretti collaboratori, le restanti cariche continuano a essere gestite in larga parte dal medesimo nucleo originario fascista, fatto di appartenenti al ceto agrario e alla borghesia delle professioni provenienti, per la maggior parte, dall'area ternana. Ciò attesta lo scarso ricambio generazionale esistente all'interno della federazione, ma anche il peso politico ed economico ricoperto dal capoluogo rispetto all'intera provincia. Questi dirigenti fanno parte dei diversi Direttori federali che si succedono e, talvolta, ricoprono contemporaneamente, laddove la legislazione lo consente, incarichi in organismi quali il Consiglio provinciale dell'economia o, anche, alla guida della principale banca locale. Ai vertici del partito il peso degli appartenenti a settori della piccola borghesia e del ceto operaio è invece minore. Soltanto con l'approssimarsi del secondo conflitto mondiale, si fanno strada figure espressione del ceto impiegatizio, ma anche tecnici e qualche sindacalista con alle spalle una carriera nell'apparato burocratico della federazione provinciale, i quali assumono incarichi di un certo peso, come quello di segretario amministrativo o di componente del Direttorio. In questo modo sembra prefigurarsi, sebbene in maniera timida e non paragonabile a quanto accade in altre province, l'affermazione «dal basso e dalle periferie [di] una nuova classe dirigente del regime totalitario»2. Nel corso degli anni trenta dunque, sebbene tra molteplici difficoltà di natura anche economica, il Pnf riesce a dare vita in provincia a una struttura organizzativa in grado di penetrare e inquadrare la società locale. Peraltro, l'afflusso costante di contributi concessi da enti pubblici diversi (amministrazioni provinciali, comunali, Consiglio provinciale dell'economia) e soggetti privati (la Società "Terni" in primo luogo, ma anche altre aziende) a un partito alla continua ricerca di risorse, che la documentazione amministrativa della federazione ternana ha permesso di verificare, rappresenta testimonianza esemplare degli sforzi profusi dal regime per rendere il Pnf un volano di sviluppo del peculiare welfare funzionale alla fascistizzazione della società locale. In questa prospettiva, il rapporto con la Società "Terni" si è rivelato una chiave di lettura che non è possibile trascurare se si vuole comprendere la natura dell'esperienza fascista in provincia di Terni. Si è visto che la stessa nascita della nuova Provincia è connessa alla questione del controllo delle acque del sistema Nera-Velino, presupposto essenziale per la creazione dell'impresa polisettoriale; così come la stipula della convenzione tra il Comune di Terni e la società guidata da Bocciardo, sanziona di fatto in maniera prepotente la forza non solo della grande azienda, ma l'affermazione dello stesso "centro" sulla "periferia". Da quel momento e anche dopo l'inserimento della "Terni" nel sistema delle partecipazioni statali attra- 2 Marco Palla, Il partito e le classi dirigenti, in Renato Camurri, Stefano Cavazza, Id. (a cura di), Fascismi locali, "Ricerche di Storia politica", a. X, nuova serie, dicembre 2010, 3/10, p. 296. 6 verso l'Iri, operazione che garantì allo Stato il controllo pubblico sull'azienda e sul suo assetto produttivo, la grande impresa per il fascismo ma, più in generale, per la stessa società locale diventa emblematicamente una madre-matrigna. Essa viene percepita come un complesso capitalistico che invade la città e, con i suoi vertici, in grado di dialogare con il centro e, anche, direttamente con il duce, si pone rispetto al Pnf locale in una situazione super partes. Non è così casuale che i federali presentino come risultato della loro azione politica i buoni rapporti che riescono a intrattenere con i vertici aziendali, i quali peraltro si dimostrano costantemente impermeabili all'influenza della federazione fascista. D'altra parte, a partire dalla stipula della convenzione del 1927 e per tutto il decennio successivo la "Terni", insieme al partito, appare senza alcun dubbio uno dei pilastri del regime in provincia. Non soltanto sostiene la federazione provinciale con contributi costanti, essenziali per assicurargli la possibilità di svolgere la propria azione sul territorio; ma, più in generale, con tutto il suo peso di grande gruppo polisettoriale sposa in pieno le politiche economiche, sindacali, sociali del regime, garantendo allo stesso le condizioni per affermare «un sistema di aggregazione/costruzione del consenso/controllo sociale e politico che si adegua al modello del regime reazionario di massa»3. In queste dinamiche si inserisce anche, per quanto è stato possibile accertare in relazione alle fonti disponibili, l'atteggiamento tenuto dalla Chiesa cattolica locale nei riguardi del fascismo. L'analisi condotta con riferimento specifico alla diocesi di Terni-Narni e al vescovo Cesare Boccoleri che la guida nel Ventennio fascista, ha permesso di accertare che, come succede in altre diocesi italiane e coerentemente con le scelte fatte dai vertici vaticani, la Chiesa ternana sembra tenere una posizione di sostanziale appoggio al fascismo e di collaborazione con il Pnf. Ciò emerge in maniera evidente in alcuni momenti: ad esempio, in occasione delle campagne promosse dal regime sul terreno economico e sociale, come per la Battaglia del grano e, soprattutto, dopo la stipula del Concordato, o nel corso della guerra d'Etiopia e di Spagna. Al tempo stesso, anche quando si hanno tensioni nei rapporti tra Stato e Chiesa (per effetto della crisi del 1931 sulle prerogative dell'Azione cattolica o in occasione dell'introduzione delle leggi razziali), le conseguenze concrete per la Chiesa locale sono di scarso rilievo e, comunque, tali da non incidere sostanzialmente sulla natura dei rapporti esistenti con la federazione fascista. Anche la Chiesa locale quindi, sebbene con l'obiettivo di preservare e, per quanto possibile, incrementare la presenza cattolica nella società locale, contribuisce nella sostanza a consolidare e, anche, ampliare il consenso al regime. In particolare, essa si dimostra attiva nel favorire, specialmente nelle aree rurali, quell'azione di «modernizzazione politica» di natura reazionaria, conseguenza del tentativo di organizzazione della società italiana secondo criteri gerarchici e accentratori, che il fascismo è impegnato a portare avanti in periferia. Certamente, un ruolo essenziale ai fini della creazione e, soprattutto, del mantenimento del consenso lo esercita anche la costante opera di vigilanza e repressione di ogni forma di dissenso organizzato e di attività politica di opposizione, che si attua in provincia per opera degli apparati di sicurezza dello Stato fascista. Tale azione si rivela particolarmente efficace se negli anni del regime solo i comunisti, essenzial- 3 Renato Covino, L'invenzione di una regione, Quattroemme, Perugia 1995, p. 58. 7 mente nell'area industriale ternana, riescono a mantenere in vita, per quanto a fatica e in misura ridotta, una forma di opposizione organizzata. E tuttavia, il fatto che continuamente le autorità, sebbene nell'ambito del riconoscimento di quanto fatto dalle diverse organizzazioni del partito a favore del ceto operaio, lamentassero l'inadeguato grado di "comprensione fascista", quando non la scarsa fascistizzazione dei lavoratori delle industrie ternane e la loro "pericolosità" politica, sembra essere la conferma implicita di come in provincia, non solo non scompare l'insofferenza e il dissenso, anche politicamente organizzato, ma, più in generale, sotto la camicia nera, a prescindere dalla propaganda e dall'attività delle differenti istituzioni del regime, non vengono meno nemmeno gli interessi molteplici che contrassegnano la società locale e le diverse realtà presenti sul territorio. In ultima analisi, il fascismo locale appare in grado di esercitare un ruolo attivo nel disegno di fascistizzazione della società, coerentemente con l'accelerazione nel processo di creazione dello Stato totalitario di cui è strumento il Pnf staraciano. Il partito si rivela dunque un vero e proprio centro di potere, espressione di un regime autoritario e tendenzialmente totalitario, con cui, inevitabilmente, tutti i cittadini si trovano a confrontarsi per le necessità della vita quotidiana: in altre parole, a dover essere, almeno una volta nella vita, fascisti. ; This research project is an in-depth study, in a comprehensive and long-term perspective, of what Fascism represented at a local level in a peripheral and non-homogeneous context, as in the case of the Southern Umbria areas, established as an administrative province in 1927. This specific geographical district flagged-up all the prerequisites for an exemplary case study, featuring several significant explanatory points. To this unique large provincial administrative industrial hub located within the Terni basin, other districts, part of the same province, remained juxtaposed. Within their respective areas, these districts included towns such as Orvieto and Amelia, which had strong links with the neighbouring communities, representing the rural, agricultural and mezzadrile aspects of Umbria, land of Saint Francis of Assisi, rich in art and religious meanings, which the Fascist Regime came to proclaim officially as the "heart" of Fascist Italy. On the basis of these introductory remarks, the study focuses its scope of research on three main points, all but essential to understand fully the aspects and dynamics of the local society during the Fascist period, also referred to as the ventennio mussoliniano. An interpretative functional grid has been designed with a view to describe the role of the National Fascist Party (Nfp) within the centre-periphery and continuity-innovation relationships with the previous regime. The study seeks to investigate how Fascism exerted its influence on the establishment and process of strengthening of the local ruling ranks, attesting its ability to relate with the old dominant élites, or promote the emerging of new ones or, in addition, facilitate and support the coexistence of both. Furthermore, the research focuses on the role exerted by the Nfp at a local level, its capability to affect the various localised dynamics of power, to create and control networks of affiliates and, above all, to relate with the two main subjects which remained independent from its control, the important industrial group represented by "Terni" of Bocciardo and the local Catholic Church, with an overarching aim to achieve its totalitarian objectives. Finally, the question of popular consent has also been scrutinised. At one level, the study analyses the 2 role of fascist violence deployed to obtain power and the repressive actions carried out under the Regime, which were highly effective, as one might expect under a dictatorship. At another level, it investigates the popular dissent and the grey areas of passive acceptance and weak consent which were common among strata of the local population. Additionally, in a broader perspective, political and institutional historical analysis has been coupled with social and economic investigation, through a systematic scrutiny and cross-examination of the main sources, as a methodological approach needful to the achievement of the final outcomes of the research. Findings on the origins, development, and strengthening of Fascism within the Terni province appear to concur with the conclusions reached by previous historical research. In the Southern areas of Umbria, Fascism, at its highest level, was brought into power and successfully established by the traditional ruling classes. The establishment of Fascism was supported and facilitated by the agrarian reaction and the monopolistic industrial groups threatened by the discontent of the rural and working classes and the rapid advancement of Socialism. The political defeat of the traditional ruling élites at the 1919 general election and the 1920 local elections, which followed the social turmoil of the so-called red biennium; the agreement of the 1920 patto colonico, disadvantageous to landowners; the occupation of factories, though a brief and contradictory experience, against a background of economic difficulty, caused their reaction and prompted their acceptance and support for Fascism. Firstly, Fascism, in the form of Fascist action squads and their capability of defeating its opponents militarily, with the extensive assistance of the State security services, then as an electoral block and political force capable to achieve power, presented itself as a sort of union sacrée against the threat of Bolshevism into which various groups appear to converge: the agrarian conservatism but also industrial and more modern forces. Undoubtedly, Fascism drew together different political forces, which during the first decade of the twentieth-century had been mutually antagonistic, and segments of the complex and divided political establishment of the Giolitti era. The scrutiny of the highest levels of the local Nfp and civil servants has revealed that, at least till 1927, the main political figures belonged to those forces already part of the agrarian block. Firstly, the landowners, many of whom belonged to the local nobility, supported by members of the professional bourgeoisie, whose estates and wealth had augmented during the nineteenth- and twentieth-century, and other sectors which were the direct expression of the rural milieus, such as the rural agents, farmers, but also those peasants whom, during the first two decades of the twentieth-century, had succeeded in becoming landowners themselves. Therefore in the Terni province, from the establishment of the Fascist regime to the introduction of the office of podestà and, for some time even after, 3 the highest offices of the municipal and provincial administration were held by members of the local nobility, primarily aristocrats, landowners and professionals. This is an invariable characteristic which put the Terni province in alignment with similar situations in Tuscany, Emilia Romagna and other areas of Southern Italy. The administrative reform and the establishment of the podestà authority, together with the prerogatives of the prefectures in appointing members of the highest offices within the municipal administrations, did not radically change, at least during the early phases of the reform, established practice. A survey of the municipalities located within the Terni province, shows that the prefects in the selection process to appoint the podestà took greatly into account the candidates' social and economic status of and, without doubt, a honorific title and tenure of highly considered profession were often sufficient criteria for a candidate to be nominated even when lacking some of the prescribed requisites as outlined by the administrative reform. The Fascist regime therefore, in perpetuating a bureaucratic and grandees system, showed an intention to reassure the existing ruling élites and obtain the support of the local population. A prosopographical analysis of the biographical profiles of headmasters, members of the provincial advice bureaus, podestà, members of the municipal advisory councils, during the 1926-1943 period, has made it possible to outline a summary framework which strongly corroborates the analysis carried out at a national level by Luca Baldissarra over a decade ago.1 What has emerged from this analysis is the class-based character of the Fascist political and administrative representation during those years, though presenting various differences linked to the social and economic specificity of the area scrutinised. In more depth, the study carried out on a corpus of 147 civil servants (78 podestà and 69 prefectural officers) employed by the municipalities of the province during the examined period, made it possible to draw up a profile of the typical officer: between forty and fifty years of age; highly educated (having achieved a high-school or university degree); often a landowner, a characteristic consistent with the social and economic structure prevailing throughout the province, and among whom the status of self-employed (generally lawyer or public notary) represented the most frequent professional position held. Relations between the podestà and the Nfp appear to have been particularly close, over half of the sample identified is composed by individuals who had joined the Fascist Party at an early stage, during 1920-1922; additionally, the majority of the appointments made by the prefects were agreed in advance with the Provincial Fascist Federation. It would therefore appear that during the 1930s, in 1 Luca Baldissara, Tecnica e politica nell'amministrazione. Saggio sulle culture amministrative e di governo municipale fra anni Trenta e Cinquanta, Il Mulino, Bologna 1998. 4 large areas of the province, the highest hierarchies of grandees were the prominent figures holding local high office. The industrial area comprised within the administrative territories of the two municipalities of Terni and Narni, however, appears to contrast with other districts of the province. In this area, as for similar cases in other municipalities or other regional administrations, the Nfp supported the emergence of members of the small and medium local urban bourgeoisie, as the office of podestà became a vehicle of social advancement and an opportunity to climb up the local hierarchy of power. Despite the apparent pacification established forcibly by the Fascist regime, the dynamics of power within the local government remained characterised by extreme unrest and strong conflict at various levels. The sizeable number of prefectural commissioners and remunerated podestà who succeeded in office, often in rapid succession, bears witness to the instability which marred almost all the municipal administrations of Terni province. This is evidence of the obstacles encountered by the prefects during the selection process of a qualified managerial class but, above all, of the resistance put up by the traditional élites of power, motivated by divergent interests and loyalty to various networks of familial and personal relations, to the process of homologation pursued by the Fascist regime. Undoubtedly, the Fascist regime, in implementing a model of podestà based on competence, on the energetic ability to act, on its alignment to official directives, and in order to achieve a modernisation of the administrative system, aimed at placing the local authorities under the prescriptive control of a centralised State. The actual administrative actions implemented by the local administrative offices, frequently under the guidance and pressure of the Prefects, as for example in the case of the accomplishment of public works functional to the civil mobilisation of various segments of the local community, became a measure of their efficiency and, above all, a measurement of how industrious the local administrators should be. The high turn-over of podestà is a clear indication of how difficult it was for the Fascist regime to implement its plans of action in peripheral areas. Additionally, direct intervention by the Prefects was often necessary to put an end to rivalries and internal power struggles which frequently broke out among local élites. These clashes and their manifestations appear to be similar in their dynamics, as pointed out by previous studies, to other cases occurred in different municipalities, provinces and regions. Resorting to anonymous letters, official complaints, accusations, came to represent the instrument to attack and weaken the opposite factions at a local level, within the municipalities, but also within the provincial administration, among the various representatives of the local administration and even the highest offices of the Terni Fascist Federation. From 1927, following the establishment of the 5 Province and the set up of political and administrative authorities in Terni, now seat of local government, a new phase emerged for the local Fascist Party too. The study of this new province has facilitated the understanding of its relations with central authorities. The establishment of this new local administration was the result of various circumstances linked to the political requirements of the Fascist State following the transition to a totalitarian regime. Additionally, the internal conflict dynamics of the regional Fascist Party played an important role. These led to the inner pacification of the Party and the set up of a Nfp Provincial Federation. Finally, the establishment of "Terni" had a pivotal role too. "Società Terni" (also referred to as "La Terni") came to represent the real "strong power" of the province, capable of imposing a factory regimen based partially on paternalistic assistance and partially on a truck-system model. The Fascist regime dealt directly with "Terni", bypassing the newly-established Nfp Provincial Federation and, where necessary, intervened to impose its authority, as the political and personal vicissitudes of Elia Rossi Passavanti, the first Federal secretary and podestà of Terni, exemplified. In this perspective, drawing together personal and professional career paths of the highest officers (prefects and police commissioners), of both political (federals, deputy federals, administrative secretaries, members of the Fascist Federation Federal Bureau) and economic authorities (members of the Provincial Economic Council, members of the Provincial Corporations Council and of the main bank) has represented an invaluable study, conducive to the understanding of the Nfp's role within the province and, in addition, of the political dynamics at play among the Fascist Party and other authorities, such as the prefectures. With specific reference to the prefects, it is worth noticing that of the nine prefects in office in the Terni province during the period under scrutiny, as many as six were Nfp members. This situation, however, did not necessarily imply a spontaneous collaboration between the prefectures and the Fascist Federation, but it would appear to have been a response to the need of overcoming the conflictual antinomy between the two authorities, which was a recurrent event throughout the Terni province. In addition, the succession of twelve Federals as leaders of the Fascist Party bears witness to a pervasive instability, a fact which is also confirmed by the noticeable preference given to individuals, as many as nine, unconnected with the local milieu. This is certainly a clear manifestation of the local Fascist Party's weakness - which appeared unable to express and produce capable managerial ranks - and of the evolution of the Federal Secretary's role, becoming more and more a professional one, in the context of the remarkable bureaucratisation of the Nfp, aimed at strengthening its mediatory and interventional role on the local administration, one of the main characteristics of the Nfp 6 under the leadership of Starace. Within this framework, the contrast between the prefects and the Fascist Federal secretaries during the 1930s, with regard, as a case in point, to the appointments of the podestà, and the crucial utilisation of official complaints and anonymous letters, bears witness to the Party's attempt to impose its decisions or, at least, to influence the administration at a local level. This, in turn, resulted in a situation of polycracy, which was one of the factors denoting local politics during the Fascist regime. During the 1930s, despite deep rooted conflict among the authorities, the internal power struggles within the Nfp and the endemic ineptitudes of the ruling class, the Fascist Provincial Federation was successful in exerting and promoting the fascistisation of the local community. It is manifest that the highest authorities within the National Fascist Party, with the exception of the Federals and their closest advisors, remained the domain of the original Fascist core, composed by members of the rural class and the bourgeoisie originating primarily from the Terni area. This explains the inadequate generational change within the Fascist Federation and, in addition, the political and economic importance of the Terni area in comparison to the entire province. These political figures were part of the various Federal Bureau and, in some cases at the same time, if the law permitted, held additional offices in different institutional bodies, such as the Economic Provincial Council or were in charge of the main local bank. On the contrary, the influence exerted on the high levels of the National Fascist Party by the small bourgeoisie or by members of the working class remained negligible. It was only with the approach of the Second World War that members of the clerical class, but also technicians and a few tradeunionists already employed within the bureaucratic structure of the Provincial Federation, acquired an enhanced importance and gained access to higher office, such as administrative secretaries or members of the Federal Bureau. The Terni area too, though in a more limited way, which bears not comparison with other provinces, saw the rising «from the bottom and the periphery of a new ruling class within the totalitarian regime»2. During the 1930s therefore, despite various difficulties, including economic issues, the Nfp was successful in creating at a provincial level an organisational structure capable of influencing and organising the local community. Additionally, the regular flow of financial contributions bestowed by various public authorities (provincial administrations, municipalities, Provincial Economic Council) and private companies ("La Terni", first of all, but other businesses too) to a political party constantly seeking financial backing, as thoroughly documented by records of the Terni Fascist Federation, bears witness to the outstanding efforts the Regime made to 2 Marco Palla, Il partito e le classi dirigenti, in Renato Camurri, Stefano Cavazza, Id. (a cura di), Fascismi locali, "Ricerche di Storia politica", a. X, nuova serie, dicembre 2010, 3/10, p. 296. 7 successfully present the Nfp as a conducive mean to the development of this specific welfare model, with a view to promote the fascistisation of the local community. In this perspective, the Nfp's relation with the "Società Terni" is key to understanding the nature of the Fascist Regime and its role within the Terni province. The establishment of a Province was connected to the control of the water-system of the two rivers Nera-Velino, essential to create an industrial hub; similar reasons were behind the agreement stipulated between the Terni municipality and the Bocciardo Company, which came to sanction resolutely the importance of the Company and, additionally, the supremacy of the "centre" over the "periphery". It was from this period and following the inclusion of "Società Terni" within the system of state-controlled industries through the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction, a transaction which secured State control over the Company and its productive branches, that "La Terni" became firmly linked to Fascism and, more in general, to the local community, though in a controversial and ambivalent mutual relation. The Company was perceived as a capitalistic enterprise which took over the city, its directors being able to negotiate with the central Government directly and with the Duce himself, taking a super partes position in relation to the local Nfp. It was not a fortuitous occurrence that the Federal secretaries gauged their political influence against the effectiveness and strength of the relations they were able to maintain with the executive directors of "Società Terni", whom, on their part, appeared to be impenetrable to any influence exerted by the local Fascist Federation. Additionally, following the 1927 agreement and during the ensuing decade, "La Terni", in conjunction with the Fascist Party, appeared to become, without doubt, one of the main pillars of the province. At one level, it supported the Fascist Provincial Federation through a constant flow of financial contributions, vital to bankroll the Federation's activities within the province; but, at a more general level, asserting its influence as a large industrial group, it was capable of shaping the economic, trade-union and social policies of the Fascist regime, creating those conditions to establish «a system of aggregation/disaggregation of the social and political consensus/control conforming to the mass reactionary regime model»3. Within this dynamic interactions, and on the basis of documents available, the local Catholic Church played a significant role in relation to the Fascist Party. With reference to the specific case of the Terni-Narni dioceses and bishop Cesare Boccoleri, the Church's main leader during the Fascist ventennio, this research has showed that, as in the case of other Italian 3 Renato Covino, L'invenzione di una regione, Quattroemme, Perugia 1995, p. 58. 8 dioceses and in alignment with the decisions taken by the Vatican, the Church authorities in Terni supported the Fascist apparatus and adhered to a policy of collaboration with the Nfp. This was particularly manifest on specific occasions: for example during the economic and social campaigns promoted by the Regime, as a case in point the so-called "Battle of the wheat" and, above all, following the 1929 Concordat with the Catholic Church, or during the Ethiopian and Spanish conflicts. At the same time, even when tensions arose and marred the relations between the Fascist regime and the Catholic Church (following the 1931 crisis caused by the limitations imposed on the prerogatives of Azione Cattolica or the adoption of the 1938 racial laws), the consequences for the local Church were negligible and did not appear to affect the on-going relations with the local Fascist Federation. The local Church therefore in pursuing the aim of preserving and, wherever possible, augmenting the Church's influence on the local community, contributed to reinforce and widen consensus for the Fascist regime. More specifically, the Church's actions were particularly effective in encouraging, especially in rural areas, that precise process of "political modernisation", though reactionary at its core, based on organising the entire Italian society on hierarchical and centralising criteria, which Fascism was promoting particularly at a local level. Additionally, and without doubt, the important function to create and, above all, to maintain a high level of consensus was exerted by the pervasive surveillance and repression of any form of dissent and political opposition, enforced within the province by the Fascist security services. A repressive action which was extremely effective and, during the dictatorship, only the Communist Party, despite being hemmed in to the Terni industrial area, was able to maintain, albeit with great difficulty and in a limited way, a form of organised resistance. The fact that the Fascist authorities continuously, though recognising what had been achieved by the Party's multifarious organisations to favour and support the working classes, lamented the feeble "fascistisation" of the Terni industrial workforce and their being "politically dangerous", would appear to confirm implicitly that throughout the province the opposition and political dissent had not completely ceased. More in general, under the "black shirts", despite the propaganda and the activities of various Fascist authorities and institutions, it remained evident that the diversified interests which characterised the local society and the different realities rooted at local level persisted. Ultimately, the local Fascist Party appeared capable of exerting an active role in the "fascistisation" process of society, in alignment with the creation and implementation of a totalitarian state, being the main objective of the National Fascist Party under the leadership of Starace. The Nfp was therefore a real centre of power, expression of an authoritarian 9 regime leaning toward totalitarianism. A regime against which all citizens had to relate for their everyday life needs: that is to say, all citizens had to act, at least outwardly, as fascists.