Suchergebnisse

Der vorliegende Essay zeichnet das Verhältnis von Bildung und Demokratie nach, beginnend bei Montesquieus Regierungsform als Erziehungsform über Pestalozzis Bildung des Volkes und Tanners Bildung für die Demokratie bis hin zu Deweys Demokratie als Lebensform. Mit einem Blick auf Rousseaus Pädagogik den historischen Streifzug beschließend, untersucht der Autor u.a. die Rolle öffentlicher Schulbildung, die er (da mehr oder weniger normierend) für letztlich unverzichtbar hält. Wenn Demokratie als Lebensform verstanden werden soll, so eine der Schlussfolgerungen des Beitrages, dann könne der Staat nicht einfach die politische Erziehung des Volkes verordnen, sondern müsse sich auf das Volk beziehen und einlassen. Das Volk andererseits müsse sich auf die Kunst des Neinsagens verstehen, also Regierungshandeln mit Skepsis begegnen und gegenüber jeder amtlichen Suggestion möglichst immun sein. Übersetzt in die heutige Sprache entsteht der demokratische Habitus in der lebensweltlichen Kommunikation, in der Zivilgesellschaft, mit Aufgaben und Ämtern, die BürgerInnen bewältigen, denen man zutraut, dass sie sich um die Belange des Gemeinwesens kümmern können. (DIPF/Orig.) ; This essay goes over the relationship between education and democracy, beginning with Montesquieu's form of government as a form of education to Pestalozzi's education of the people and Tanner's education for democracy up to Dewey's democracy as a way of life. Completing the historical survey by regarding Rousseau's pedagogy, the author investigates the role of education in state-run schools, which he ultimately believes is indispensable (since it is more or less normative). One of the article's conclusions is that if democracy should be understood as a way of life, then the state cannot simply order the political education of the people but must be open to their needs and meet them on equal ground. On the other hand, the people must understand the art of saying no, which means greeting government action with skepticism and remaining as immune as possible to every suggestion of the government. Translated into contemporary language, the democratic habitus emerges in lifeworld communication, in civil society, with responsibilities and agencies that manage citizens, that are entrusted with taking care of matters related to the public interest. (DIPF/Orig.)

In an analysis of data on employment in the 48 contiguous United States from 1978 to 2008, we examine the connection between organizational demography and rising income inequality at the state level. Drawing on research on social comparisons and firm boundaries, we argue that large firms are susceptible to their employees making social comparisons about wages and that firms undertake strategies, such as wage compression, to help ameliorate their damaging effects. We argue that wage compression affects the distribution of wages throughout the broader labor market and that, consequently, state levels of income inequality will increase as fewer individuals in a state are employed by large firms. We hypothesize that the negative relationship between large-firm employment and income inequality will weaken when large employers are more racially diverse and their workers are dispersed across a greater number of establishments. Our results show that as the number of workers in a state employed by large firms declines, income inequality in that state increases. When these firms are more racially diverse, however, the negative relationship between large-firm employment and income inequality weakens. These results point to the importance of considering how corporate demography influences the dispersion of wages in a labor market.

The prospect of tuition fee increases for public sector universities has attracted an enormous amount of attention in recent years as governments in all industrialized countries have responded to the converging pressures of increased demands for higher education and rising costs of competing areas of social spending. I show that this dilemma is fast approaching a critical point in both Canada and the UK. As contemporary society become "knowledge societies," postsecondary systems become "complex," requiring a sensitive political blending of different institutional goals, such as accessibility, diversity of mission, critical thought, relevance, and social usefulness. This article draws upon the policy model of income contingent repayment (ICR) as a touchstone for debates and larger proposals about addressing the future of higher education reform. My hope is to show the partial shortcomings of the traditional alternatives: reliance on state-provided subsidy on the one hand and deregulated and flexible fees on the other. I then argue that changes in the social and political meaning of participation in higher education might warrant taking a second look at the "smart funding" approach represented by ICR proposals. ; La possibilité d'augmentation des frais de scolarité dans les universités du secteur public a attiré beaucoup d ' attention ces dernières années. Pendant ce temps, les gouvernements des pays industrialisés répondaient aux pressions convergentes suscitées par les demandes accrues d'un enseignement plus élevé et par les coûts croissants de domaines économiquement concurrents. Cette étude montre que ce dilemme devient rapidement critique au Canada et au Royaume-Uni. Alors que la société contemporaine développe ses connaissances, les systèmes post-secondaires deviennent plus complexes, exigeant que l'onsache ménager les sensibilités et prendre en considération de nombreux objectifs institutionnels tels que l'accessibilité et la diversité de la mission. Cet article utilise le modèle du remboursement des revenus contingents (ICR) comme base d'argumentation pour traiter de la réforme de l'enseignement supérieur. Tout d'abord, j'essaie de montrer les imperfections partielles des alternatives traditionnelles : les subventions gouvernementales d'une part et de l'autre, la dérégulation et la flexibilité des frais. Ensuite, je discute de l'idée selon laquelle les changements politiques et sociaux sur le plan de l'éducation supérieure pourraient justifier un second coup d'oeil sur les propositions du ICR (approche smart funding).

"While a 1973 English major tends bar in a local nightspot, a social work graduate labors in a steel mill. A math major washes dishes in Florida, an education graduate works as a bank teller and a psychology major serves cocktails in Maine." (Jolly & Pierce, 1976, p . 2) . As these examples point out, there is a great need for our institutions of higher learning to be more responsive to the needs of the job market today. For the past several years, colleges and universities have been criticized on the basis that they do not prepare young people to assume their future role in business, industry, and government. The tightening job market in the 1970's has spotlighted the problem facing many college graduates-- What does one do after college? By 1975 the hiring of all college graduates was off by more than 60 percent from 1963, and off by more than 80 percent for those in liberal arts. About two-thirds of our college students in the United States are majors in the humanities, social sciences, and other liberal arts. And a recent survey by the College Placement Council revealed that most employers filled less than 10 percent of their new college hires from the ranks of liberal arts graduates. (Hyink, 1963, p. 6) Many of our colleges and universities have already recognized these problems and have responded by changing and revising their programs. Cooperative education is one of the programs they are using and it is showing dramatic results. During the past ten years in the Seattle, Washington a r ea a cooperative education program called Seattle/ POC has placed into employment more than 4,000 Seattle area residents. These graduates have added 18 million dollars annually to the economy of the area (Jolly & Pierce, 1976, p. 1). Cooperative education has proven itself as a program that can prepare individuals for the job market today . It is very important that we have well-trained personnel to administer these programs. We do not know much about the duties and responsibilities of the coordinator; if we did we could better train these coordinators for their very important assignments.

I examine the search for a "tie that binds, " or "core" values, in liberal political theory, specifically Rawls's recent arguments, and in proposals concerning moral education in the public schools. Both Rawls and the proponents of moral education appeal to consensus or shared values, but the search for core values in both theory and practice is only partly successful. Specifically, this search is misguided insofar as it does not reflect how values are embedded in specific institutions and practices. The various forms of moral education in the public schools, both implicit and explicit, illustrate a consensus about a range of moral and intellectual virtues that is broader and more complex than arguments for core values allow. Comparing arguments concerning core values in political theory and moral education suggests how liberal political theory might deal with questions of consensus, justification, and the task of political theory generally.

Marbury v. Madison's prominence as a constitutional decision has long deflected interest in examining its other implications. But prior to proclaiming judicial competence to invalidate an act of Congress, the Court sustained judicial authority to enforce the specific statutory duties of administrative officials. Had the doctrine of separation of powers been understood from the beginning to bar any judicial control of administrative power, the constitutional scheme would have gone seriously awry at the outset. Congressional directives either would have been subordinated to the will of the executive department or would have generated collateral and unseemly struggles between the two branches of government. Moreover, a conception of public administration free from judicial oversight would have damaged the fundamental political axiom of limited government and thus undermined in advance a principal buttress for the legitimacy of the modern "administrative state." At least where private interests are sharply implicated, some measure of judicial review is a "necessary condition, psychologically if not logically, of a system of administrative power which purports to be legitimate, or legally valid." These concerns seem to have been acknowledged even by those specialists in public administration most prominently associated with efforts to narrow the claims for judicial control in favor of an emphasis on hierarchically structured, intra-administrative accountability. The existence of judicial review of administrative action leaves open a large question about its scope. Marbury has relevance here too, for it is among the Court's first encounters with the propriety of judicial deference to administrative interpretation of statutes. In determining whether Mr. Marbury was legally entitled to his commission, the Court asserted categorically that "[t]he question whether a right [to the commission] has vested or not is, in its nature, judicial, and must be tried by the judicial authority." There is no hint of acquiescence in a reasonable but contrary administrative interpretation of the relevant congressional legislation in Marbury's much quoted pronouncement that "[i]t is emphatically the duty of the judicial department to say what the law is." Marshall's grand conception of judicial autonomy in law declaration was not in terms or in logic limited to constitutional interpretation, and taken at face value seemed to condemn the now entrenched practice of judicial deference to administrative construction of law. It is Marbury's pertinence to this practice that I intend to examine in this Article.

Egypt witnessed an unexpected uprising on 25 January 2011. People took to the streets demanding their rights to freedom, equity and a better economy, and in only 18 days managed to oust President Mubarak, who had held power for 30 years. The transition period is still ongoing with an unfolding of events creating turbulence in the political, social and economic arena. This study looks at the impact of the uprising of 25 January and the subsequent transition in higher education in general, with a focus on the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy (GAPP), Executive Education Unit at the American University in Cairo (AUC). GAPP Executive Education is considered the training arm of the school, providing education and training opportunities that serve to reinforce and reinvigorate professional leadership capacities within government agencies, public institutions, civil society and media organizations in a challenging global environment within Egypt and the region. GAPP Executive Education offers both customized programs and open enrollment programs according to current trends and needs. The unit was established in May 2010, quickly finding itself in a mixed realm of events. As an income-generating unit serving government agencies and public institutions, the transition period in Egypt and the region placed GAPP Executive Education in a test situation to find responsive solutions. The study is divided into five sections: a brief background; role of educational institutes as partners in change; impact of challenging times on structure; impact of economic changes on pedagogy; and the impact of social and political changes.