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The paper analyses the time inconsistency problem of both exchange rate and fiscal policy in a small open economy. The equilibrium under discretion is characterised by inflation and a deficit. Commitment of the exchange-rate instrument only, e.g., through membership in a European monetary union with low inflation, contributes to price stability but increases the deficit. Whether the government will prefer this outcome to the discretionary one depends on the structure of the economy: commitment appears more favourable, the more open is the economy. The time-consistency arguments strengthen the case for simultaneous commitment of monetary and fiscal policy for inflation-prone countries joining a monetary union.

A discussion of possible occurrences in the next millennium in Germany, recognizing the constraints of prediction (in that there is no certainty of what the future holds) & a general tendency to not want to know what lies ahead. It is argued that the dualistic conception of this life as opposed to the one to come will not exist in the third millennium. Additionally, the prospects for stability exist only in a short-term perspective, thereby dismissing the future altogether. It is asserted that a gradual decline in individualization will occur, which will require a new code of individualistic ethics. Further, with rapid changes in family culture, specific rules of sexuality for each phase of life will emerge. 21 References. D. Schwartz

This study investigates the applicability of the "Dutch Disease" model as a means of explaining the changing sectoral composition of output for Paraguay in the period of 1973-1986. For this purpose the consequences of "booming-sector" activity for the distribution of income as it affects wages, and the instability of export earnings are examined. The outcomes are tested in several single and multiple-equation estimable models for the case of Paraguay. (DSE/DÜI)

Abstract
Between 1892 and 1947, American institutional superintendents argued three distinct, though overlapping, cases for sterilizing mentally retarded people: sterilization to maintain institutional order, sterilization for eugenic control, and sterilization for controlling the growth of institutional populations. Departing from recent critics who see sterilization as a debate between 'segregation or sterilization' and who link this debate principally to the eugenics movement, I argue that superintendents drew on the above rationales to preserve their institutions in the face of several external factors, not merely eugenics. As such, sterilization became a 'medical' procedure constructed not so much for its explicit purpose ‐ stopping procreation, but to maintain institutional stability and preserve professional prerogative.

Economic growth in developing countries has generally slowed since the early 1980s. In many countries in Sub-saharan Africa, per capita income has even declined. External developments have had an adverse effect, as the slowdown in world economic activity and deteriorating terms of trade for most agricultural commodities have posed severe difficultues for many developing countries. More important, however, inappropriate domestic policies have been increasingly recognized as a major culprit. This has led to the adoption of various programs of macroeconomic and sectoral policy reforms, generally aimed at achieving macroeconomic stability and a satisfactory rate of economic growth. Among southern African countries, there has also been keen interest in promoting regional market integration. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1

In 1981 the Chinese leadership set the goal of quadrupling China's 1980 per capita GNP by the year 2000 in order to raise the people's standard of living to a "relatively comfortable level." But apart from sustained growth, the Chinese planners are also very much concerned with economic efficiency and price stability. The new development strategy to attain these goals is economic reform and opening to the outside world Over a decade has now elapsed since these goals were set. This article addresses the issues of how far the Chinese economy has advanced toward those objectives, the major challenges that lie ahead and China's economic prospects in the 1990s.

Abstract. The results of a survey conducted after the second round of the 1988 presidential election stress the inadequacy of the classical models of voting behaviour, as far as the Le Pen vote is concerned. The majority of lepenist electors identify themselves neither with the National Front, nor with the extreme‐Right; they show no electoral stability, no strong sociological specificity. Less educated than the average, they do not correspond to the profile of the rational voter. With the exception of a small hardcore of regular voters, politicized, extremist and dedicated to the National Front, Le Pen supporters are protest voters that come and go.

The results of a survey conducted after the second round of the 1988 presidential election stress the inadequacy of the classical models of voting behaviour, as far as the Le Pen vote is concerned. The majority of lepenist electors identify themselves neither with the National Front, nor with the extreme-Right; they show no electoral stability, no strong sociological specificity. Less educated than the average, they do not correspond to the profile of the rational voter. With the exception of a small hardcore of regular voters, politicized, extremist and dedicated to the National Front, Le Pen supporters are protest voters that come and go.

The results of a survey conducted after the second round of the 1988 presidential election stress the inadequacy of the classical models of voting behaviour, as far as the Le Pen vote is concerned. The majority of lepenist electors identify themselves neither with the National Front, nor with the extreme-Right; they show no electoral stability, no strong sociological specificity. Less educated than the average, they do not correspond to the profile of the rational voter. With the exception of a small hardcore of regular voters, politicized, extremist and dedicated to the National Front, Le Pen supporters are protest voters that come and go.

RECENT EVENTS SUGGEST THAT THE ISLAMIC REVIVAL IS NOT ONLY HERE TO STAY BUT IS LIKELY TO BE A LEADING DOMESTIC POLITICAL FORCE SHAPING THE MEDITERRANEAN REGION DURING THE COMING DECADES. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES THE IMPACT OF RECENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE ISLAMIC REVIVAL IS LIKELY TO HAVE ON REGIONAL STABILITY AND HOW IT MIGHT AFFECT U.S. AND WESTERN SECURITY INTERESTS. IT SUGGESTS ASPECTS OF THE REVIVAL WHICH SHOULD BE THE FOCUS OF ATTENTION FOR STRATEGIC PLANNERS AND POLICYMAKERS. IT CONCLUDES THAT POLICYMAKERS NEED TO DEVELOP A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF THE DIFFERENTIATED AIMS AND GOALS OF VARIOUS ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS AS THEY DEVISE MORE SOPHISTICATED WAYS OF DEALING WITH THEM.

An argument is made for more governance & less government over the next decade in the US. Political barriers to this conversion are discussed, contending that an individual, political, & institutional transformation is required. Currently, the US is entering a new era of redefining the purpose of leaders & institutions, restructuring old ideologies, & redirecting the focus of responsibilities to meet the global challenges ahead; this era will continue well into the twenty-first century. The key elements necessary for successful governance are outlined, including a new democracy, strategic cooperation, a new federalism, decentralization, a new moral infrastructure, individual responsibility & new leaders, collaborative partnerships & stability, & increased competition & technological growth. Adapted from the source document.

Because the Gulf war represents the "first significant manifestation of Washington's (DC) bid for unchallenged world hegemony," questions are raised about the future of the US-led new world order, from its novelty & orderliness to its long-term potential. To assess postwar regional prospects for governments & people, four scenarios are developed: new & stable order, new order but chaos, old order & relative stability, & old order but chaos. The likely outcome probably depends on one's perspective; how a neorealist approach might differ from a sociological, internalist, approach is assessed. Based on the latter, it is determined that the fourth outcome is most likely -- little change in order but heightened instability. 1 Table.