China–USA: multiple vector OF "tradE war"
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 63, Heft 5, S. 57-66
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In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 63, Heft 5, S. 57-66
In: The international political economy of new regionalism
Introduction -- Arctic states and regional governance -- Regional governance of Arctic Ocean : the Arctic-Five (A5) and the Arctic 5+5 -- From international to regional : sub-national units in Arctic governance -- Civil society in Arctic governance : indigenous peoples' organizations, observers, and Arctic residents -- Private sector actors and Arctic governance -- Conclusion : governing complexity in the Arctic : past, present, future.
In: Oxford scholarship online
In: Political Science
This work explores the phenomenon of informal international organizations. These bodies are involved in governing many of the most important issues the world currently faces, and differ significantly from the highly legalized, formal organizations the world has traditionally relied on. But despite their evident importance, they remain poorly understood. This text develops a new approach to thinking about these puzzling institutions, presents new data revealing their extraordinary growth over time, and develops a novel theory about why states are creating them.
In: Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft: IPG = International politics and society, Heft 2, S. 160-175
ISSN: 0945-2419
World Affairs Online
In: Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft: IPG = International politics and society, Heft 4, S. 358-367
ISSN: 0945-2419
World Affairs Online
In: International journal of legal information: IJLI ; the official journal of the International Association of Law Libraries, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 354-357
ISSN: 2331-4117
Subnational governments have come to challenge the foreign policymaking monopoly of national governments. An increasingly salient area of sub-state foreign policymaking is international development cooperation, but systematic knowledge about the drivers of such activities is limited. We argue that subnational governments develop capacities for international development cooperation for domestic region-building purposes, geared toward advancing political claims for regional autonomy that can take institutional, political, and cultural representations. To test this argument, we construct a new dataset of 195 politically relevant European regions which maps the autonomous engagement of regions in international development cooperation. Large-N regression analysis establishes that regions are significantly more likely to be engaged in international development cooperation where they have greater constitutional autonomy, cultural-linguistic distinctiveness, and a regionally-based party to advance the regional agenda. These results have important implications for our understanding of sub-state foreign policy actors and their role in the global governance of development.
BASE
In: Materialien zum ausländischen und internationalen Privatrecht 49
Das internationale Privatrecht des geistigen Eigentums wird zur Zeit in Europa und im Ausland viel diskutiert. Dieses Buch bietet eine vergleichende Analyse der drei wichtigsten Forschungsprojekte aus den USA, Europa und Japan. Sie decken jeweils Rechtsprechung, das angewandte Recht und die Durchsetzung ausländischer Entscheidungen ab.
In: China international studies, Band 59, Heft 4, S. 40-60
ISSN: 1673-3258
World Affairs Online
In: China international studies, Band 56, Heft 1, S. 38-51
ISSN: 1673-3258
World Affairs Online
In: International politics, Band 43, Heft 2, S. 173-196
ISSN: 1384-5748
World Affairs Online
In: International politics, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 543-564
ISSN: 1384-5748
World Affairs Online
In: sui generis
"The situation in Palestine has influenced the deployment of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. The impact of longterm Israeli occupation and the rule of the Palestinian Authority in the Occupied Territory is multifaceted. Despite the various research on Palestine, human rights, and the rule of law, few studies have been conducted on the enforcement mechanisms of human rights in Palestine. This study examines the applicability of international human rights and humanitarian laws as well as domestic laws to assess the contribution of these directives in protecting the fundamental human rights of Palestinians in the Occupied Territory. It conducts an in-depth case study of three basic rights: the right to movement, the right to property, and the right to equality and non-discrimination in the Occupied Territory. The study further examines the role of the Palestinian High Court of Justice and the Israeli Supreme Court in implementing domestic and international laws. In this regard, the study examines the major laws which are invoked, in certain circumstances, to limit the ability of Palestinians to confiscate, expropriate, and destruct their private property, and to implement discriminatory practices against them. The study further examines whether the available international and domestic mechanisms are effective, and if not, it suggests modifications upon which a functional national and international system could be built.
The findings of the research demonstrate that international human rights treaties and international humanitarian law conventions are de facto and de jure applicable in the Occupied Territory. As a result of the aforementioned in-depth study cases, it can be concluded that human rights violations against Palestinians in the Occupied Territory are committed by the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli government. In addition, the Palestinian and the Israeli judiciaries have failed to grant Palestinians reasonable protection or a just remedy, and they are dysfunctional and politically driven. The study concludes with a proposal for new mechanisms for Palestinians to redress human rights violations. The further outcomes of this study argue that neither international human rights nor humanitarian law guarantee full protection for Palestinians. Hence, the implication of the findings indicates that the regulations of international human rights and humanitarian laws, which were made by the powers of the nineteenth century with their colonial provisions, might not fit to the present complications of the current challenges to international law in Palestine. The goal is to promote a re-thinking approach to the employment of human rights to serve all people in an efficient and well-organized system. The scope of this study is not meant to grant Palestinians favorable treatment in the multilateral international system, but to achieve just and successful remedies for victims of human rights violations."
Jonathan B. Slapin traces the historical development of the veto privilege in the EU and how a veto— or veto threat— has been employed in treaty negotiations of the past two decades. As he explains, the importance of veto power in treaty negotiations is one of the features that distinguishes the EU from other international organizations in which exit and expulsion threats play a greater role. At the same time, the prominence of veto power means that bargaining in the EU looks more like bargaining in a federal system. Slapin's findings have significant ramifications for the study of international negotiations, the design of international organizations, and European integration.