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Toute personne est passible de poursuite devant la Cour Pénale Internationale nonobstant son statut. Ici, l'immunité des diplomates n'est pas prise en compte, encore moins celle des gouvernants (chef d'Etat, parlementaires, ministres, agents de l'état…) Bien plus, la responsabilité pénale se limite aux personnes physiques et ne couvre pas les personnes morales publiques ou privées. C'est surtout cette dernière compétence qui pose véritablement problème à certains pays. Les uns redoutent l'instrumentalisation de la Cour à des fins politiques et craignent la prolifération de plaintes à l'endroit de leurs leaders ou de leur personnel militaire. Ceux là refusent simplement de ratifier le statut. C'est le cas de la Chine, de l'Inde, d'Israël ou de la Russie. Les autres soutiennent que la compétence reconnue à la Cour de juger des ressortissants d'Etats non parties, y compris des officiels est contraire au droit des traités. C'est le cas des Etats Unis qui entreprennent une croisade contre la CPI en vue d'empêcher l'entrée en vigueur du Statut. Pourquoi toutes ces inquiétudes ? Et quels sont les enjeux géopolitiques que portent cette Cour ?

The long separation of health and International Relations, as distinct academic fields and policy arenas, has now dramatically changed. Health, concerned with the body, mind and spirit, has traditionally focused on disease and infirmity, whilst International Relations has been dominated by concerns of war, peace and security. Since the 1990s, however, the two fields have increasingly overlapped. How can we explain this shift and what are the implications for the future development of both fields?Colin McInnes and Kelley Lee examine four key intersections between health and International Relations today - foreign policy and health diplomacy, health and the global political economy, global health governance and global health security. The explosion of interest in these subjects has, in large part, been due to 'real world' concerns - disease outbreaks, antibiotic resistance, counterfeit drugs and other risks to human health amid the spread of globalisation. Yet the authors contend that it is also important to understand how global health has been socially constructed, shaped in theory and practice by particular interests and normative frameworks.This groundbreaking book encourages readers to step back from problem-solving to ask how global health is being problematized in the first place, why certain agendas and issue areas are prioritised, and what determines the potential solutions put forth to address them? The palpable struggle to better understand the health risks facing a globalized world, and to strengthen collective action to deal with them effectively, begins - they argue - with a more reflexive and critical approach to this rapidly emerging subject.

Intro -- Introduction: Privatising the World? -- Part I. International Privatisation Policy -- Chapter 1. The Internationalisation of Privatisation -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 The Growth of Public Ownership -- 1.3 The Challenge to Public Ownership -- 1.4 Explaining the Spread of Privatisation: Prevailing Orthodoxies, Received Wisdom and the Policy Community -- 1.5 Explaining the Spread of Privatisation: The Role of International Institutions in Developed Countries -- 1.6 Explaining the Spread of Privatisation: The Role of International Institutions in Developing and Former Socialist Countries -- 1.7 The Case of Electricity -- 1.8 Conclusions -- Chapter 2. The Legal Techniques of Privatisation -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Common Problems -- 2.3 Changes of Ownership, Activities, and Assets -- 2.4 Transformation and Liquidation -- 2.5 Conclusion -- Chapter 3. Privatization and "Popular Capitalism": The Case of Japan -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 The Case of Zaibatsu Dissolution -- 3.3 Dispersion of Frozen Shares -- 3.4 Case of NTT (Nihon Telegraph & Telephone) -- 3.5 Illusion of "Popular Capitalism" -- Part II. The Retreat of the State in the Advanced Industrial Economies -- Chapter 4. Privatization American Style: The "Grand Illusion" -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Privatization and Economic Performance -- 4.3 Privatization and Deficit Reduction -- 4.4 Privatization and Economic Growth -- 4.5 Privatization and Union Power -- 4.6 Privatization and "Popular Capitalism" -- 4.7 Conclusion -- Chapter 5. Privatising State Owned Housing -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Privatisations -- 5.3 Preconditions for Extensive Privatisation? -- 5.4 Council House Sales -- 5.5 Evaluating the Effects of Policy -- 5.6 What has been Sold and Where? -- 5.7 Who Buys? -- 5.8 Gainers and Losers -- 5.9 Other Aspects -- 5.10 The Context for Housing Privatisation -- 5.11 Conclusions.

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Report from committee chaired by Chapman entitled "Christian Political Role in International Policy." Also entitled "Report of Section IV." ; No date specified

A review essay on books by (1) Christopher Clapham, Africa and the International System: The Politics of State Survival (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge U Press, 1996); (2) Kevin Dunn & Timothy Shaw (Eds), Africa's Challenge to International Relations Theory (New York: Palgrave, 2001); (3) Pierre Englebert, State Legitimacy and Development in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000); & (4) Gilbert Khadiagala & Terrence Lyons (Eds), African Foreign Policies: Power and Process (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner). Unquestioned assumptions of universal patterns coupled with unwillingness to conceive of political entities existing at different levels of empirical statehood render international relations research poorly equipped to understand Africa's international relations. Consequently, Africa is effectively missing from prevailing international relations theorizing & data set construction. After discussing specific ways Africa is omitted from standard international relations research, the author reviews four recent volumes describing Africa's international relations for clues about how to close the gap between Africa's experiences & prevailing research practice. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Focuses on how Africa has managed the Vienna firearm protocol & the impact of African subregional debates at the national & international levels. Five subregional initiatives are described in terms of their positive results, eg, ECOWAS Moratorium on the Import, Export, Manufacture of Small Arms and Light Weapons (1998), the Eastern African Regional Police Chiefs Cooperation Organization (2000). Of the other international efforts, the most important is the European Union-Southern African Development Community collaboration. It is noted that the subregional debate has a continental impact as evidenced by the 2000 OAU Bamako Declaration. In this light, three reasons are posited for Africa would have a vast impact on the 2001 international agenda on small arms control. It is concluded that Africa's firsthand experience dealing with the problem of small arms proliferation lends it a perspective of value to the international community as it presses its small arms agenda. J. Zendejas

Groundwater amounts to 97% of available global freshwater resources. Emphasising the crucial importance of this in the context of increasing population, climate change and the overall global water crisis, Francesco Sindico offers a comprehensive study of the emerging body of international law applicable to transboundary aquifers.