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Intro -- Regionalism and Human Protection: Reflections from Southeast Asia and Africa -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Notes on Contributors -- Introduction: Regionalism and Human Protection: Reflections from Southeast Asia and Africa -- Southeast Asian Regionalism, Norm Promotion and Capacity Building for Human Protection: An Overview -- ASEAN Human Rights Regime and Mainstreaming the Responsibility to Protect: Challenges and Prospects -- Building the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the ASEAN through Multi-Focal Norm Entrepreneurship -- Bridging the Protection Gap: Rethinking the 'Three Pillars' to Eliminate Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in ASEAN -- ASEAN and Human Protection in Myanmar: From Non-Interference to Non-Indifference? -- Atrocity Prevention: From Promise to Practice in the Asia Pacific -- Human Protection in Africa's Regional Arrangements: Regional Perspectives and Institutional Expressions -- The African Union as a Norm Entrepreneur: The Limits of Human Protection and Mass Atrocities Prevention -- The Role of CSOs in Promoting Human Rights Protection, Mass Atrocities Prevention, and Civilian Protection in Armed Conflicts -- A Regional Responsibility to Protect? Towards 'Enhancing Regional Action' in Africa -- Regionalizing Protection: AU and ASEAN Responses to Mass Atrocity Crimes against Internally Displaced Persons -- Conclusion: Learning Lessons across and between Regions: Norm Promotion and Capacity Building for Human Protection -- Bibliography -- Index

How are artistic practice and cultural participation linked to the category of migration? This book posits a change in perspective in cultural policies, a change which is necessary for a broader section of society to be able to utilize their right of access to art and culture. It portrays instances of underrepresentation as well as innovative societal paths of action, and demonstrates how cross-cultural practice becomes possible, and how artistic productions that correspond to the diversity of the population can be practically organized. The expertise in this study is drawn from the practice carried out in the Vienna »social art space« Brunnenpassage, a lab and site of praxis of transcultural and participative artistic processes, founded in 2007. Ivana Pilic, geb. 1982, stellvertretende Leiterin der Wiener Brunnenpassage, ist Kommunikationswissenschaftlerin und arbeitet seit 2010 als Kulturarbeiterin im KunstSozialRaum. Ihr inhaltlicher Schwerpunkt im Kunstbereich liegt in der Erarbeitung und Anwendung von Partizipationskonzepten, in kuratorischen Tätigkeiten und Programmentwicklung. Außerdem ist sie als freie Trainerin im Themenfeld Gender und Antirassismus tätig. Anne Wiederhold, geb. 1974, ist Mitgründerin und künstlerische Leiterin der Wiener Brunnenpassage und Schauspielerin. Als Schauspielerin war und ist sie in vielen internationalen Produktionen und Ensembles, vor allem im experimentellen Körpertheater tätig. Ihre Arbeitsschwerpunkte liegen in transkultureller Kunstpraxis, im Bereich Kunst als Tool für gesellschaftlichen Wandel und Migrant Mainstreaming in der Kulturpolitik. 2012-2014 war sie Expertin in der EU-Arbeitsgruppe »Work Group for the Role of Public Arts and Cultural Institutions in the Promotion of Cultural Diversity and Intercultural Dialogue«.

Introduction-- Getnet Tadele PART I 1. Contextualizing HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Link with Tradition, Religion, and Culture-- Getnet Tadele and Woldekidan Amde 2. Gender Inequalities, Power Relations and HIV/AIDS: Exploring the Interface-- Ayalew Gebre, Tekalign Ayalew and Helmut Kloos 3. Youth Sexuality and HIV/AIDS: Issues and Contentions-- Woldekidan Amde and Getnet Tadele 4. Food Insecurity, Poverty, and HIV/AIDS-- Ayalew Gebre, Sebsib Belay and Helmut Kloos PART II: IMPACTS AND RESPONSES TO HIV/AIDS 5. Socioeconomic and Psychosocial Impacts of HIV/AIDS and Responses at Different Levels of Society-- Ayalew Gebre, Damtew Yirgu and Helmut Kloos 6. HIV/AIDS and the Mining and Commercial Agricultural Sectors in Southern Africa-- Charles Hongoro, Getnet Tadele and Helmut Kloos 7. Access to Treatment, Care, Support, and Prevention Services-- Getnet Tadele, Woldekidan Amde and Helmut Kloos 8. Care and Support for AIDS Orphans-- Woldekidan Amde and Getnet Tadele 9. Mainstreaming HIV Interventions into Educational Systems-- Anne A. Khasakhala 10. Monitoring and Evaluation of HIV/AIDS Prevention Programs-- Anne A. Khasakhala and Helmut Kloos 11. Ethical Issues in HIV/AIDS Biomedical Research-- Anne A. Khasakhala and Helmut Kloos Conclusion and the Way Forward-- Damen Haile Mariam and Helmut Kloos

In the course of the past four decades, participation has been mainstreamed in development research and practice. However, despite very widespread use of the term, there is no consensus on its definition, and it has generated intense and controversial debate. Taking stock of some fifty publications developed within the framework of the Swiss National Centre of Competence in Research (NCCR) North-South on the topic, this paper opens up new avenues of research while offering a critical appraisal of social and political participation in sustainable development research and practice. The mainstreaming of participation has corresponded to an increasingly technical approach to the question. What the body of literature discussed here suggests is that more attention should be given to power relationships and governance processes in analysing the participatory dynamics of development. Participation is primarily a political problem relating to power relations and (im)balances in a given society. It is, therefore, not a 'simple' norm whose implementation would be a prerequisite for "good governance" and sustainable development. It is an arena, a physical or symbolic space where key social issues such as, for example, access to resources, gender inequalities, access to land, or land rights are debated and negotiated.

Intro -- Series Preface -- Preface -- Acknowledgement -- Contents -- About the Editors -- Chapter 1: Unheard Being Heard: Women Farmers: An Introduction -- 1.1 Roads less Travelled -- 1.2 Women Are the Backbones of Agriculture! -- 1.3 Women Roles in Agriculture: A Key Driver for Feeding a World Population of 9.3 Billion by 2050 -- 1.4 Missing on Women Data Is Missing on Reality -- 1.5 Rising Hopes: One Step Ahead as Farmers! -- 1.6 Walk the Talk -- References -- Chapter 2: Mainstreaming Women Farmers: Innovations and Approach -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 A Level Playing Field for Women in Agriculture! Challenges -- 2.3 An Invisible Entity: A Woman Farmer! -- 2.3.1 Inclusive Extension System: Key for Sustainable Change -- 2.4 Farm Mechanization: Need for Gendered Greasing! -- 2.4.1 Self Help Group as the Conduit for Improved Extension System: A Silent Revolution for Women Farmers Identity, Awareness,... -- 2.5 Making Invisible Visible: Unavoidable Need for Second Green Revolution! -- References -- Chapter 3: Women Farmers or the Farmers´ Wives: Unveiling the Negotiated Gender Roles -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Data Source and Methodology -- 3.3 Results -- 3.3.1 Media Habits and Banking -- 3.3.2 Gendered Relations and Negotiated Roles -- 3.4 Discussion -- 3.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Women Farmers, Constraints and Policy Around Them to Harness Maximum Benefit -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Status of Agriculture of India -- 4.2.1 GDP Share of Indian Agriculture -- 4.2.2 Employment in Indian Agriculture -- 4.2.3 Work Participation of Women in Indian Agriculture -- 4.3 Status of Women in Indian Agriculture -- 4.4 Constraint and Problem Faced by Women -- 4.4.1 Gender Inequalities -- 4.4.2 Land Ownership/Accessibility Issues -- 4.4.3 Access to Finance and Agricultural Inputs -- 4.4.4 Socio-Economic Factors, Participation in Farm Management.

Most studies have documented experiences of single parents focusing more predominantly on realities of females. This is especially so in studies on Africa where single parenting has been commonly narrated as core cluster of patriarchy and feminization of gender oppression. In this article, the authors contribute to knowledge by examining single parenting from experiences of men – male single parents in patriarchal context of Africa thereby nuancing essentialist explanations of single parenting that have reified traditional patriarchy as mainstreaming single parenting into existences of a particular gender. This empirical article explores male single parenting through 30 in-depth interviews triangulated with autoethnography leveraging over 10 years of the authors' primary insights, contextual lived experiences and observation. Issues examined include: worldviews about male single parents, consequences of male single parenting, companionship deficits occasioned by male single parenting, support systems and perceived benefits of male single parenting in context. Findings show many male single parents do not get formal supports, like from government agencies and non-governmental organizations, but they get informal supports from their kinship and social networks like families, friends and neighbours. Sense of maleness – sense of wanting to show being a strong man – do not make many male single parents seek supports from people as they do not want to be seen as weak if they seek supports. While some single fathers enjoy emotional supports from networks, they suffer serious financial pressures and insufficiency as they are not able to get financial assistance from anyone or organization. This is very important against the background of poor economic system in which male single parents live.

Background: There are numerous policy developments undergoing ad­dressing the issue of gender empowerment and social inclusion (GESI) in the corporate sector with an aim to socio-economic mainstreaming of the back­ward groups but the government programs and the national youth policy may still be lacking the effective implementation for addressing the needs, rights and aspirations of the overall backward people. The present research­ers perceived strong need for closer assessment of effectiveness of the policy framework to promote diversity, especially in the corporate sector. For this, the paper, as a whole, discusses within the broader framework of equality and inclusivity, the theme of women in corporate governance with particular reference to Nepalese corporate sector. Objectives: This study was aimed to explore the present scenario of em­powerment of diversity in the Nepalese corporate sector. Methods: Fully based on desk research crafted on qualitative paradigms of study. Secondary data were used to collect the information on the issues, trends, matters relating to Gender equality and social inclusion (GESI) and youth empowerment. Results: Effective compliance of corporate governance (CG) has played the significant role in promoting GESI and youth empowerment in the Nepalese corporate sector under changing context of the country and beyond. Conclusions:As a result of multi-dimensional transformation of nation­al structural system, there has been increasing sensitivity and application of GESI sensitive planning and implementation in the Nepalese corporate sector. Such a practice would serve instrumental in empowering women, youth and other marginalized sections of the society. Implications: GESI compliance and youth empowerment in corporate and other service sectors should be made a part of national strategic direction at all levels of institutional governance and disciplining.

With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon's state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon's political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon's political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication. ; Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l'État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L'objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l'aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l'objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l'entrée desfemmes en général et l'intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d'ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l'ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l'autoreproduction.

With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon's state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon's political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon's political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication. ; Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l'État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L'objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l'aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l'objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l'entrée desfemmes en général et l'intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d'ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l'ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l'autoreproduction.

Since 2014 Sweden has had a Feminist Foreign Policy (PEF in Spanish). This concept has been widely used in academic and political circles, without enough progress in its proper definition and delimitation. Scarce theoretical formulations, almost all of them coming from American and/or European academics, fail to provide the improvement of the concept and are limited to a series of minimal characteristics, which are influenced by a liberal and ethnocentric reading of feminism. It allows the notion of PEF to be used to refer to many diverse situations, and to establish, at least symbolically, a sign of equality between cases that have little elements in common; for instance, the foreign policies of Sweden, Canada, and Mexico. This situation is not insignificant, since, on the one hand, it reduces the importance and impact of the proposals that feminism has been developing for decades in the field of international relations theory; and on the other hand, it allows government officials and some intellectuals to appropriate and make superficial use of principles established in the intense struggles that women and other feminized sectors have been involved in for a long time. Faced with this panorama there is a need to conceptualize. It recovers the most transformative elements of the feminist tradition. To this end, we will problematize some theoretical definitions of PEF, and the self-denominated Feminist Foreign Policies currently in existence, showing the notable weaknesses and contradictions that cross them. We then proceed to the elaboration of a definition of PEF that incorporates elements coming from multiple feminisms (radical, decolonial black, indigenous), and that above all adopts explicitly a geographical, cultural, subalternate and counterhegemonic perspective. Likewise, we propose a gradual categorization of those foreign policies that begin to abandon androcentric and cisheteropatriarchal positioning, from the concepts of Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective (PEPG in Spanish), and Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective and Feminist Agenda (PEGAF in Spanish), and whose meanings we shall develop. Although the concept of PEF could be used for naming a foreign policy that gives a complete and uncontradicted account of the postulates upheld by feminism, we believe that it is more appropriate to use other, less comprehensive concepts. In general terms, the PEF corresponds to a liberal and institutional feminist approach, which underestimates other social actors as legitimate interlocutors. Their strategies are based on a gender mainstreaming approach, perfected in international organizations and replicated by various state entities; as such they ignore the ethnic, cultural, religious and socioeconomic particularities of the populations in which they are applied. In them, divergences between the multiple governmental spheres are not unusual. Moreover, even within the Ministries of Foreign Affairs it is possible to identify notorious incongruities between sectors that are, or are not, crossed by the gender perspective. Secondly, we suggest the use of the concept of Foreign Policy with a Gender Perspective and Feminist Agenda. Considering that the levels are cumulative, to the previous characterization, we add the importance of substantive representation; the identification and sanctioning of the different forms of violence within and outside national borders; and the need to at least begin to question the heteropatriarchal structures of oppression from a discursive point of view, for which the field of diplomacy is fundamental. This gradually problematizes the meanings and stereotypes disseminated by institutions, understanding that the dispute over women's rights and other sex gender identities must also take place at the symbolic level. In the Swedish case, we understand that it corresponds to what we have called PEGAF. Indeed, Sweden has done important work concerning development assistance, and the financing of international institutions related to the protection of rights and the empowerment of women. Likewise, of all the cases considered, Sweden is the one in which there is the greatest congruence between its foreign policy and its domestic policy, as well as the work that the Nordic country has been carrying out within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to consolidate a gender approach. Even from a discursive point of view, the Swedish authorities have questioned certain characteristics of the international system, and have had diplomatic disputes with some countries based on issues related to the violation of human rights. However, none of the above has been sustained over time, and the back and forth has been constant. There have been notable discrepancies in the commitment to a feminist agenda among the different ministries, and in some areas, such as defense, the transformations have been insignificant. In addition, on many occasions, Sweden has abandoned its commitment to the defense of feminist postulates, when obstacles or risks have arisen in relation to the national interest- as defined in androcentric terms. The conservative turn in immigration matters, or the government's refusal to confront the strategic sector of the arms industry, are evidence of this. Based on the analysis carried out on the case of Canada, we consider that this country can be framed within Foreign Policies with Gender Perspectives (PEPG), since it presents domestic and international antecedents in the work on women's issues. However, the fact that it defines its foreign policy only in one area, such as development assistance, and focuses its empirical work mainly on economic issues, means that it does not achieve the necessary comprehensiveness to place it at the highest level. Likewise, Canada does not make progress in criticizing or questioning, even discursively, the hegemonic global dynamics and institutions, nor does it question its place in the international structure. Finally, evaluating the Mexican case, we ask ourselves: How can we think of a feminist foreign policy when at the domestic level the drug cartels and human trafficking networks continue to exercise their power and violence with total impunity, and in conjunction with broad sectors of politics, justice and the police? How could the Mexican PEF make sense in a country where people continue to "disappear" or become victims of extrajudicial executions within the framework of democracy, most of the time with representatives of the security forces as the ones responsible? In which part of the gender equality plan can we frame the femicides and transfemicides that place Mexico as one of the most dangerous countries to be a woman or dissident of the heteronorma? Regrettably, we consider that the country is not even in a position to aspire to the lowest level described here –that is,the PEPG- since all its current actions (and those of the last decades) are detrimental to the values and principles that the feminist stance upholds. The criticisms raised in the three case studies addressed has sought to identify their weaknesses and to construct more appropriate concepts that would point to the different types of external policies that are currently oriented towards women. Moreover, this would make it possible to define them with an appropriate term that is in line with their real actions and not mere rhetoric. Our work, of course, is not limited to a conceptual correction; but, above all, it tries to generate a concrete contribution for the generation of tools and the definition of public policies that have a positive impact on the life of the communities represented. ; Desde finales del 2014, tras el anuncio de Suecia de embarcarse en una Política Exterior Feminista (PEF), dicho concepto ha sido utilizado de forma amplia en ámbitos académicos y políticos, sin que se haya avanzado en la deconstrucción y delimitación del mismo, desde una mirada plural y crítica del feminismo. Las formulaciones teóricas existentes, provenientes casi todas de académicas/os estadounidenses y/o europeas/os, se limitan a registrar una serie de características mínimas y ambiguas, influenciadas por una lectura liberal y etnocéntrica de los feminismos. Esto permite que se utilice la noción de PEF para nombrar situaciones diversas, y que se establezca, al menos desde lo simbólico, un signo de igualdad entre casos que poco tienen en común; como pueden ser las políticas exteriores de Suecia, Canadá y México. Esta situación no resulta neutral, ya que, por un lado, le quita trascendencia y contundencia a las propuestas que desde hace décadas los feminismos vienen elaborando en materia de teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales; y por el otro, le permite a funcionarios/as, intelectuales y comunicadores/as, apropiarse y hacer un uso superficial de postulados feministas forjados al calor de las intensas luchas que las mujeres, y otros sectores feminizados, vienen llevando a cabo históricamente. Frente a este panorama, resulta necesaria una disputa por el sentido que recupere los elementos más trasformadores de la tradición feminista. El abordaje utilizado en este trabajo es desde las perspectivas feministas críticas en Relaciones Internacionales. Primero, problematizamos algunas definiciones de política exterior feministas que circulan, y analizamos críticamente las autodenominadas políticas exteriores feministas de Suecia, Canadá y México, señalando falencias y contradicciones que las atraviesan. En una segunda instancia, procedemos a la elaboración de una definición de PEF que incorpora elementos provenientes de múltiples feminismos (decolonial, autónomo, negro, indígena), y que se asume explícitamente situada desde una perspectiva geográfica y cultural, subalternizada y contrahegemónica. Finalmente, proponemos una gradualidad en la categorización de aquellas políticas exteriores que empiezan a abandonar posicionamientos androcentristas y cisheteropatriarcales, a partir de la construcción de los conceptos de "Politica Exterior con Perspectiva de Género" (PEPG), y "Politica Exterior con Perspectiva de Género y Agenda Feminista" (PEGAF), cuyos significados y diferencias desarrollamos.

Die Vormachtstellung des hegemonialen Männerbildes prägte über Jahrhunderte die Geschichte. Mit den Emanzipationsbestrebungen der 68-er Bewegung setzte der Wandel im Geschlechterverhältnis ein. Starke Frauen strebten an die Öffentlichkeit und begannen trotz Widerstand der Traditionalisten, die um ihre Privilegien kämpften, die Schieflage im Gleichstellungsprozess aufzuzeigen. Durch das Sichtbarmachen der wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Gegebenheiten wurde ein Umdenkprozess in der Gesellschaft angeregt. Untermauert durch rechtliche und politische Instrumente, wie die Quotenregelung, begann sich die Gleichbehandlungsbewegung in Gang zu setzen. Anstatt lang geforderte Gleichheit zu garantieren, wurden seitens des Gesetzgebers in familienpolitischen Belangen überbordende ?Frauenmaßnahmen? installiert und damit die Diskriminierung der Männer bewusst in Kauf genommen.Gender Mainstreaming als wichtiges politisches Instrument zur Förderung der sozialen Gleichheit, bewirkt einen dominanzfreien Umgang beider Geschlechter und ermöglicht eine freie Entscheidung über persönliche Lebensentwürfe. Die notwendigen Voraussetzungen dafür sind gleiche Entlohnung von Frauen und Männern, geschlechtlich gemischte Führungsebenen, flexiblere Arbeitszeiten für Männer und gesellschaftliche Anerkennung von Väterkarenz. Es sind die Spitzen der Politik und Verwaltung, die Entscheidungsträger von Unternehmen und Organisationen gefordert, dafür nötige Rahmenbedingungen zu schaffen.Die normativen Veränderungen von benachteiligenden Lebenssituationen müssen seitens der Legislative erfolgen, und hier ist vordringlich eine Neuregelung der Obsorge vorzunehmen. Konstruierte Zweiklassengesellschaften innerhalb von Elternpaaren können und dürfen nicht dazu führen, dass man Kindern die für ihre Entwicklung wichtigen männlichen Bezugspersonen vorenthält. Richtungweisende Urteile vom EGMR, die Väterrechte stärken, warten nun auf gesetzliche Signale. ; The supremacy of the hegemonic men has shaped our history over centuries. Due to the emancipation movement from 1968 the transition of the gender ratio started. Strong women publicly began, despite of the resistance of the traditionalists which fought for their privileges, to point out the imbalance in the gender equality. Through this visualization of the economic and social conditions society was animated to a change its way of thinking. Underpinned with legal and political instruments, like the quota regulation, the equal treatment movement started to develop. Instead of guaranteeing long demanded equality, the legislator approved discrimination of men favouring women in family-political cases.Gender mainstreaming as an important political instrument to encourage social equality, allows both, men as well as women, to decide freely over their personal life plans due to a freedom of dominance between them. The necessary requirements for this would be equal wages for men and women, a balance of sexes in the management levels, flexible working hours for men and socially acceptance of parental leave for fathers. It is upon the head of politics and administration as well as the managements of co-operations and organisations to provide the necessary parameters for that. The normative alterations of discriminating life situations have to be performed by the legislative power, which primarily has to readjust child custody. Constructed two-class-systems within the pair of parents may not lead to situation where the important male attachment figure in child?s life is being removed. Landmark verdicts by the European Court of Human Rights, which strengthen fathers? rights, are now awaiting legally signals.A reorientation of equality in economical, social and political aspects of life can only be accomplished through the cooperation of emancipated women and modern men. ; eingereicht von Elisabeth Suttnigg-Gruber ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2012 ; (VLID)221921

BACKGROUND: The Global Financing Facility (GFF) offers an opportunity to close the financing gap that holds back gains in women, children's and adolescent health. However, very little work exists examining GFF practice, particularly for adolescent health. As momentum builds for the GFF, we examine initial GFF planning documents to inform future national and multi-lateral efforts to advance adolescent sexual and reproductive health. METHODS: We undertook a content analysis of the first 11 GFF Investment Cases and Project Appraisal Documents available on the GFF website. The countries involved include Bangladesh, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Kenya, Liberia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tanzania and Uganda. RESULTS: While several country documents signal understanding and investment in adolescents as a strategic area, this is not consistent across all countries, nor between Investment Cases and Project Appraisal Documents. In both types of documents commitments weaken as one moves from programming content to indicators to investment. Important contributions include how teenage pregnancy is a universal concern, how adolescent and youth friendly health services and school-based programs are supported in several country documents, how gender is noted as a key social determinant critical for mainstreaming across the health system, alongside the importance of multi-sectoral collaboration, and the acknowledgement of adolescent rights. Weaknesses include the lack of comprehensive analysis of adolescent health needs, inconsistent investments in adolescent friendly health services and school based programs, missed opportunities in not supporting multi-component and multi-level initiatives to change gender norms involving adolescent boys in addition to adolescent girls, and neglect of governance approaches to broker effective multi-sectoral collaboration, community engagement and adolescent involvement. CONCLUSION: There are important examples of how the GFF supports adolescents and their sexual and ...

BACKGROUND: The Global Financing Facility (GFF) offers an opportunity to close the financing gap that holds back gains in women, children's and adolescent health. However, very little work exists examining GFF practice, particularly for adolescent health. As momentum builds for the GFF, we examine initial GFF planning documents to inform future national and multi-lateral efforts to advance adolescent sexual and reproductive health. METHODS: We undertook a content analysis of the first 11 GFF Investment Cases and Project Appraisal Documents available on the GFF website. The countries involved include Bangladesh, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Kenya, Liberia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tanzania and Uganda. RESULTS: While several country documents signal understanding and investment in adolescents as a strategic area, this is not consistent across all countries, nor between Investment Cases and Project Appraisal Documents. In both types of documents commitments weaken as one moves from programming content to indicators to investment. Important contributions include how teenage pregnancy is a universal concern, how adolescent and youth friendly health services and school-based programs are supported in several country documents, how gender is noted as a key social determinant critical for mainstreaming across the health system, alongside the importance of multi-sectoral collaboration, and the acknowledgement of adolescent rights. Weaknesses include the lack of comprehensive analysis of adolescent health needs, inconsistent investments in adolescent friendly health services and school based programs, missed opportunities in not supporting multi-component and multi-level initiatives to change gender norms involving adolescent boys in addition to adolescent girls, and neglect of governance approaches to broker effective multi-sectoral collaboration, community engagement and adolescent involvement. CONCLUSION: There are important examples of how the GFF supports adolescents and their sexual and ...

This timely book examines how the South African National Defence Force has adapted to the country's new security, political and social environment since 1994. In South Africa's changed political state, how has civilian control of the military been implemented and what does this mean for 'defence in a democracy'? This book presents an overview of the security environment, how the mission focus of the military has changed and the implications for force procurement, force preparation, force employment and force sustainability. The author addresses other issues, such as: · the effect of integrating former revolutionary soldiers into a professional armed force · the effect of affirmative action on meritocracy, recruitment and retention · military veterans, looking at the difficulties they face in reintegrating back into society and finding gainful employment · gender equality and mainstreaming · the rise of military unions and why a confrontational, instead of a more corporatist approach to labour relations has emerged · HIV/AIDS and the consequences this holds for the military in terms of its operational effectiveness. In closing, the author highlights key events that have caused the SANDF to become 'lost in transition and transformation', spelling out some lessons learned. The conclusions she draws are pertinent for the future of defence, security and civil-military relations of countries around the world.

Frontmatter --Contents --Introduction /Albrecht, Stephen / Fielitz, Maik / Thurston, Nick --Analyzing --Understanding the Alt-Right. Ideologues, 'Lulz' and Hiding in Plain Sight /May, Rob / Feldman, Matthew --LARPing & Liberal Tears. Irony, Belief and Idiocy in the Deep Vernacular Web /Tuters, Marc --Parallel Ports. Sociotechnical Change from the Alt-Right to Alt-Tech /Donovan, Joan / Lewis, Becca / Friedberg, Brian --Creating a New Normal. The Mainstreaming of Far-Right Ideas Through Online and Offline Action in Hungary /Karl, Philipp --Between Anti-Feminism and Ethnicized Sexism. Far-Right Gender Politics in Germany /Berg, Lynn --The Far Right Across Borders. Networks and Issues of (Trans)National Cooperation in Western Europe on Twitter /Froio, Caterina / Ganesh, Bharath --Zine Publishing and the Polish Far Right /Marczewska, Kaja --Unmasking --What Makes a Symbol Far Right? Co-opted and Missed Meanings in Far-Right Iconography /Miller-Idriss, Cynthia --"Do You Want Meme War?" Understanding the Visual Memes of the German Far Right /Bogerts, Lisa / Fielitz, Maik --The Murder of Keira. Misinformation and Hate Speech as Far-Right Online Strategies /Darmstadt, Alina / Prinz, Mick / Saal, Oliver --Counter-Creativity. Innovative Ways to Counter Far-Right Communication Tactics /Ebner, Julia --Activating the Archive From Below at a Moment of Cultural and Political Crisis /Sholette, Gregory --Back to Front Truths. Hate Library /Thurston, Nick --Biographical Notes