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AbstractThe COVID‐19 pandemic has demanded prompt actions from governments all over the world. In both developed and developing countries, national governments have had to make unprecedented decisions to face the extraordinary challenges posed by the pandemic. In this paper, we explore how, due to the limited intervention from the Mexican federal government (in terms of policy actions, funding mechanisms and acting as a coordinating agent), state governments stepped up to respond to the pandemic. We argue that Mexico's response was relatively decentralized and substantially shaped by individual subnational governments. Based on a new dataset of over 600 subnational governments' responses to the social and economic effects of the pandemic, we show that state governments decided to react to the pandemic with their own policy measures, responding locally to pressing concerns. Furthermore, we demonstrate that state government responses varied widely in their scope and ambition, which exacerbated the pandemic's uneven national effects. We further contend that the structural constraints of Mexico's federalism have had an impact on these reactions, as social policy responsibilities at the state and local levels have historically been opaque and fragmented and state governments lack the funding necessary to implement sufficient and innovative initiatives.

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AbstractAlthough national government and international actor responses to the Covid‐19 pandemic have been very much in the public eye, the subnational government role has received less attention. Certain pandemic impacts were universal, but the mix and relative severity differed across countries, The actions taken had to reflect these variations, as well as to reflect country socio‐economic, fiscal, institutional and political context. Diversity across areas within countries also required differentiated action. This article provides an overview of the potential subnational government role in pandemic response, summarizes what is known about what actually occurred, and raises the prospect that what was learned in the pandemic might help policymakers and managers both to identify ways to better respond in future crises and to create awareness of and opportunities for needed reforms in intergovernmental systems. This background sets the stage for other articles in this issue that focus on selected countries. Their experiences reinforce lessons from global experience and also provide insights from deeper analysis of specific cases.

AbstractWhile the Chinese government's responses to COVID‐19 since its outbreak have been widely discussed, scant attention has been paid to the cross‐regional variation in China in handling the pandemic in the early stage. This article adopts and synthesizes the theory of regionally decentralized governance and the institutional collective action dilemma framework to offer a novel analytical characterization of the pattern of sub‐national governments' counter‐COVID‐19 initiatives in different policy areas and highlights the peer effect and regional competition dynamics. We provide three brief case studies to illustrate various institutional collective action dilemmas under this framework that emerged in pandemic responses and must be addressed through re‐centralization. Despite its focus on China's regional responses to COVID‐19, this paper prompts the construction of a broad analytical framework for precipitating a better understanding of the complex structure of China's political and governance system in a time of crisis.

AbstractThis article argues that current democracy promotion strategies relying on rights‐claiming advocacy NGOs are falling short of their democratization goals, as authoritarian regimes are closing the space through restrictions on the NGOs that attempt to carry them out. In response, we suggest a reexamination of earlier approaches to involving civil society in democratization efforts by shifting the focus back on service‐providing civil society organizations that have largely become side‐lined in democracy‐building agendas. Specifically, service providers tend to be more capable of functioning "under the radar" thus contributing to democracy in both direct and indirect ways, and thus escaping closing space restrictions. The key concerns about their independence from the state, as well as under what conditions the state may be less successful in coopting the independent service‐providers, however, remain unresolved and warrant future research.

AbstractSince the outbreak of the Covid 19 pandemic, governments across the world including India, a South‐Asian country is busy 'strategizing', 'managing' 'containing' the crisis to restrict its spread. But given the vastness and diversity of the Indian territory, one pan Indian model of is not possible and the states have been working in consonance with the centre in a matter of 'cooperative federalism' and are implementing various micro models of Covid 19 governance. This paper explores the micro models of governance strategies taken by states in India namely, Kerala located in its Southern coast and Odisha in the Eastern coast which have been experiencing disasters be it health or natural calamities. Inspite of the differences in social development indicators between both the states, they have managed to keep the death rates lower in the initial phases of the outbreak in comparison to other states. This is reflected in the strategies they took in controlling the pandemic like "preparedness" "decentralisation", "community participation". However, inspite of deploying various governance models, the gradual unlocking led to the explosion of positive cases as a result of which the challenges to deal with the pandemic still looms large.

AbstractPolicy innovation is an essential approach for local governments to deal with external challenges, which is also the case in response to the COVID‐19 pandemic. This article discusses the effects of fiscal decentralization and leaders' intergovernmental mobility on the innovativeness of local governments in pandemic response. By investigating the economic relief policy of local governments in China, we find that both fiscal decentralization and local leaders' intergovernmental mobility in their previous careers facilitate the innovativeness of local governments' economic relief policy for pandemic recovery, and the business experience of local leaders enhances the positive influence of fiscal decentralization on the innovativeness of local policy. The results indicate that fiscal decentralization and the intergovernmental connection based on leaders' political mobility are likely to be two predominant factors for local governments to enable horizontal mutual learning and central‐local policy coordination, and as a result foster policy innovativeness in response to the pandemic.

AbstractA great deal of work argues that the entry of women into public spaces can promote political and institutional change. The COVID‐19 provides an opportunity to investigate whether and under what conditions women's political representation in rural local governments deliver effective local governance? Drawing from two rounds of data collected in 174 local governments and 1051 households in three Indian states, the paper shows that women Pradhans in the Gram Panchayats had no differential impact on the governance response to COVID‐19 compared to the unreserved ones. Analyzing the heterogeneity in these responses suggests that institutional factors like the proportion of women in village council and local entrepreneurship diversity can enhance women Pradhan's capacity to respond to the pandemic. We explore two channels that enable women Pradhan to govern effectively during the pandemic: improving women's participation in the labor force and reducing household's vulnerability to poverty in the pre‐COVID period.

AbstractA decade ago an exploration of civil society in South Africa, Tajikistan and Argentina highlighted its role in supporting democratization. Despite continuing global autocratic trends since then, South Africa and Argentina have remained vibrant democracies with strong civil societies. Tajikistan, in contrast, remains autocratic, and civil society has apparently weakened in recent years. However, at the grassroots level a combination of traditional grassroots organizations and Internet organizing provides a more complex picture of the relationships between local participation, ties with other civil society organizations, democratization and development. The purpose of this paper is to highlight both these relationships and the contrast between local democratization and national autocracy.

AbstractIn societies where civic space is closing, integrity in the civic sector is critical for its sustainability. Where state regulatory frameworks are inadequate, or worse, manipulative, self‐regulation can help defend the sector's integrity and strengthen the ability of civic associations to serve the public and contribute to democracy. This paper describes the strategic role in self‐regulation of a particular type of third sector actor in Mexico, the coordinating body or civic network. A case study of the Mexican Center for Philanthropy (CEMEFI) and its Accreditation in Institutionalization and Transparency project illustrates the contribution of NGO networks in service to the sector, and their key role in diffusion of norms of transparency and accountability within the civic sector and beyond.