Suchergebnisse

How can information campaigns of nongovernmental human rights organizations (HROs) to "name and shame" human rights violators improve human rights conditions? Is the effect direct—does HRO targeting induce violating states to change their behavior? Or is the effect indirect—does pressure by third parties mediate the relationship between HRO actions and changes in human rights practices? The boomerang and spiral models suggest HRO activity provokes third parties, such as other states and international organizations, to pressure violating states. This pressure, in turn, drives violating states to improve human rights conditions. On the other hand, recent empirical work finds third-party pressure can further degrade human rights conditions. In this paper we provide a comprehensive analysis of how these individual factors—HRO activities and pressure from third parties—work together in the larger chain of causal events influencing human rights conditions. Using a causal mediation model, we examine whether HRO campaigning improves human rights directly or if the effect is mediated by costs imposed by powerful actors through sanctions and military interventions. We find that, although HRO activities have an overall positive effect on human rights conditions, the negative effects of third-party pressure somewhat diminish the positive effects.

Even after seventy-five years, the UN Security Council meets nearly every day. They respond to a range of threats to international peace and security, but not all threats. Why does the Security Council take up some issues for discussion and not others? What factors shape the Council's actions, if they take any action at all? Adapting insights from legislative bargaining, this book demonstrates that the agenda-setting powers granted in the institutional rules offer less powerful Council members the opportunity to influence the content of a resolution without jeopardizing its passage. The Council also decides when to conduct public or private diplomacy. The analysis shows how external factors like international and domestic public reactions motivate grandstanding behaviors and shape resolutions. New quantitative data on meetings and outside options provide support for these claims. The book also explores the dynamics of the formal analysis in three cases: North Korean nuclear proliferation, the negotiations leading up to NATO bombing in Serbia over Kosovo, and the elected member-led process to codify the principles of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. The book argues that while the powerful veto members do have great influence over the Council, the rules of the most consequential security institution influence its policy outcomes, just as they do in any other international institution.

Intro -- Vorwort -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- Kapitel 1: Einleitung -- 1. Problemlage: Das Verhältnis von ius cogens, Staatensouveränität und ius publicum -- a) Das Paradoxon der Normsetzung -- b) Der Wandel des Völkerrechts -- c) Bedeutung und Unklarheiten des ius cogens-Konzepts -- aa) Unklarheiten hinsichtlich der Funktion des ius cogens -- bb) Unklarheiten hinsichtlich des ius cogens-Normgebers -- (1) Der Norminhalt als Setzer zwingender Normen -- (2) Die internationale Gemeinschaft als Normsetzer -- (3) Die verschwommene Dichotomie des ius cogens und die Theorienvielfalt -- d) Die Wirksamkeit des ius cogens -- e) Die Kernthese der vorliegenden Arbeit -- aa) Die gemeinsamen, rechtshistorischen Wurzeln -- bb) Der rechtshistorische Erkenntnisgewinn -- 2. Gang der Untersuchung und methodisches Vorgehen -- 3. Methodische Bedenken -- a) Die rechtliche Aussagekraft ideengeschichtlicher Arbeiten -- b) Die historische Aussagekraft ideengeschichtlicher Arbeiten -- c) Das Potenzial ideengeschichtlicher Arbeiten -- 4. Begriffliche Vorüberlegungen -- 5. Zwischenergebnis -- Kapitel 2: Begriffliche Grundlagen -- 1. Der Begriff des ius cogens -- a) Die formaljuristische Komponente -- b) Die metarechtliche Komponente -- 2. Der Begriff der Legitimität/Legitimierung/Legitimation -- a) Die Dichotomie juristischer Legitimation -- b) Wandel und Bedeutungsverlust des Legitimationsbegriffs -- c) Das fortbestehende Interesse an der Legitimation -- 3. Der Begriff der Souveränität in der Geschichte des Rechts -- a) Ursprünge des Begriffs der Souveränität -- b) Die Neufassung durch Jean Bodin -- 4. Zwischenergebnis -- Kapitel 3: Antike Wurzeln der "öffentlichen" Rechtsidee -- 1. Nichtrömische Ursprünge der Souveränitätsidee -- a) Souveränität und alttestamentarische Rechtstradition -- aa) Die ideengeschichtliche Fortwirkung biblischer Motive.

Cover -- Vorwort -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- Abkürzungsverzeichnis -- Einleitung -- Teil 1: Die Nicht-Anerkennung im Völkerrecht -- Kapitel 1: Historische Entwicklung des Konzepts der Nicht-Anerkennung -- Kapitel 2: Systematische Stellung der Nicht-Anerkennung im Völkerrecht -- 1) Das Recht der Staatenverantwortlichkeit -- a) Völkerrechtliches Delikt -- b) Rechtfertigungsgründe -- c) Rechtsfolgen -- Teil 2: Existenz einer Pflicht zur Nicht-Anerkennung -- Kapitel 1: Pflicht zur Nicht-Anerkennung durch völkerrechtliche Verträge -- 1) Die panamerikanischen Regionalverträge -- 2) Völkerbundsatzung -- 3) Charta der Vereinten Nationen -- Kapitel 2: Pflicht zur Nicht-Anerkennung durch Völkergewohnheitsrecht -- 1) Rechtsüberzeugung -- a) Entwurf einer Erklärung über die Rechte und Pflichten der Staaten -- b) Erklärungen der blockfreien Staaten -- c) Erklärung über freundschaftliche Beziehungen -- d) Erklärung über die Festigung der internationalen Sicherheit -- e) Erklärung über die Definition des Aggressionsbegriffes -- f) Schlussakte von Helsinki und Folgedokumente -- g) Erklärung über die Verstärkung des Gewaltverbotes -- h) Leitlinien für die Anerkennung neuer Staaten -- i) Entwurf von Artikeln zur Staatenverantwortlichkeit -- j) Entwurf eines Berichts über die Anerkennung/ Nicht-Anerkennung im Völkerrecht -- 2) Staatenpraxis -- a) Nicht-Anerkennung im Rahmen von gewaltsamem Gebietserwerb -- (1) Hyderabad -- (2) Tibet -- (3) Goa -- (4) Ost-Jerusalem -- (5) Ost-Timor -- (6) West-Sahara -- (7) Kuwait -- (8) Zwischenergebnis -- b) Nicht-Anerkennung im Falle Namibias -- c) Nicht-Anerkennung im Rahmen von Staatsneugründungen -- (1) Rhodesien -- (2) Homeland-Staaten -- (3) Katanga -- (4) Biafra -- (5) Bangladesch -- (6) Türkische Republik Nord-Zypern -- (7) Kosovo -- (a) Historischer Kontext und Gang der Ereignisse -- (b) Rechtliche Einordnung der Sezession

"The abrupt power of disasters pays no respect to political boundaries or the social fabric in today's complex and globalized world. The interruption of flights from volcanic ash clouds, damaged oil refineries from hurricanes and collapsed buildings from earthquakes can cause major damage nationally, produce ripple effects on the global economy and disrupt countless lives. The use of regional organizations to mitigate and respond to disasters in transboundary spaces has become a global trend. Yet, we know very little about how and whether these organizations can provide an additional layer of security for the state. Through a comparative study of ten regional organizations, Hollis explores both rational and cultural based explanations for explaining the role regional organizations play as managers of risk; a role fashioned by national-based interests as well as global norms. A valuable contribution to the under-explored yet growing issue of global protection, this book will appeal to scholars of international relations and humanitarian and development studies. "--

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. After one of the most controversial and divisive periods in the history of American foreign policy under President George W. Bush, the Obama administration was expected to make changes for the better in US relations with the wider world. Now, international problems confronting Obama appear more intractable, and there seems to be a marked continuity in policies between Obama and his predecessor. Robert Singh argues that Obama's approach of 'strategic engagement' was appropriate for a new era of constrained internationalism, but it has yielded modest results. Obama's search for the pragmatic middle has cost him political support at home and abroad, whilst failing to make decisive gains. Singh suggests by calibrating his foreign policies to the emergence of a 'post-American'world, the president has yet to preside over a renaissance of US global leadership. Ironically,Obama's policies have instead hastened the arrival of a post-American world.

Many complex problems in the field of International Copyright arise because the matter is governed by two different conventions. While most of the European States continued to adhere to the International Conventions signed in Berne in· the 19th Century, the United Nations had signed soon after World War II another international instrument known as the Universal Copyright Convention. An attempt has now been made in Paris to bring into closer association these two international agreements and setting up of an international centre as a link between publishing houses and the developing countries. ; peer-reviewed