Анализ опыта внедрения международного франчайзинга странами мирового сообщества и определение современных тенденций развития франчайзинга, отражающихся в опыте США и европейских стран, является актуальным при развитии франчайзинга в экономике Республики Беларусь. Цель статьи: на основе исследования опыта развития международного франчайзинга определить проблемы и перспективы формирования франчайзинговых отношений в национальной экономике Республики Беларусь. Предмет исследования международный франчайзинг. Методы исследования: анализа и синтеза, сравнительного анализа, исторического анализа, системного подхода. Результаты статьи: на основе анализа международного опыта функционирования франчайзинга, выявленных тенденций и особенностей франчайзинга в страновом разрезе, определены проблемы развития франчайзинга в национальной экономике; разработаны перспективные направления внедрения франчайзинга субъектами белорусской экономики. Область применения: разработка стратегических направлений развития франчайзинга в национальной экономике с целью повышения конкурентоспособности Республики Беларусь. Выводы. 1. Современный рынок франшиз представлен крупными американскими и европейскими компаниями. Кроме того, рост количества франчайзеров объясняется важными изменениями в законодательствах стран. Также были созданы международные франчайзинговые организации, деятельность которых позволяет работать по системе франчайзинга даже в тех странах, где законодательство недостаточно регулирует данную сферу. 2. Белорусским компаниям следует учитывать отраслевые особенности развития франчайзинга, что позволит создавать и/или развивать свои сети в Беларуси и за рубежом, используя франчайзинг. Однако, развитие франчайзинговых сетей, требует дальнейшего развития законодательства и права в области охраны интеллектуальной собственности. 3. Следует использовать опыт создания специализированных программ кредитования предпринимателей, открывающих бизнес по франшизе, что позволит создать достаточный уровень финансовой поддержки предпринимателей. Важно внедрить схемы работы с системами фрачайзинга в белорусские банки: консалтинг информации о рынке коммерческой концессии, анализ проектов франчайзеров и франчайзи по расширению их франчайзинговых сетей, посредничество между франчайзером и потенциальными франчайзи, юридические консультации в сфере коммерческой концессии и т.д ; The analysis of experience of introduction of the international franchizing by the countries of the world community and definition of the current trends of development of franchizing which are reflected in experience of the USA and the European countries is actual at development of franchizing in economy of Republic of Belarus. Goal of the article: On the basis of research of experience of development of the international franchizing to define problems and prospects of formation of the franchasing relations in national economy of Republic of Belarus. Subject of study International Franchising. Research methods. analysis and synthesis, comparative analysis, historical analysis, system approach. Results of article: On the basis of the result analysis of experience of international franchising, the revealed tendencies and special aspects of franchising all over the country, we could identify the problems of development of franchising in national economy; the future prospective concepts of implementation of franchising into subjects of the Belarusian economy are developed. Sphere of application: development of the strategic directions of development of franchizing in national economy for the purpose of increase of competitiveness of Republic of Belarus. Conclusions. 1. The modern market of franchizes is presented by the large American companies and the European companies. Besides, growth of number of franchisers is explained by important changes in legislations of the countries. Also the international franchasing organizations which activity allows to work on system of franchizing even in those countries where the legislation regulates this sphere insufficiently were created. 2. The Belarusian companies should consider branch features of development of franchizing that will allow to create and/or develop the networks in Belarus and abroad, using franchizing. However, development of franchasing networks, demands further development of the legislation and the right in the field of protection of intellectual property. 3. It is necessary to make use of experience of creation of specialized programs of crediting of the businessmen opening business according to the franchize that will allow to create the sufficient level of financial support of businessmen. It is necessary to introduce schemes of work with systems of a frachayzing in the Belarusian banks which are provided to franchisers and the franchisee abroad: consulting of information on the market of commercial concession, the analysis of projects of franchisers and franchisee on expansion of their franchasing networks, mediation between the franchiser and potential franchisees, legal advice in the sphere of commercial concession etc.
Статья предлагает к рассмотрению поставленную в названии публикации проблему канонизации в культурологическом аспекте. Канонизация рассматривается автором работы как процесс культуротворчества, в результате которого создаётся целостный феномен, связанный с почитанием святого как в собственно церковных, так и художественных формах. Предлагается также рассматривать канонизацию не как единовременный акт, закрепляющий за святым право его существования в религиозной культуре, а как растянутый в исторической жизни общества процесс, испытывающий трансформации в соответствии с историко-культурной парадигмой. В своём исследовании автор также исходит из известного, но мало и фрагментарно разработанного представления о том, что в истории канонизации и почитания святых отражается как местная, так и общерусская социокультурная специфика, раскрывающая многие стороны русского менталитета. Поэтому образ святого соответствует скорее реалиям, представлениям и ценностным установкам, существующим в обществе в момент его создания, чем реалиям, связанным с жизнью исторического лица, канонизированного в образе святого. Таким образом, процесс канонизации может быть идентифицирован как художественная деятельность по созданию произведений искусства, совершаемая на основе канона, который, в свою очередь, объединяет закономерности различных сфер духовной деятельности, являясь как религиозным, так и художественным нормативом. Рассмотрение исторических источников и истинных параметров личности будущего святого показывает, что канон облекает в образ святости реального человека в соответствии с религиозными и политическими реалиями уже иной, чем время его жизни, эпохи; облик святого подвергся значительной идеализации; жизнеописание святого во главу угла ставит как сакральные ценности молитвенность, преданность вере, пост, милостыню, так в отдельных случаях и его светские (мирские) черты. Это может быть и местный патриотизм, и забота о городе и его жителях, воинские доблести. Канонизированное изображение (иконографический образ) подвергается дальнейшей трансформации в сторону более полной и подробной характеристики его добродетелей того набора качеств, которые были наиболее актуальными для своего времени и связывались с народными представлениями о святости. ; The problem to be considered in this article can be understood from its title, namely the problem of canonization in the cultural aspect. The author is concerned with canonization as a process of cultural creation, the result of which is a coherent phenomenon, connected with worshiping a saint both in church and artistic forms. It is also suggested that canonization should be understood as not just once-for-all action, which secures a saint's right to exist in religious culture, but as a long-lasting process in the historical life of the society, changeable depending on historic-cultural paradigm. In this study the author proceeds from a well known but little-studied assumption that both the local and all-Russian socio-cultural specifics revealing many sides of Russian mentality are reflected in the history of canonization and worshiping of saints. That's why the image of a saint corresponds with the actual, notions and value orientation of the society at the moment of its creation rather than with the actual, connected with life of a historical person, who has been canonized. So the process of canonization can be identified as an artistic activity creating work of arts accomplished according to the canon. The latter can be seen as both a religious and artistic standard, uniting the regularities of different spheres of spiritual activity. The study of historical sources and the personal characteristics of a saint to be shows that the canon gives a real person a shape of a saint according to the religious and political actually different from ones in the saint's lifetime. The image of a saint is considerably idealized. Such sacral values as prayerfulness, devotion to faith, fasting, alms and sometimes a saint's secular characteristics are important for hagiography. The secular characteristic include local patriotism, concern for the hometown and its people, military valour. The canonized image of a saint (iconographical image) continues its transformation to the complete and detailed characteristics of a saint's virtues, which were the most actual and topical for their time and were connected with people's notion of sanctity.
Статья посвящена анализу положений Федерального закона от 5 мая 2014 года № 99-ФЗ «О внесении изменений в главу 4 части первой Гражданского кодекса Российской Федерации и о признании утратившими силу отдельных положений законодательных актов Российской Федерации», которыми в Гражданский кодекс Российской Федерации введены нормы, предусматривающие возможность создания юридического лица в форме товарищества собственников недвижимости. Такое товарищество относится к числу некоммерческих корпоративных организаций, создаваемых собственниками недвижимости. В статье проанализированы определения товарищества собственников недвижимости и субъектный состав его членов. Особое внимание обращено на возможность создания товариществ собственников недвижимости в сфере садоводства, огородничества и дачного хозяйства. В частности, автор сделал акцент на том, что товарищества собственников недвижимости могут создаваться только собственниками земельных участков, а возможность создания такого юридического лица гражданами, обладающими земельными участками на иных правах, не предусматривается. В статье автор указывает на негативные последствия отнесения садоводческих, огороднических и дачных некоммерческих товариществ к числу товариществ собственников недвижимости, а также обосновывает причины невозможности реализации данных норм в ряде случаев. Существование изложенных в статье проблем подтверждаются результатами исследования исторического развития законодательства о ведении гражданами садоводства, огородничества и дачного хозяйства, действующими положениями земельного законодательства Российской Федерации, нормами Федерального закона от 15 апреля 1998 года № 66-ФЗ «О садоводческих, огороднических и дачных некоммерческих объединениях граждан», а также судебной практикой. В результате исследования и анализа законодательства советского периода, а также действующих федеральных законов сделан вывод, что изменения, внесенные в Гражданский кодекс Российской Федерации, не в полной мере учитывают интересы объединений садоводов, огородников и дачников. Результаты реформы законодательства о некоммерческих организациях не обеспечивают выполнения задач, изложенных в Концепции развития гражданского законодательства, подготовленной в соответствии с Указом Президента Российской Федерации от 18 июля 2008 года № 1108 «О совершенствовании Гражданского кодекса Российской Федерации». ; The article is devoted to the analysis of the Federal Law of May 5, 2014 no 99 FZ "On Amendments to the first part of Chapter 4 of the Russian Federation Civil Code and the Invalidation of certain provisions of the Russian Federation legislative acts", which introduces to RF Civil Code the norms providing for a possibility enabling to form a legal entity as a partnership of landowners. Such a partnership relates to non commercial corporate organizations established landowners. The paper examines the definitions of the partnership of landowners and the subject status of its members. A special attention is drawn to forming partnership of landowners as to gardening, vegetable gardening and cottage economy. The author focuses in particular on the fact that the partnerships of real estate ownership may be set up only by the owners of land plots but the possibility to establish such a legal entity by the citizens owning land plots due to other rights is not provided. The author shows negative consequences of relating gardening, vegetable gardening and cottage economy and similar non commercial partnerships to the partnerships of real estate owners and justifies the reasons for inviability as to implementing these norms in some cases. The problems revealed are supported with the research of the historical development of the legislation on gardening, vegetable gardening and cottage economy under the applicable provisions of the RF land code, the law of April 15 1998 no 66 FZ On Gardening and Cottage noncommercial Associations of Citizens and judicial practice. The research and examination of the Soviet legislation and applicable federal laws allowed making the conclusion that the alterations to RF Civil Code do not cover all the needs of the associations integrating garden and cottage owners. The results of the reform of the legislation on non-commercial organizations do not ensure the implementation of the objects specified in the Conception of civil legislation prepared under RF President's decree of July 18, 2008 no 1108 On Improving RF Civil Code.
Причины возрождения мировой юстиции напрямую соотносятся с назначением мировой юстиции, однако в действующем федеральном законодательстве указание на них отсутствует. В статье проанализирован социальный и институциональный аспекты назначения мировой юстиции. Сделан вывод о том, что институциональный аспект доступа к правосудию обеспечивается единством судебной системы и практики на всей территории РФ и способствует централизации судебной системы, обеспечивая тем самым большую эффективность самой судебной системы. Вместе с тем социальная функция мировой юстиции по обеспечению доступа к правосудию пока в большей мере остается декларативной, чем реализованной, так как ее реализация напрямую зависит от субъектов РФ. Рассмотрены следующие аспекты доступа к правосудию, которые не могут быть решены без активного регулирования со стороны субъектов РФ: обеспечение доступа к бесплатной юридической помощи и физическая доступность судебных участков мировых судей. В целях эффективности института мировой юстиции в рамках единой судебной системы РФ высказаны предложения о необходимости законодательного закрепления на федеральном уровне назначения мировой юстиции, с указанием на институциональную и социальную функции мировой юстиции. Указано на необходимость гармонизировать федеральное и региональное законодательство, более четко определив обязанности субъектов РФ по организации эффективной системы бесплатной юридической помощи, по организации физически доступных участков мировых судей, а также созданию и развитию различных форм примирительных процедур, скоординированных с работой мировых судей. При этом каждый субъект РФ вправе при решении названных социальных задач учитывать свои территориальные, природно-климатические, демографические, экономические, религиозные, экологические и другие особенности. Такой подход будет способствовать развитию российского судебного федерализма, особенностью которого должно стать единство судоустройственного и процессуального законодательства и единство судебной практики, при организационной свободе субъектов РФ в создании инфраструктуры как самой мировой юстиции, так и помогающих систем бесплатной юридической помощи и служб примирения. ; The reasons for the revival of global justice are directly correlated with the assignment of global justice, however in the current federal legislation the reference to them is missing. The article analyzes the social and institutional aspects of the assignment of justice. It is concluded that the institutional aspect of access to justice is ensured by unity of the judicial system and practice throughout the territory of the Russian Federation, and contributes to the centralization of the judicial system, thus ensuring greater efficiency of the judicial system. At the same time, the social function of global justice to ensure access to justice nowadays is mostly declarative than implemented, as its implementation depends on the subjects of the Russian Federation. The article considers the following aspects of access to justice that can not be solved without the active regulation by the subjects of the Russian Federation: access to free legal aid and physical availability of judicial sites of justices of peace. For the effectiveness of the Institute of World Justice within a unified judicial system of the Russian Federation the author presents suggestions on the need of legislative consolidation of the assignment of justice at the federal level, specifying the institutional and social functions of global justice. The need to harmonize federal and regional legislation, define more clearly the responsibilities of the Russian Federation on the organization of an efficient system of free legal assistance for the organization, on the organization of physically available sites of justices of peace, as well as the creation and development of various forms of conciliation procedures, coordinated with the work of justices of peace. In addition, each subject of the Russian Federation shall have the right when solving these social problems to take into account its territorial, climatic, demographic, economic, religious, environmental and other features. This approach will contribute to the development of the Russian judicial federalism, a special feature of which should be the unity of judicial and procedural legislation and the unity of jurisprudence, with the organizational freedom of subjects of the Russian Federation in creating the infrastructure of both the global justice and help systems free legal aid and reconciliation services.
O artigo discute alguns aspectos do mundo do trabalho, considerando-o como dimensão estruturante da vida social e buscando perceber o modo como acarreta e reproduz seus efeitos de modo mais amplo. A desregulamentação do trabalho e dos direitos correspondentes, desencadeada no Brasil a partir dos anos oitenta, tornou os trabalhadores mais dependentes de políticas assistenciais e, mais especialmente, dos processos de integração primária, "proteção próxima" e vínculos, sugerindo indagar-se até que ponto esses últimos constituem ainda, prioritariamente, os elementos-chave da reprodução nos setores urbanos das periferias. Demonstra-se a existência de mudanças significativas que incidem sobre a relação família-comunidade, situada no eixo da integração primária, e discutem-se alguns dos seus efeitos e alcances efetivos com base nas teses que problematizam tais temas. O artigo prossegue com questões teóricas e metodológicas e, complementarmente, recorre a dados empíricos a fim de exemplificar alguns desses efeitos e alcances, abordando-os através da noção de territórios de precariedade situados entre a população de trabalhadores e não-trabalhadores residentes em bairros periféricos de Salvador, Bahia. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: periferia, trabalho, moradia, família, Salvador. PERIPHERIES AND TERRITORIES UNDER THE COMBINED EFFECTS OF PRECARIZATION: some tendencies Iracema Brandão Guimarães This paper discusses some aspects of the world of labor, considering it as a structuring dimension of social life and seeking to realize how it brings and reproduces its effects more broadly. The deregulation of labor and its corresponding rights, triggered in Brazil since the eighties, made workers become more dependent on welfare policies and, more specifically, on the primary processes of integration, "close protection", and bonds, suggesting the question 'to what extent do these bonds still constitute, prioritarily, the key elements of reproduction in urban areas on the periphery. It is shown that there are significant changes, focusing on the relation family-community, located on the axis of the primary integration, and one discusses some of their effective scope and effects based on the actual thesis analyzing such issues. This paper goes on to theoretical and methodological issues and, in addition, uses empirical data to illustrate some of these scope and effects, addressing them through the notion of territory of precariousness located among the population of workers and nonworking people living in peripheric neighborhoods in Salvador, Bahia. KEYWORDS: periphery, work, housing, family, Salvador PÉRIPHÉRIES ET TERRITOIRES SOUS L'EFFET CONJUGUÉ DE LA PRÉCARISATION: quelques tendances Iracema Brandão Guimarães L'article traite de certains aspects du monde du travail, considéré comme dimension structurante de la vie sociale, et essaie de percevoir la manière de produire et de reproduire plus largement ses effets. La déréglementation du travail et de ses droits y relatifs, qui s'est déclenchée au Brésil dans les années quatrevingts, a rendu les travailleurs plus dépendants de politiques d'assistance et tout spécialement de processus d'intégration primaire, de "protection proche" et de liens, ce qui incite à savoir jusqu'à quel point ces derniers ne constitueraient pas, encore et de manière prioritaire, les éléments clés de la reproduction dans les zones urbaines de la périphérie. Il est démontré que des changements importants ont lieu, qu'ils ont une influence sur la relation famille-communauté qui se trouve dans l'axe de l'intégration primaire et certains de leurs effets et répercussions effectives sont discutés sur la base des thèses qui soutiennent ces thèmes. L'article traite ensuite des questions théoriques et méthodologiques et utilise de manière complémentaire des données empiriques afin de montrer des exemples de ces effets et de leur portée qui sont traités par le biais de la notion de territoires de précarité situés entre la population des travailleurs et des non-travailleurs habitants dans les quartiers de la périphérie de Salvador, Bahia. MOTS-CLÉS: périphérie, travail, habitation, famille, Salvador. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh
The articles published by Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen and Hippolyte Prague inthe Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums and the Archives Israélites between 1848 and 1914 show a constant concern for politics. Their writings deal with such topics as equal rights for – and discrimination against – Jews, the relationship between politics and religion, the new political movements of the 19th century like nationalism, socialism or zionism. The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to study the political discourse that manifests itself in the articles these journalists published in these journals. The political thought of Jewish minorities in 19thcentury Germany and France has been at the center of many scholarly works. Some of them adopt a national perspective, others – like the present study – chose a comparative framework approach, focusing essentially on the differences between the two Jewish communities' points of view. These works are based on the assumption that Germany and France show basic structural differences, particularly with regards to the conception of nation, the role of religion and subsequently the emancipation model adopted for Jews, inferring that the same is true for the Jewish communities, their way of thinking, feeling and acting. While not denying the influence of thenational context on the way the journalists see the world, this dissertation rests on the conviction that it should not prevent us from seeing how their political discourses share a common logic. Its claim is that the political discourses of German and French Jews, far from being disconnected or opposed, did meet and influence one another to form a largely transnational discourse. The mere existence of these journals created contacts between the journalists that could, among other factors, explain the parallels and similarities in their political approaches ; Les textes de Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen, Hippolyte Prague, publiés dans l'Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums et dans les Archives Israélites entre 1848 et 1914, témoignent d'un incessant souci politique. De l'égalité politique des minorités juives et de leur discrimination à la réflexion sur les relations entre politique et religion, en passant par les nouveaux courants politiques du XIXe siècle, tels le nationalisme, le socialisme ou encore le sionisme, nombreux sont les thèmes liés à la politique qu'ils abordent dans leurs articles. C'est le discours politique tel qu'il se donne à voir dans leurs articles qu'il s'agit d'étudierdans cette thèse. La pensée politique des minorités juives en Allemagne et en France au XIXe siècle a déjà fait l'objet de diverses études. Certaines abordent la thématique dans une perspective nationale, d'autres adoptent, comme nous, une approche comparée, en soulignant essentiellement les différences de points de vue entre les deux collectivités juives. Ces recherches partent du principe que l'Allemagne et la France sont structurées différemment, notamment en ce qui concerne les conceptions de la nation, les rôles joués par la religion et, partant, le mode d'émancipation des juifs, pour en déduire que la réalité des minorités juives et leur façon de penser, de sentir et d'agir l'est aussi. S'il ne s'agit pas de nier une certaine influence du contexte national sur lafaçon dont les journalistes voient le monde, la conviction qui anime le présent travail est que les contextes nationaux apparemment différents ne doivent pas nous empêcher de voir que leurs discours politiques obéissent à une logique commune. La thèse que nous nous proposons de démontrer dans cette étude consiste à dire que les discours politiques des juifs allemands et français, loin de former deux discours disjoints et opposés, se sont mutuellement rencontrés et fertilisés pour former un discours largement transnational. Grâce à leurs revues, il existait en effet de nombreux contacts entre les journalistes qui pourraient expliquer, entre autres, les parallèles et ressemblances dans leur manière d'aborder certaines questions politiques
The articles published by Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen and Hippolyte Prague inthe Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums and the Archives Israélites between 1848 and 1914 show a constant concern for politics. Their writings deal with such topics as equal rights for – and discrimination against – Jews, the relationship between politics and religion, the new political movements of the 19th century like nationalism, socialism or zionism. The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to study the political discourse that manifests itself in the articles these journalists published in these journals. The political thought of Jewish minorities in 19thcentury Germany and France has been at the center of many scholarly works. Some of them adopt a national perspective, others – like the present study – chose a comparative framework approach, focusing essentially on the differences between the two Jewish communities' points of view. These works are based on the assumption that Germany and France show basic structural differences, particularly with regards to the conception of nation, the role of religion and subsequently the emancipation model adopted for Jews, inferring that the same is true for the Jewish communities, their way of thinking, feeling and acting. While not denying the influence of thenational context on the way the journalists see the world, this dissertation rests on the conviction that it should not prevent us from seeing how their political discourses share a common logic. Its claim is that the political discourses of German and French Jews, far from being disconnected or opposed, did meet and influence one another to form a largely transnational discourse. The mere existence of these journals created contacts between the journalists that could, among other factors, explain the parallels and similarities in their political approaches ; Les textes de Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen, Hippolyte Prague, publiés dans l'Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums et dans les Archives Israélites entre 1848 et 1914, témoignent d'un incessant souci politique. De l'égalité politique des minorités juives et de leur discrimination à la réflexion sur les relations entre politique et religion, en passant par les nouveaux courants politiques du XIXe siècle, tels le nationalisme, le socialisme ou encore le sionisme, nombreux sont les thèmes liés à la politique qu'ils abordent dans leurs articles. C'est le discours politique tel qu'il se donne à voir dans leurs articles qu'il s'agit d'étudierdans cette thèse. La pensée politique des minorités juives en Allemagne et en France au XIXe siècle a déjà fait l'objet de diverses études. Certaines abordent la thématique dans une perspective nationale, d'autres adoptent, comme nous, une approche comparée, en soulignant essentiellement les différences de points de vue entre les deux collectivités juives. Ces recherches partent du principe que l'Allemagne et la France sont structurées différemment, notamment en ce qui concerne les conceptions de la nation, les rôles joués par la religion et, partant, le mode d'émancipation des juifs, pour en déduire que la réalité des minorités juives et leur façon de penser, de sentir et d'agir l'est aussi. S'il ne s'agit pas de nier une certaine influence du contexte national sur lafaçon dont les journalistes voient le monde, la conviction qui anime le présent travail est que les contextes nationaux apparemment différents ne doivent pas nous empêcher de voir que leurs discours politiques obéissent à une logique commune. La thèse que nous nous proposons de démontrer dans cette étude consiste à dire que les discours politiques des juifs allemands et français, loin de former deux discours disjoints et opposés, se sont mutuellement rencontrés et fertilisés pour former un discours largement transnational. Grâce à leurs revues, il existait en effet de nombreux contacts entre les journalistes qui pourraient expliquer, entre autres, les parallèles et ressemblances dans leur manière d'aborder certaines questions politiques
Pierre Baudin (1863-1917), was the nephew of Alphonse Baudin, a Deputy killed on the barricades on December 3rd 1851, and a French statesman. Although a popular political figure of the Third Republic, Pierre Baudin has not been given sufficient recognition today. As a radical-socialist, he was elected to the Paris Municipal Council in 1890. There, he defended, with remarkable skills, the Rights of the City of Paris. After serving as a General Budget Reporter for three years, he was elected Vice-President of the Council in 1895 and subsequently elected President, before the age of 33, in 1896. He entered the chamber as Deputy as early as 1898, and, as the only member of his party, he was appointed the following year, at the age of 36, Minister of Public Works in the Waldeck-Rousseau cabinet. During his ministry, he chose to relinquish Paris's eleventh arrondissement and run for office in Belley. A dissident of the Combiste movement, he had to oppose the orthodox radicals in his département from 1903 to 1905. He was easily re-elected to the chamber in 1902 and 1906, however, and he was even able to pursue the career of a journalist that he had launched successfully in 1890. He was elected President of the French Association of Sports Journalists in 1905 and subsequently elected Vice-President of the Association of Parisian Journalists in 1907, which he briefly chaired in 1915, and as an administrator beyond compare, he was appointed General Budget Reporter at the chamber in 1905 and 1906. He also established himself as a businessman from 1906, becoming [the first] President of the French-American bank, but only for a year, and President of the International Society of the Berlitz schools from 1907 to 1913. Turned Briandiste, he was elected to the senate by the département of Ain in 1909, and, in 1910, he was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary in Argentina. Upon his return to the Palais du Luxembourg, he was very active in contributing key reports on foreign affairs to the senate. He was appointed Minister of Marine in 1913 and was charged with a propaganda mission in Latin America in 1915. A relentless patriot, Baudin never stopped warning his contemporaries against the German threat until his death, due to a serious illness, in 1917. ; Neveu du député Alphonse Baudin tué sur les barricades le 3 décembre 1851, Pierre Baudin (1863-1917) est un homme politique de la Troisième République insuffisamment reconnu aujourd'hui. Élu radical-socialiste au Conseil municipal de Paris en 1890, il y accomplit un parcours exemplaire au service de la défense des Droits de Paris. Rapporteur général du Budget pendant trois ans, il devient viceprésident du Conseil en 1895 et président en 1896, à moins de 33 ans. Député dès 1898, il est nommé, l'année suivante, à 36 ans, à peine, ministre des Travaux publics du cabinet Waldeck-Rousseau, le seul de son groupe politique. Il opte, en 1900, pendant son ministère, pour le siège de Belley, abandonnant le 11e arrondissement de la capitale. Dissident du combisme, il doit lutter contre les radicaux orthodoxes de son département pendant la période 1903-1905. Réélu aisément à la Chambre, en 1902 et 1906, il poursuit une belle carrière de journaliste entamée en 1890. Président de l'association des journalistes sportifs, en 1905, vice-président, en 1907, de l'association des journalistes parisiens (dont il sera l'éphémère président en 1915), administrateur hors pair, il est rapporteur général du budget à la Chambre en 1905 et 1906. P. Baudin est également un homme d'affaires à partir de 1906, en devenant - pendant un an - président de la banque franco-américaine et de la Société internationale des Écoles Berlitz de 1907 à 1913. Sénateur de l'Ain, en 1909, devenu briandiste, il est nommé, en 1910, ambassadeur extraordinaire en Argentine. De retour au Palais du Luxembourg, il se montre d'une rare activité, rapportant d'importants dossiers de politique étrangère notamment. Ministre de la Marine en 1913, il conduit, en 1915, une mission de propagande en Amérique latine. Patriote exigeant, il a dénoncé inlassablement la menace allemande jusqu'à son décès, par maladie, en 1917.
GENERAL KNOWLEDGEName and Surname : Mehmet KaradayıField: İnternational RelationProgramme: DoctorateSupervisor: Professor Cengiz OkmanDegree Awarded and Date: Doctorate- March 2005Keywords: Power Diplomacy, Military ForceABSTRACTIMPLEMENTATION OF POWER DIPLOMACY UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND TURKEYSeptember 11, 2001 terrorist attacks changed America's political strategies implemented during Cold War and 1990s deeply and made military force the most important element of foreign policy. Undoubtedly, power diplomacy implemented by the USA affects all states. Without any legal basis, USA thinks to have military intervention right, in the framework of 'preemptive strike' doctrine, against states and terrorist organizations seen as threat by the USA. Especially 2001 Afghanistan and March 2003 Iraq military interventions are clear instances.In the 21st century, the concept of the enemy completely changed and the possibility of big powers' fighting with each other by way of alliances fairly decreased. In the 21st century, instead of arsenal wars, there emerged a kind of war against enemy using asymmetric methods. By this thesis, it was mentioned the last position of American power diplomacy in 21st century and the place of military force in its power diplomacy. The national security policy planned by the USA aimed at future, the national security strategy, Joint Vision 2020 and The Army in 2020 established by the USA with direction of military national strategy were researched as bases of military power being basic argument of power diplomacy. It is examined where the USA deploys its forces and gives them which missions by using as an element of foreign policy. Turkey located in the most complicated region of the world is closely influenced by any developments in its region. Therefore, Turkey needs to implement effective power diplomacy in order to manipulate the regional politics and become effective in its region. In this thesis, it is mentioned the practice of power diplomacy of Turkey by taking USA power diplomacy implementation into consideration. It is tried to explain the elements owned by Turkey in order to manage effective implementation of power diplomacy. When taking into consideration of available Turkish military force, in the near future, with effective power diplomacy in accordance with its traditional foreign policy which has new approach, it is reached the result that Turkey would have more words to say in its region.GENEL BİLGİLERİsim ve Soyadı: Mehmet KaradayıAnabilim Dalı: Uluslararası İlişkilerProgramı: DoktoraTez Danışmanı: Prof. Dr. Cengiz OkmanTez Türü ve Tarihi: Doktora - Mart 2005Anahtar Kelimeler: Güç Diplomasisi, Askeri Güç, ÖZET GÜÇ DİPLOMASİSİ UYGULAMALARI ABD VE TÜRKİYE11 Eylül 2001 terörist saldırıları, Amerika'nın soğuk savaş sırasında ve özellikle 1990'lı yıllarda uyguladığı dış politika stratejilerini büyük ölçüde değiştirmiş ve askeri gücü dış politikanın en önemli unsuru haline getirmiştir. ABD'nin uyguladığı güç diplomasisi şüphesiz bütün devletleri etkilemektedir. Amerika Birleşik Devletleri kendine tehdit gördüğü devletlere ve terörist örgütlere karşı herhangi bir meşru zemin aramadan askeri müdahale yapma hakkını 'önleyici saldırı' doktrini çerçevesinde kendinde görmektedir. Özellikle 2001 Afganistan ve Mart 2003 Irak'a müdahaleleri bunun örnekleridir.21.yüzyılda düşman kavramı tamamen değişmiş ve büyük devletlerin ittifaklar yolu ile birbirleri ile savaşma ihtimalleri oldukça azalmıştır. 21. yüzyılda topyekün savaş yerine asimetrik yöntemler kullanan düşmana karşı savaş başlamıştır. Bu çalışma ile ABD güç diplomasisinin 21. yüzyıldaki aldığı son şekil ve askeri gücün bunun içindeki yerine değinilmiştir. ABD'nin geleceğe yönelik tasarladığı ulusal güvenlik politikası, ulusal güvenlik stratejisi, milli askeri stratejisi doğrultusunda oluşturduğu Müşterek Vizyon 2020 ve 2020'de Ordusu, güç diplomasisinde temel aracı olan askeri gücün esasları olarak incelenmiştir. ABD'nin milli çıkarlarını korumak için dünyada askeri kuvvetlerini nerede konuşlandırarak ve bunlara ne gibi görevler vererek dış politikanın bir unsuru olarak kullandığı ele alınmıştır.Dünyanın en karışık bölgelerinden birinde olan Türkiye, bölgesindeki her gelişmede çok yakından etkilenmektedir. Dolayısıyla Türkiye'nin bölgesinde etkin olabilmesi ve bölge politikalarını yönlendirebilmesi için çok etkili bir güç diplomasisi uygulaması gerekmektedir. Bu çalışmada Türkiye'nin kendisine ABD modelini göz önünde bulundurarak güç diplomasisi uygulaması üzerinde durulmuştur. Mevcut askeri potansiyeli dikkate alındığında, Türkiye'nin geleneksel dış politikasıyla uyumlu yeni yönelimlerle, uygulayacağı etkin bir güç diplomasisi ile yakın gelecekte, bölgesinde çok daha fazla söz sahibi olacağı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.
HE WAS A squat man. He wore thick glasses. Photographs captured him badly--none make it clear why he was so popular with women. Memoirists insist that his seemingly benign, even flabby looks could inspire intense fear. Some fifty years ago Lionel Trilling judged Isaac Babel as looking rather like either a 'Chinese merchant,' or a 'successful Hollywood writer,' or a 'typical' Jewish intellectual. 'It is,' wrote Trilling of Babel's face, the kind 'which many Jews used to aspire to have, or hoped their sons would have.' Babel's close friend Konstantin Paustovsky is still more vivid and more than mildly deprecating: 'Stooping, almost neckless ... with a duck's bill of a nose, a creased forehead and an oily glint in his little eyes, he was anything but fascinating.' Why so many who write about him write so much about his appearance is by no means the greatest mystery surrounding Babel and his brilliant but still much debated literary legacy. The secrets Trilling had in mind, in particular, were the uncertainties left in the wake of Babel's stunning, mosaic-like portrait in Red Cavalry of the Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1920. How he felt here about the Russian Revolution, the goodness of man, Jews, violence, bourgeois values, or values at all he leaves unclear. The book was built around its contradictory, confounding stances toward these and other critical and (in Soviet Russia already at the time it appeared in the mid-twenties) rather dangerous topics. Babel leaves the reader often stunned by his intermittent inhumanity, his incorrigible sentimentality, his deep attachment to Jews, his breezy indifference to Jews, and his love and horror in the face of revolutionary upheaval. In Red Cavalry, he has his protagonist--who seems, at least at times, very much an autobiographical stand-in--muse about how keenly he wishes for the ability to kill his fellow man. The sentence pierces the heart like the power Babel attributes elsewhere, in his story 'Guy de Maupassant,' to the uncanny, stunning resonance of skillful punctuation: 'No iron spike can pierce a human heart as icily as a period in the right place.' Picking out stray lines from Babel stories in an effort to encapsulate his essential message is, if you will, as useless as choosing stray passages from the Talmud to illuminate the fundamental teachings of the rabbis. The story is addressed to Vasily; he is mentioned four times in as many pages ('Do you remember Zhitomir, Vasily?' is how it begins). He is, it would seem, an unidentified Russian It is not far-fetched to see him also as the very same Russian whom Babel knew read, sometimes with bemusement or hostility or shock, the not infrequently bitter, always frank, sometimes transparently loving portraits of things Jewish in his fiction. Russian Jewish fiction had, since its first appearance in the mid-nineteenth century, been acutely aware, often overwhelmed by this gaze, and, as a result, so much of it was self-conscious and cramped in ways that, not infrequently, diminished it, in contrast to Yiddish or Hebrew literature. Babel refused to edit out of his fiction those intimate, uneasy things acknowledged by Jews to one another behind closed doors, in the clammy privacy of third-class railways cars, or on the pages of Yiddish prose. And he resisted the temptation, on the whole, to hide his ferocious love for his own people. Moreover, Ilya, he insisted, was no less Russian than a character of Chekhov's or Gogol's while he was, at the same time, emphatically Jewish. The future of Russian literature, he predicted in 1916, belonged to Odessa, not foggy, gray St. Petersburg, where 'the spicy aroma of acacias and a moon filled with an unwavering, irresistible light' shine; Russian literature's 'Messiah, so long awaited, will issue ... from the sun-drenched steppes washed by the sea.' Here was as bald, as transparent a claim for ascendancy as produced by any writer and, in the wake of the last, mostly truly terrible century that savaged his beloved Russia, Babel's voice remains more fresh, arguably more relevant than any other. One now reads Babel's youthful, brash declamation as far from frivolous, one reads it as almost chilling in its pertinence.
The situation in Kosovo up to 1999, and all attempts which failed in order to find a just and lasting solution for that problem, have fully justified the above criteria for a lawful humanitarian intervention which was undertaken by the NATO forces against the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It seems, however, that the responsible persons in the NATO were not aware of the competence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to investigate to prosecute persons responsible for use of prohibited arms and for destruction of some objects. Some of these unlawful acts constitute grave breaches of the 1959 Geneva Conventions and violations of laws and customs of war. In these circumstances it is the legal duty of the Prosecutor to undertake an investigation. In case that he fails in his duty, there are no statutory limits in respect of the crimes provided in the Statute of the Tribunal. (SOI : SOEU: S. 98f.) + Most legal writers in their writings confuse notions of humanitarian intervention, intervention of a State in order to protect its citizens abroad and humanitarian relief. The use of force for protection of citizens abroad, when they are in immediate danger of losing their lives or suffering serious injury, can exceptionally be justified by a state of necessity as regulated in article 33 of Drafts Article on State Responsibility by the International Law Commission. Further conditions for such an intervention are provided in the wording of the US State Secretar, Daniel Webster in the Caroline case of 1837, relating to the self-defence. Actions of humanitarian relief have nothing unlawful in their character, but a question can arise of the obligation of parties to a conflict to receive and allow its distribution to a who are in need. The 1949 Geneva Conventions and the First Protocol of 1977, provide in this respect a legal obligation of all parties to internation armed conflicts. Such relief actions can be imposed as obligation to parties to internal armed conflicts as well, by UN Security Council resolutions based on Chap. VII of the UN Charter. + In the view of this author there is no rule of positive international law granting a right to foreign States to intervene by force, either in protection of their citizens, or when a humanitarian intervention is required. The matter can only be of exceptional circumstances precluding wrongfulness of the use of force, which otherwise remains prohibited. When the matter is of humanitarian intervention, circumstances precluding the wrongfulness would, according to this author, be the following: (1) There should be a situation of systematic, repeated and widespread commission of international crimes by a State authority against its own citizens. Special problems are created to the international community by widespread practices of ethnic cleansing. (2) Such a situation constitutes itself a "threat to the peace" calling for an enforcement action by the Security Council according to the Chap. VII of the UN Charter. (3) In case that the Security Council fails in its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security and when there are no other means, a group of States or an organization can undertake a humanitarian intervention by use of force in order to stop the commission of crimes. In these circumstances it acts as de facto organ of the entire international community of States. (4) In these extreme and exceptional circumstances, States taking part in such an action cannot obtain any advantages in their profit. (5) Collective intervention by a single State acting in the name of several other States or an organization. However, even such an intervention should have priority over humanitarian intervention undertaken by a State acting in its o name. (6) It is self-evident that in performing a humanitarian intervention there should not be committed international crimes especially against protected persons, including civilian population
Las políticas de comunicación que se impulsan en Argentina a partir de 2009 con la sanción de la Ley N° 26.522 de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual constituyen un fenómeno de envergadura y sin precedente, que entre sus aspectos centrales: formaliza un desplazamiento conceptual según el cual la comunicación audiovisual pasa a ser considerada como un derecho humano antes que como una mercancía, genera un parámetro novedoso que establece límites a la concentración de la propiedad y busca ampliar el arco de actores y espacios que conformarán el espacio audiovisual. Este proceso no estuvo exento de conflictividad y virulencia, quizás por esta razón la mayor parte de la discusión que se dio públicamente en los medios de comunicación definió como núcleo excluyente la modificación del vínculo entre el Estado y los actores privados lucrativos que la norma buscó desmontar. Sin embargo, tanto los cambios promovidos, como las zonas de vacancia que esta ley acredita son mucho más extensos y complejos que los referidos al sector lucrativo. En la estela de los cambios producidos, la diversificación y ampliación del sector de medios públicos ha sido quizás la política de transformación de mayor impacto en términos de desarrollo de infraestructura, creación de señales, producción de contenidos e incorporación de recursos humanos al mercado de trabajo. Este sector se expandirá fundamentalmente por la vía de la televisión digital terrestre. Directamente asociadas a esta plataforma digital tiene lugar la emergencia de las televisoras universitarias, gestionadas por las universidades públicas argentinas que serán convocadas en tanto actores estratégicos para el trabajo territorial en el plano federal. Su desarrollo, los dilemas que enfrentan, los escollos que han debido sortear, así como la proyección en términos de la democratización de las comunicaciones y acceso ciudadano que realizan para los próximos años, constituyen el objeto de este artículo. ; Communication policies being promoted in Argentina since 2009 with the enactment of Law N°. 26,522 of Audiovisual Communication Services, constitute a phenomenon of unprecedented that formalized a conceptual shift whereby audiovisual communication happens to be considered a human right rather than a commodity, generates a new parameter which sets limits on the concentration of ownership and, seeks to expand the spectrum of actors and spaces that make up the audiovisual area. This process was not without conflict and virulence, perhaps for this reason most of the discussion that took place in publicly media defined as excluding core modification link between the State and private actors lucrative sought disassemble the norm. However, both the changes promoted as vacant areas proves that this law is much more extensive and complex than those related to the profit sector, even though this is undoubtedly the most extensive and economic weight in the audiovisual. In the wake of the changes, diversification and expansion of the public media sector has perhaps been the policy of transforming the greatest impact in terms of infrastructure development, signal creation, content production and incorporation of human resources to the labor market. This sector is fundamentally expand by way of digital terrestrial television, a state policy that is diversified in terms of production and infrastructure and within which specific public signals linked to different national ministries in addition are created other preexisting. Directly associated with this digital platform the emergence of university television, run by the Argentine Public Universities to be convened as strategic actors for territorial work at the federal level takes place. Its development, the dilemmas they face, the obstacles they have had to overcome and the projection in terms of the democratization of communications and public access to perform for the coming years, are the subject of this article. ; Fil: Monje, Daniela Ines. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Estudios Avanzados; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Villa María; Argentina ; Fil: Zanotti, Juan Martín. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
ABSTRACT: The refugee crisis has shaped a new perception of the migration reality in Europe. The ramifications of its impact on European integration are visible and enduring. The EU's response has included a certain strategic perspective, albeit weighed down by an excess of eurocentrism and a security perception that does not take third countries' interests into balanced account. The major economic effort being made supports a far-reaching strategy, only now beginning to be outlined, to promote economic development in the countries of origin and transit of migrants. Additionally, issues such as the monitoring of respect for migrants' human rights have not yet been suitably globally defined in this strategy. Although the behaviour and response capacity of the EU and its Member States can be assessed in different ways, the truth is that the migration debate has decisively swayed a block of countries that are openly reluctant to engage in intra-European solidarity and accept the new realities and responsibilities entailed by the refugees already present and yet to come to Europe. This position is very negative in the medium and long term, since, as noted, the crisis has also underscored the permanence of migration trends and flows and the consolidation of the routes or gates of entry to Europe. This contribution considers the vulnerability of the European borders designed and in operation in the Schengen Area. The internal borders were the most affected at the start of the migration crisis and are likely to be marked by current regulatory changes, which tend to allow exceptionality as a relatively common occurrence in the European 'federal' area of free movement. Nevertheless, the resilience of this system of the absence of internal border controls in the 'federal' area of free movement is undeniable. The impact on the EU's external borders has been even greater, as it has shown once and for all that, more than fragile or vulnerable, some border controls, such as the sea border ones, are not practicable, especially those on Europe's southern sea borders. It is precisely this infeasibility of border control in marine areas that leads to the accentuation of certain trends on Europe's external borders, such as the externalization of migration controls. New regulatory and strategic planning developments confirm this trend, as well as the current concern for deploying an integrated external border management system. With regard to the phenomenon known as the 'externalization' of migration controls, the literature considers it to refer to EU actions aimed at reducing, sorting and controlling migration flows with the consent of third states in relations that are, by definition, asymmetrical. This article has addressed the different situations that arise, highlighting the advisability of differentiating between externalizing migration policy, on the one hand, and extraterritorial action concerning migration control, on the other. In search of greater conceptual accuracy, the term 'deterritoriality' has been used, as it is more neutral than the other terms mentioned insofar as it evokes the idea of positioning outside the territory certain border control and migration policy functions, to be carried out by other states or by the state itself. Since these are situations and actions linked to migration and border control, they should be conceptually situated outside the territory; the deterritoriality option hypothetically makes it possible to encompass both the externalization and the extraterritoriality of border control functions concerning migration. To this end, this article has focused on the various notions and activities that might be discussed in relation to the 'externalization' and the 'extraterritoriality' of migration controls and border functions, terms that, in sum, refer to migration control and management activities outside the territory, carried out by public officials of the EU states or by third states. On the one hand, externalization is considered to refer to the management and control of migration flows, the activities of adopting agreements, programmes, action plans and measures to encourage third states to monitor their own borders and migration flows in order to control, restrict or impede physical access to the territory of the EU states, accepting the placement in their territory, or the rejection, of refugees and migrants from other states. It does not involve the presence of or direct exercise of control activities by public officials of the EU Member States. In fact, outside European territory it is highly debatable that states are strictly performing border control functions, as it is an area that may more accurately fall within the more generic field of migration flow control linked to migration policy and European external action. On the other hand, extraterritorialization is understood to entail the performance of border control functions by states themselves outside their own territory. This case should involve the presence of or exercise by Member State public officials of some (effective) border control activities or functions in areas without state jurisdiction or in the territory of third states, with their consent. We are witnessing a change in the very concept of border in this post-globalization era, in which certain functions are offshored and systematically placed outside a state's territory and checkpoints. However, territorial and extraterritorial actions must be differentiated from those occurring as part of external actions in or with third states for the purposes of migration policy and the control of migration flows. The reality is that a new border space south and east of the Mediterranean has been configured for migratory flows, which needs a new policy of external borders for these areas. Therefore, we must reflect on new frontier spaces, with new concepts and approaches to the border that provide other parameters of action towards migratory flows and external controls. Today, the Union needs new instruments and concepts for these new realities, especially so as not to lose sight of the fact that, when it comes to tackling crises such as those related to migration and the rights of foreigners approaching or entering its territory and jurisdiction, Europe is a rational construct entailing a project for civilizational progress. As such, it must permanently incorporate its values and respect for human rights in all its policies, regulatory measures and actions with foreigners and third states, both on its own external borders and beyond them. This is essential for the identity and objectives of the European integration, and for the projection of the EU security, solidarity and values in accordance with the International and European Human Rights Law. KEYWORDS: European Union, immigration, refugees, asylum, European values, border controls, immigration controls, migration policy, borders, internal borders, external borders, Frontex, maritime immigration, externalization, extraterritoriality, deterritoriality, human rights ; Crisis de refugiados y migraciones en las puertas de Europa: Deterritorialidad, extraterritorialidad y externalización de controles fronterizos RESUMEN: La crisis de los refugiados ha conformado en Europa una nueva percepción de la realidad migratoria. Las ramificaciones de sus impactos en la construcción europea son visibles y duraderas. La reacción de la UE ha tenido cierta perspectiva estratégica, aunque lastrada por un exceso de eurocentrismo y de percepción securitaria, que no tiene en cuenta equilibradamente los intereses de los países terceros. El gran esfuerzo económico que se está realizando sostiene una estrategia de largo alcance que sólo ahora empieza a esbozarse, para fomentar el desarrollo económico en los países de origen y tránsito de la emigración. Por otra parte, cuestiones como las de vigilancia del respeto de derechos humanos de los inmigrantes aún están por perfilarse adecuadamente de manera global en esta estrategia. Aunque podemos hacer diferentes valoraciones del comportamiento y capacidad de reacción de la UE y sus Estados, lo cierto es que el debate migratorio ha decantado decididamente un bloque de países abiertamente reacios a la solidaridad intraeuropea, y a asumir las nuevas realidades y cargas que suponen los refugiados presentes y por venir a Europa. Esta perspectiva es muy negativa a medio y largo plazo, ya que, como hemos visto, la crisis también revela la permanencia de las corrientes y flujos migratorios, y la consolidación de los vías o Puertas de entrada a Europa. Hemos considerado en el trabajo la vulnerabilidad de las fronteras europeas diseñadas y en funcionamiento en el Área Schengen. Las fronteras interiores fueron las más impactadas al comienzo de la crisis migratoria, y probablemente van a quedar marcadas por los cambios normativos en curso, que tienden a admitir la excepcionalidad como hecho relativamente común en el espacio 'federal' de libre circulación europeo. Pese a todo, la capacidad de resiliencia de este sistema de ausencia de controles fronterizos interiores en el espacio 'federal' de libre circulación, es incontestable. El impacto en las fronteras europeas exteriores ha sido aún mayor, ya que se ha puesto de relieve en nuestra opinión definitivamente que, más que frágiles o vulnerables, ciertos controles fronterizos como los marítimos son impracticables, en particular los de las fronteras marítimas meridionales europeas. Precisamente esta inviabilidad del control fronterizo en espacios marítimos es lo que lleva en nuestra opinión a acentuar ciertas tendencias en las fronteras exteriores europeas, como las de externalización de controles migratorios. Los nuevos desarrollos normativos y de planificación estratégica confirman esta tendencia, así como la preocupación actual por desplegar un sistema integrado de gestión de fronteras exteriores. Respecto al fenómeno conocido como de 'Externalización' de controles migratorios, la doctrina ha venido considerándolo como actuaciones de la UE que buscan reducir, ordenar y controlar los flujos migratorios en anuencia con Estados terceros, en relaciones por definición asimétricas. En nuestro trabajo hemos abordado las diferentes situaciones que se plantean, poniendo de relieve la conveniencia de diferenciar entre Externalizar las políticas migratorias, por una parte, de la actuación Extraterritorial de control migratorio, por otra parte. Buscando una mayor precisión conceptual, preferimos utilizar el termino Desterritorialidad, que es más neutro que los referidos, al evocar la idea de ubicar fuera del territorio determinadas funciones de control fronterizo y de políticas migratorias, a desarrollar por otros Estados o por el propio Estado. Al tratarse de situaciones y actuaciones vinculadas a las migraciones y a los controles fronterizos, debemos conceptualmente situarnos fuera del territorio; por lo que esta opción de Desterritorialidad, permite hipotéticamente abarcar las dos situaciones de Externalización y de Extraterritorialidad de las funciones de control fronterizo respecto a las migraciones. Para ello nos centramos en las diferentes nociones y actividades que podrían debatirse respecto a la 'Externalización', 'Extraterritorialidad' de controles migratorios y funciones fronterizas, expresiones que, en suma, hacen referencia a actividades de gestión y control migratorio fuera del territorio, llevados a cabo por agentes públicos de los Estados UE, o por terceros Estados. Por una parte, consideramos constituyen Externalización de la gestión y control de flujos migratorios, las actividades de adopción de Acuerdos, Programa, Planes y medidas que pretenden que Estados terceros vigilen sus propias fronteras y flujos migratorios, para controlar, restringir o impedir el acceso físico al territorio de los Estados UE, asumiendo la localización en su territorio, o el rechazo, de refugiados e inmigrantes de otros Estados. Esto no implicaría presencia ni ejercicio directo de actividades de control por agentes públicos de los Estados Miembros de la UE. En realidad, fuera del territorio europeo es muy discutible que los Estados estén realizando estrictamente funciones de control fronterizo, ya que se trata de un ámbito que se encuentra tal vez en el más genérico terreno del control de flujos migratorios y vinculado a la política migratoria y a la acción exterior europea. Por otra parte, entendemos que la actuación Extraterritorialidad supone llevar a cabo funciones de control fronterizo por los Estados fuera de su territorio. Aquí debe existir en nuestra opinión presencia o ejercicio por agentes públicos de los Estados miembros de ciertas actividades o funciones de control (efectivo) fronterizo, en espacios sin jurisdicción estatal, o en el territorio de Estados terceros, con su acuerdo. Estamos ante un cambio en la concepción misma de la frontera en esta era pos-globalización, donde determinadas funciones se deslocalizan y se sitúan sistemáticamente fuera del territorio y los puestos fronterizos de los Estados. Sin embargo, las actuaciones territoriales y extraterritoriales deben diferenciarse de las que se producen en actividades de acción exterior en o con terceros Estados a fines de política de inmigración y control de flujos migratorios. La realidad es que se ha configurado para los flujos migratorios un nuevo espacio fronterizo al sur y este del mediterráneo, que necesita una nueva política de fronteras exteriores para este área. Por ello debemos reflexionar sobre nuevos espacios e imaginarios fronterizos, con nuevos conceptos y enfoques de la frontera que aporten otros parámetros de actuación hacia los flujos migratorios y los controles exteriores. La Unión necesita hoy instrumentos y conceptos nuevos para estas nuevas realidades, y sobre todo para no perder de vista que, a la hora de afrontar crisis como las migratorias y de derechos de los extranjeros que se acercan o entran en nuestro territorio y jurisdicción, Europa es una construcción racional que supone un Proyecto de progreso civilizatorio, y que como tal debe incorporar permanentemente sus valores y el respeto de derechos humanos en todas sus políticas, medidas normativas y actuaciones con extranjeros y Estados terceros, en sus propias fronteras exteriores y más allá de las mismas. Esto es esencial para la identidad y objetivos de la integración, y para la proyección de la seguridad, solidaridad y valores de la UE conforme al Derecho internacional y europeo de los Derechos Humanos. PALABRAS CLAVE: Unión Europea, inmigración, refugiados, asilo, valores de Europa, controles fronterizos, controles migratorios, política migratoria, fronteras, fronteras interiores, fronteras exteriores, Frontex, inmigración marítima, externalización, extraterritorialidad, desterritorialidad, derechos humanos ; Crise des réfugiés et migrations aux portes de l'Europe: déterritorialité, extraterritorialité et externalisation des contrôles des frontières RÉSUMÉ: La crise des réfugiés a forgé une nouvelle perception de la réalité de la migration en Europe. Les conséquences de ses impacts sur la construction européenne sont visibles et durables. La réaction de l'UE a eu une certaine perspective stratégique, bien que pénalisée par un excès de perception de l'eurocentrisme et de la sécurité, qui ne tienne pas compte des intérêts des pays tiers. Le grand effort économique en cours appuie une stratégie à long terme qui commence seulement à être esquissée pour promouvoir le développement économique dans les pays d'origine et de transit de l'émigration. D'autre part, des questions telles que la surveillance du respect des droits humains des immigrés doivent encore être correctement établies de manière globale dans cette stratégie. Bien que nous puissions évaluer différemment le comportement et la capacité de réaction de l'UE et de ses États, le débat sur l'immigration a décidément décliné en bloc un groupe de pays ouvertement réticents à la solidarité intra-européenne et à assumer les nouvelles réalités et les responsabilités que posent les réfugiés. Cette perspective est très négative à moyen et long terme car, comme on l'a vu, la crise révèle également la permanence des courants et des flux migratoires, ainsi que la consolidation des routes ou portes d'entrée en Europe. Nous avons examiné à l'œuvre la vulnérabilité des frontières européennes en fonctionnement dans l'espace Schengen. Les frontières intérieures ont été les plus touchées au début de la crise migratoire et devraient être modifiées par les propositions réglementaires en cours, qui tendent à admettre que l'exceptionnalité est un phénomène relativement courant dans l'espace «fédéral» de la libre circulation européenne. Malgré tout, la résilience de ce système d'absence de contrôle aux frontières intérieures dans l'espace «fédéral» de libre circulation est incontestable. L'impact sur les frontières extérieures de l'Europe a été encore plus grand, car il a été clairement souligné à notre avis que, plutôt que fragiles ou vulnérables, certains contrôles frontaliers tels que les contrôles maritimes sont irréalisables, notamment ceux des frontières maritimes du sud de l'Europe. C'est précisément cette impossibilité de contrôler les frontières dans les espaces maritimes qui conduit, à notre avis, à accentuer certaines tendances aux frontières extérieures européennes, telles que celles de l'externalisation des contrôles migratoires. Les nouveaux développements réglementaires et stratégiques en matière de planification confirment cette tendance, ainsi que la détermination actuelle de déployer un système intégré de gestion des frontières extérieures. En ce qui concerne le phénomène appelé «externalisation» des contrôles de l'immigration, la doctrine l'a considéré comme une action de l'UE visant à réduire, ordonner et contrôler les flux migratoires en accord avec les États tiers, dans des relations asymétriques par définition. Dans notre travail, nous avons abordé les différentes situations qui se présentent, en soulignant l'opportunité de différencier les politiques migratoires d'externalisation, d'une part, de l'action extraterritoriale de contrôle de l'immigration, d'autre part. À la recherche d'une plus grande précision conceptuelle, nous préférons utiliser le terme Disterritorialité, qui est plus neutre que ceux auxquels il est fait référence, lorsqu'il évoque l'idée de localiser certaines fonctions de contrôle des frontières et certaines politiques de migration en dehors du territoire, à développer par d'autres États ou par l'État lui-même. Lorsque nous traitons des situations et des actions liées à la migration et aux contrôles aux frontières, nous devons nous placer conceptuellement en dehors du territoire; par conséquent, cette option de déterritorialité permet, de manière hypothétique, de couvrir les deux situations d'externalisation et d'extraterritorialité des fonctions de contrôle des frontières en matière de migration. Pour cela, nous nous concentrons sur les différentes notions et activités pouvant être discutées concernant "l'externalisation", "l'extraterritorialité" des contrôles migratoires et des fonctions des frontières, expressions qui, en bref, désignent des activités de gestion et de contrôle des migrations hors du territoire prises par des agents publics des États de l'UE ou par des États tiers. D'une part, nous considérons que l'externalisation de la gestion et du contrôle des flux migratoires constitue une activité d'adoption d'accords, de programmes, de plans et de mesures visant à garantir que les États tiers surveillent leurs propres frontières et flux migratoires, afin de contrôler, restreindre ou empêcher l'accès physique sur le territoire des États membres de l'UE, en supposant que le réfugié et l'immigré en provenance d'autres États sont situés sur leur territoire. Cela n'impliquerait pas la présence ou l'exercice direct d'activités de contrôle par des agents publics des États membres de l'UE. En fait, hors du territoire européen, il est très discutable que les États exercent strictement des fonctions de contrôle des frontières, car il s'agit peut-être d'un domaine qui est peut-être le domaine le plus générique du contrôle des flux migratoires, plutôt lié à la politique migratoire et à l'action exterieure européenne. D'autre part, nous comprenons que l'action Extraterritorialité implique que les États situés à l'extérieur de leur territoire exercent des fonctions de contrôle des frontières. À notre avis, il doit exister une présence ou un exercice par des agents publics des États membres de certaines activités ou fonctions de contrôle des frontières dans les espaces en dehors de la juridiction de l'État ou sur le territoire d'États tiers, avec l'accord de ces derniers. Nous sommes confrontés à un changement dans la conception même de la frontière en cette ère de post-globalisation, où certaines fonctions sont délocalisées et systématiquement situées en dehors du territoire et des postes frontières des États. Toutefois, les actions territoriales et extraterritoriales doivent être distinguées de celles qui se produisent lors d'activités d'action extérieure dans ou avec des États tiers à des fins de politique d'immigration et de contrôle des flux migratoires. La réalité est qu'un nouvel espace-frontière au sud et à l'est de la Méditerranée a été configuré pour les flux migratoires, ce qui nécessite une nouvelle politique de frontières extérieures pour cette zone. Par conséquent, nous devons réfléchir sur de nouveaux espaces frontières, avec de nouveaux concepts et approches de la frontière qui fournissent d'autres paramètres d'action en matière de flux migratoires et de contrôles externes. Aujourd'hui, l'Union a besoin de nouveaux instruments et concepts pour ces nouvelles réalités, et, surtout, pour ne pas perdre de vue le fait que face aux crises telles que les migrations et les droits des étrangers qui s'approchent de notre territoire ou y entrent, l'Europe est une construction rationnelle qui implique un projet de progrès civilisationnel. En tant que tel, l'Europe doit intégrer de manière permanente ses valeurs et le respect des droits de l'homme dans toutes ses politiques, mesures réglementaires et actions auprès des étrangers et des États tiers, à ses frontières extérieures et au-delà. Cela est essentiel pour l'identité et les objectifs de l'intégration, ainsi que pour la projection de la sécurité, de la solidarité et des valeurs de l'UE conformément au droit international et européen des droits de l'homme. MOTS-CLÉ: Union européenne, immigration, réfugiés, asile, valeurs européennes, contrôles aux frontières, contrôles migratoires, politique d'immigration, frontières, frontières intérieures, frontières extérieures, Frontex, immigration maritime, externalisation, extraterritorialité, déterritorialité, droits de l'homme
Según las teorías de Ciclos Políticos Presupuestarios (CPP), los gobernantes aumentan el gasto y mantienen o reducen los impuestos antes de las elecciones tratando así de mejorar sus posibilidades de permanecer en el poder. El propósito de este estudio es analizar no solo la existencia de los CPP en los municipios españoles, sino también investigar si el contexto en el que los gobiernos locales españoles toman sus decisiones condiciona sus incentivos y su capacidad para manipular los instrumentos de política fiscal con propósitos electorales. Los modelos definidos son estimados mediante el método generalizado de los momentos (GMM), desarrollado por Arellano y Bond (1991). Esta metodología utiliza como instrumentos las mismas variables originales pero retardadas dos o más periodos y asume la ausencia de correlación serial de segundo orden en los residuos en primeras diferencias. En primer lugar, analizamos la influencia de la proximidad de la cita electoral sobre la evolución de los gastos de capital, los gastos corrientes y los impuestos municipales. Para ello, utilizamos los datos correspondientes a los 45 ayuntamientos de la Región de Murcia para el periodo 1989-2008. Los resultados obtenidos revelan la existencia de CPP en los gastos de capital y en los impuestos, sin mostrar un comportamiento cíclico en la evolución de los gastos corrientes. También hemos comprobado que la ideología del alcalde y su fortaleza política influyen en los CPP. Sin embargo, encontramos que la magnitud de los CPP no depende de si el alcalde se presenta o no a la reelección. En segundo lugar, analizamos el efecto del calendario electoral sobre el gasto cultural municipal utilizando una muestra formada por los datos correspondientes a los ayuntamientos de la Región de Murcia para el periodo 1995-2008. Las estimaciones indican que los gobiernos municipales se comportan de forma oportunista aumentando el gasto en cultura en los años electorales con el objetivo de mejorar sus posibilidades de permanecer en el poder. Los resultados también revelan que los ciclos electorales generados por los alcaldes son de mayor magnitud cuando esperan que las elecciones sean reñidas. Asimismo, los resultados indican que el ciclo electoral es mayor en aquellos municipios gobernados por alcaldes de izquierda. En tercer lugar, analizamos el efecto de la transparencia financiera municipal sobre la magnitud de los CPP utilizando una muestra compuesta por los municipios españoles de mayor tamaño para el periodo 1999-2009. Los resultados indican que la aparición del ciclo electoral en el gasto total depende de la transparencia financiera municipal. En concreto, las estimaciones revelan que en los municipios con menores niveles de transparencia, el gasto total aumenta en el año de las elecciones, mientras que no encontramos ciclos electorales en los municipios con mayores niveles de transparencia. Por último, examinamos cómo la entrada en vigor de la "Ley de Estabilidad Presupuestaria" ha afectado a los CPP a nivel municipal. La muestra utilizada está formada por los municipios más grandes de España para el periodo 1994-2009. Nuestros resultados muestran que la Ley de Estabilidad Presupuestaria no ha reducido el CPP en el déficit presupuestario. Sin embargo, nuestros resultados indican que la forma de generar este CPP ha cambiado desde que la "Ley de Estabilidad Presupuestaria" entró en vigor en 2003. Desde ese momento, los años anteriores a las elecciones se han caracterizado por una gran reducción del déficit presupuestario, principalmente a causa los importantes incrementos en los ingresos propios y a un ligero aumento de gasto de capital. SUMMARY The term Political Budget Cycles (PBC) refers to government spending increases, deficit increases or tax cuts before elections carried out by incumbents who desire to remain in office. The purpose of this study is to analyze not only the existence of the PBC in the Spanish municipalities, but also investigate whether the context in which Spanish local governments make decisions determines their incentives and ability to manipulate the instruments of fiscal policy for electoral purposes. The estimation method is Generalized Method of Moments (GMM), developed by Arellano and Bond (1991). This methodology uses all the right-hand side variables lagged twice or more as instruments. This methodology assumes that there is no second-order serial correlation in the errors in first differences. Firstly, we analyse the impact of the electoral schedule on municipal governments' financial activities. We use a long time serie (1989-2008) of the 45 municipalities of the Region of Murcia (Spain). Our results show the existence of PBC in capital spending and taxes. We also prove that the mayor's political orientation and political strength impact PBC. The mayor's decision of running for re-election does not affect the magnitude of the cycle. Secondly, we investigate the effect of electoral timing on municipal public cultural spending using a panel sample of all municipalities from the Spanish Region of Murcia for 1995–2008. We find that mayors behave opportunistically and manipulate this budget item on the election year to influence voters. Additionally, our results show that mayors generate larger cycles when they expect closer elections. Furthermore, our findings indicate that the electoral cycle is larger under leftwing governments than under right-wing ones. Thirdly, we analyze the effect of municipal financial transparency on the magnitude of PBC using a panel of the Spanish largest municipalities for 1999-2009. Our results indicate that the occurrence of the electoral cycle in total spending depends on the financial transparency of the municipality. Specifically, the results indicate that total spending increases in election years in low-transparent municipalities, while we do not report cycles in municipalities with higher levels of transparency. Finally, we investigate whether the Spanish "Budgetary Stability Law" has affected LG electoral cycles. We use a panel sample of the Spanish largest municipalities for 1994–2009. Our results indicate that the "Budgetary Stability Law" has not mitigated PBC in budget deficit. Nevertheless, our findings indicate that the way to generate this cycle has changed since the "Budgetary Stability Law" took effect in 2003. Since 2003, pre-electoral years have been characterized by large decreases in budget deficit, mainly because of sharp own revenues increases and slight capital spending increases.
We had a great time in Spain, as my general observations of each place we visited indicated, but I thought I could provide some general lessons across the entire trip. Most of our tactics and strategies worked out quite well. The Valencia hotel was just a couple of milesfrom the beach and was just beautiful.We treated southern Spain like a tapas restaurant--we tried out a lot of places rather than have one big helping except for Barcelona and maybe Madrid. And it was great. We could have spent more time in a few of the places, but each of the cities and towns we visited were so different, each had much to offer. Would we take the train next time to avoid the awkward few spots of driving? I am not so sure--we tend to pack heavy and dragging bags onto and off of trains every day may have defeated us. We relied mostly on Expedia for arranging hotel rooms. I focused on air-conditioned rooms mostly in or near the old quarters that got a rating at Ex of 9 or better. This worked out really well--none of the hotels were disappointing, all were clean, well located, and staffed with very helpful people. There were no quarrels or confusions about the the arrangements, although we had to contact a few places ahead of time, as Ex told us, to confirm parking spots. We even chatted online with Ex help to have them contact one place since I could never figure out how to make calls.The one mistake may have been to stay too close to the city center in Toledo and Granada as that led to, um, narrow driving lanes and more stress than I needed. We relied mostly on our guide book to give us ideas of places to eat, but then mostly used google map's ratings, sticking to 4's or better and mostly finding 4.5's. And, yes, there seemed to be a real different between a 4.3 and a 4.7. Crowdsourcing works even if I am a collective action shirker by not rating places myself. Google maps was also good for finding out which guidebook-recommended restaurants were permanently closed and for getting the hours right for each place.We tended to order too much food as the tapas experience means so many tasty options. But, on the other hand, it allowed to sample more widely, so I am not sure how much I would dial it down.I would distrust the walking directions a bit more next time in terms of distances--things were often much further than I had thought, punishing Mrs. Spew as she tried to keep up. Likewise, four museums in a day was probably one too much. We did do just one army museum and one navy museum, as my wife was less interested in that stuff and more interested in gardens. Both of the military museums were interesting for as much as they omitted as they showed us. The Army museum in Toledo was undergoing some renovations, so we did not get much history of the 1900s. The Navy Museum underplayed 1588. And both did not cover the civil war much at all. I really should have looked more aggressively for Spanish Civil War museums as I was most curious and most ignorant despite reading a certain dissertation a while back. We definitely hit our fill of cathedrals. We were glad to hit the less central one in Toledo that had amazing views from the tower, and those originally built by Muslims were quite special. We probably could have hit more markets for lunches.Torrejas were an important discovery.Getting rooms near city centers may have made parking hard, but made siestas easy. And they were key. Maybe go sometime that is not late June?Given that it was late June/July, we should have committed to a day at a beach somewhere--that was dumb.Oh, and I should tried asking for Sangria Blanco earlier. Overall, we had a great time, we ate well, learned a lot, saw some spectacular art and architecture and landscapes, met some really nice people, and had a heap of fun.
