Suchergebnisse

IntroductionThe Province of British Columbia, Canada has established a Data Innovation Program (DI Program) and a Data Science Partnerships Program (DSP Program) to use integrated public-sector data to drive insights into complex policy challenges and support the public good. These programs are a part of the province's new Integrated Data.
Objectives and ApproachThe DI Program was built to enable policy decisions based on a more complete picture of the citizen journey across and throughout government programs. It provides a privacy and security framework for corporate data analytics and a cross-government secure research environment. The DSP Program provides analytics and/or project support for high-priority cross-government projects. The opportunity afforded by this approach to policy decision-making is that valuable data and evidence from multiple sectors can be utilized to make positive changes in the lives of citizens.
ResultsThe IDO has partnered with cross government experts on a series of pilot projects that used linked data spanning social services, families and households, education, and health and clinical records. Research topics ranged from the prediction of risk of long-term unemployment, to the impact of the foreign home buyers tax, to the effectiveness of labour market programs. Throughout our presentation we will use these projects as case examples to address the benefits and opportunities provided through our citizen-centred, integrated approach.
Conclusion/ImplicationsThe future of policy decision-making in terms of service delivery relies on mutually beneficial collaboration and the evidence-based insight available through integrated data. Moving forward, it is essential that researchers across government make the most out of integrated population-level data to solve pressing issues affecting the lives of citizens.

International audience ; While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new 'political economy of domestic work'. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.

While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new 'political economy of domestic work'. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.

International audience ; While there is a growing body of literature dealing with the development of migrant domestic work in Western countries, so far there has been very little attention paid to the development of formal domestic services as an economic activity actively structured through public policy. Yet the development of the domestic services sector in Europe is part of a specific political and economic strategy, which has been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s, so that it seems warranted to speak of a new 'political economy of domestic work'. The aim of this paper is to analyse the rationale behind this public intervention in favour of the development of domestic services, to highlight the economic, political and social issues it raises and to see how the policies implemented interact with existing welfare / care systems, employment regimes, and prevailing gender and social norms. This paper does so through an analysis of the policy discourse at the EU level, and a comparison of the policies implemented and their consequences in France and Sweden. The choice of these two countries is guided by the fact that while they represent very contrasted social models, France and Sweden are the two countries that have gone furthest in terms of the support provided to domestic services, and they have done so through the introduction of a same policy instrument, namely a 50 % tax reduction on domestic services. We suggest that the uncovering of similar trends in the logic and modes of public intervention and in the social, economic and political consequences of this public intervention in two strongly contrasted national models could be revealing of more global trends in Europe, linked to more profound transformations of welfare states, of labour markets, and of societies more generally.

"Constrained budgets and increasing energy efficiency goals have led federal agencies to explore innovative ways to fund energy improvements, including the Department of Energy's Energy Savings Performance Contracts (ESPC). An expected increase in the use of ESPCs has raised questions about agencies' ability to ensure that the government's interests are protected. ESPCs can span up to 25 years and be valued at millions of dollars each. This book examines the extent to which agencies have used ESPCs and plan to use them; projects have achieved their expected cost and energy savings; and agencies have overseen and evaluated such projects."--

08 Communicating a campaignPlanning the PR campaign; 09 Communicating with the media; Changing media landscape; Real life TV documentaries; Local television; Social media and journalists; The media toolkit; 10 Communicating in a digital world; Digital communication: moving beyond the tools towards the method; Social media evaluation; The impact of social media on organisational approach; The future; 11 Communicating in a crisis; Issues management; Risk assessment; Emergency planning; The role of digital communication; Traditional channels of communication: direct communication matters

Dieser Band diskutiert aktuelle und zukünftige Steuerungsoptionen der Kreativwirtschaft. Internationale Experten aus Forschung und Praxis stellen das Orientierungswissen zu neuen Institutionen, Wissensmanagement und vernetzten transnationalen Arbeitsformen vor und problematisieren die Frage der Steuerbarkeit dieses aufstrebenden Handlungsfeldes. Erstmalig für den deutschen Sprachraum werden substanzielle, passgenaue und tragfähige Verständnisse und Perspektiven zur Beförderung der Kreativwirtschaft präsentiert, kritisch bewertet sowie in einen übergeordneten fachlichen wie gesellschaftspolitischen Zusammenhang gestellt.

This book examines the increasing body of research dedicated to the lasting differences between the former separate states of the Federal German Republic (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it takes a broad view on German unification and transformation research. Transformation and unification processes in East and West Germany are still ongoing, and they may serve as a model for social change and its political, economic, and psychological consequences. Using advanced statistical methods of analysis, this edited volume provides insights into the valuable contextualization of individual and social phenomena that current research on German unification and transformation is producing. Following the open science mindset using code and data, the authors investigate temporal trends in (1) mental health, (2) political attitudes, and (3) work and family life. It explores changes in mental health and political attitudes, as well as continued differences in work and family arrangements, that may stem from heterogeneous experiences within the systems and during the transformation process. This book will appeal to scholars and students from the disciplines of sociology, political science, public health, social psychology, psychology, and communication science interested in postsocialist transition processes and temporal changes in individuals and societies.

This book examines the increasing body of research dedicated to the lasting differences between the former separate states of the Federal German Republic (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it takes a broad view on German unification and transformation research.

Transformation and unification processes in East and West Germany are still ongoing, and they may serve as a model for social change and its political, economic, and psychological consequences. Using advanced statistical methods of analysis, this edited volume provides insights into the valuable contextualization of individual and social phenomena that current research on German unification and transformation is producing.

Following the open science mindset using code and data, the authors investigate temporal trends in (1) mental health, (2) political attitudes, and (3) work and family life. It explores changes in mental health and political attitudes, as well as continued differences in work and family arrangements, that may stem from heterogeneous experiences within the systems and during the transformation process. This book will appeal to scholars and students from the disciplines of sociology, political science, public health, social psychology, psychology, and communication science interested in postsocialist transition processes and temporal changes in individuals and societies.

International audience ; After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many liberal economists considered that war had become obsolete in democratic and liberal countries, at least on their territory. The history of the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century has reminded us of the continuous existence of power relations that are probably less expressed in armed conflicts, but which develop in the economic, social and political spheres. Economic competitiveness often leads to forms of economic warfare, with its strategies conducted by States as well as by multinational firms that have become very powerful. Economic globalization is in crisis, on the one hand because economic interdependence between states is leading to a return of mercantilist thinking in governmental actions, and on the other hand because social inequalities in the world have increased, particularly with regard to the situation of the super-rich, but also inequalities based on race, gender or territory. The pacifism of the market economy is put to the test and the balance of power between economic and political actors is always present, especially because with the rise of cyber weapons, international insecurity is potentially increasing, in a world where interdependence has once again become a factor of weakness for the world's citizens. A reflection based on the philosophy of "enlightened catastrophism" could reduce some areas of environmental insecurity. ; Après l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique, nombre d'économistes de la pensée libérale considérait que, dans les pays démocratiques et libéraux, la guerre était devenue obsolète, au moins sur leur territoire. L'histoire de la fin du XXe siècle et celle du début du XXIe siècle ont rappelé l'existence continuelle de rapports de forces qui s'expriment sans doute moins dans des conflits armés, mais qui se développent dans les sphères économiques, sociales et politiques. La compétitivité économique conduit souvent à des formes de guerre économiques, avec ses stratégies conduites ...

International audience ; After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many liberal economists considered that war had become obsolete in democratic and liberal countries, at least on their territory. The history of the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century has reminded us of the continuous existence of power relations that are probably less expressed in armed conflicts, but which develop in the economic, social and political spheres. Economic competitiveness often leads to forms of economic warfare, with its strategies conducted by States as well as by multinational firms that have become very powerful. Economic globalization is in crisis, on the one hand because economic interdependence between states is leading to a return of mercantilist thinking in governmental actions, and on the other hand because social inequalities in the world have increased, particularly with regard to the situation of the super-rich, but also inequalities based on race, gender or territory. The pacifism of the market economy is put to the test and the balance of power between economic and political actors is always present, especially because with the rise of cyber weapons, international insecurity is potentially increasing, in a world where interdependence has once again become a factor of weakness for the world's citizens. A reflection based on the philosophy of "enlightened catastrophism" could reduce some areas of environmental insecurity. ; Après l'effondrement de l'Union soviétique, nombre d'économistes de la pensée libérale considérait que, dans les pays démocratiques et libéraux, la guerre était devenue obsolète, au moins sur leur territoire. L'histoire de la fin du XXe siècle et celle du début du XXIe siècle ont rappelé l'existence continuelle de rapports de forces qui s'expriment sans doute moins dans des conflits armés, mais qui se développent dans les sphères économiques, sociales et politiques. La compétitivité économique conduit souvent à des formes de guerre économiques, avec ses stratégies conduites ...

In recent years, a growing number of researchers in science and technology studies have begun to examine the relationship between science and politics. Specifically, they focus on citizen participation in highly technical policy problems and explore the possibility of a technical democracy that avoids pitfalls of technocracy. This focus, however, downplays a possibly more serious obstacle to technical democracy than technocracy, namely, realpolitik. Based on ethnographic and textual data on citizen–government interactions in the aftermath of the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Disaster, we first show how citizens mobilised radiation detectors and counter-experts to force the Japanese government to admit scientific uncertainty about the permissible dose limit. We then explain why this successful mobilisation nonetheless had only a small impact on evacuation and compensation policies in terms of the pre-disaster structure of Japanese politics: the dominance of commission-based policy-making allowed the bureaucratic government to play realpolitik in the face of scientific uncertainty to expediently purse its own interest, circumventing both democratic deliberation and technical rigour.

As violence spiked in Mexico in clashes between drug trafficking organizations and law enforcement, news media were systematically silenced by cartels and cowed legitimate governments. Reliable information on street battles and their consequences ceased to flow through traditional channels to an anxious citizenry on the Mexican side of the U.S.-Mexico border 10 miles from McAllen, Texas. In Reynosa, Tamaulipas, a noted "plaza" territory contested by the Zetas and the Gulf Cartel, ordinary citizens became journalists in 2010, reporting under the umbrella of the pioneer #ReynosaFollow hashtag on the Twitter social media platform. This gave frightened citizens a sense of anonymity and security in disseminating their real-time warnings to others, serving as the modern-day "underground presses" of the past signaling danger and injustice. Twitter and #ReynosaFollow have gained notoriety in mainstream media on the U.S. side of the border as useful and important news sources in territory that reporters no longer cover on a daily basis out of fear for their lives. This article chronicles how citizen journalism has developed in heavily censured states of Mexico where frequent gun battles and brutal murders still occur. Special emphasis is given to a case study of Twitter in the city of Reynosa, Tamaulipas.