Suchergebnisse

AbstractMigration has become highly contentious. Turkey is no exception. Turkey faces even further challenges as the host to the world's largest refugee population, with Syrians as the majority. Fear about loss of control over borders, and its subsequent political, economic, social and cultural repercussions lies at the heart of migration debates. Parliamentary deliberations provide a public venue for airing these concerns. The paper focuses on Turkish Parliamentary deliberations on the Syrians to assess its issue salience. To do so, an extensive coding of the Parliamentary debates from 2015 to 2019 is conducted. The paper's rigorous analysis of the Turkish Parliamentary debates on the Syrians reveals multiple findings, uncovering a divide among the five political parties in the Parliament—the AKP, CHP, MHP, Iyi Party and the HDP emphasizing different dimensions. The paper captures the commonalities and differences among these political parties with a systematic empirical study of Turkish Parliamentary debates.

Darağaç is a former industrial, lower-income neighborhood in Turkey's third-largest city, Izmir. In 2015 several artists settled in the area and started a nonprofit initiative called the Darağaç Collective (DC). DC has since organized numerous art events and exhibitions, receiving considerable interest and publicity. Yet, to date, the changes in Darağaç's material landscapes have been subtle, and the area remains ungentrified, unlike similar examples in Turkey. This article argues that the collaborative art practice spearheaded by DC played a major role in the preservation of the neighborhood's urban texture. The artists became neighbors with the residents, benefited from the expertise of mechanics, and drew inspiration from the site, while the local community has contributed to the production, exhibition, and appreciation of artworks. Thus, art has become a tool for sociability and a catalyst for interpersonal, cultural, and cross-class exchanges, which could offer an alternative route to art-led urban change in Turkey.

The methodology of this article works with the standard procedure in diplomatic fact-finding and analyses, abductive reasoning from confidential conversations. The article follows the standard procedure for drawing on confidential conversations, Chatham House Rule, abbreviated CHR. What someone says may be quoted, but the identity of sources and their affiliated institutions remain confidential. The author denotes this methodology exploratory conversation, inferring by active listening. This article presents the author's research by exploratory conversations in all four states that form the Middle East state system, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey, and sources from these states at various international venues. The conversations span the period from 2011 to 2017. By this methodology, the researcher may gain insights into the underlying mental models that form the group identities. In mental models, language constructs the shared sense of social reality and serve as repository of vast accumulations of meaning and experience .

In light of COVID-19's effects on individuals' social, economic, political, and psychological values, this paper aims to investigate the pandemic's role in possible changes to people's food consumption and meal habits in three countries, namely China, Portugal, and Turkey. The sample includes individuals from the three countries, exploratory factor analysis and non-parametric tests were used to test the differences. Results suggest that coronavirus has played a strong part in altering households' food consumption and meal habits within these countries. The pandemic has particularly led to greater consumption of fresh fruits and vegetables and spending more time eating meals at home. Portugal appears to be consuming more seafood, bread, and butter whereas China features higher consumption of rice and meat products; Turkey is consuming more meat and eggs. The study closes with a set of recommendations for the society and future research. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper considers student employees in tourism in Antalya, Turkey. The appearance of undergraduate students in the labour market in Turkey has been an observable fact, especially since the beginning of the 2000s. One can see them in many different areas of the labour market. What matters in terms of labour demand is their student status, not their skill, experience, etc. The tourism industry is one of the economic activities in which undergraduate students are densely employed. Undergraduate students are employed informally for casual jobs by agencies functioning like employment agencies, but they are not officially employment agencies. The tourism industry in Antalya has a seasonal nature, and of course employment in this area is seasonal as well. However, in some seasons, there is an instant labour demand, and undergraduate students are viewed as a good labour supply for this demand. Currently, no scientific work has been carried out on this issue. This paper intends to present some preliminary findings on student employment.

Abstract
This review essay examines the historical and present configurations of transnational Kemalism, with a focus on Kemalism's transformation into a counterhegemonic transnational dissidence movement during the rule of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in Turkey. Accordingly, Kemalism, as the founding ideology of the Turkish state, has historically been the anchor for Turkish transnational politics. Ethnic Turkish kinship networks, for instance in the Balkans and the emigrant communities worldwide, were connected via Kemalism to the Anatolian mainland, and vice versa. With the AKP's rise to the power in the 2000s, Kemalism lost its primacy and came to be viewed as a subversive ideology which was utilized in resisting, both nationally and transnationally, the officially promoted neo-Ottoman and Islamic representations of belonging and identity in Turkey and its diaspora communities. Here, the author's research among the Kosovar Turkish population adds to a discussion of two works on this subject.

AbstractThis article examines Turkey's decision to comply with American sanctions against Iran re‐imposed in May 2018 despite Turkey's initial resistance. To this end, I answer the following questions: (1) is Turkey capable of resisting American pressure to join the sanctions against Iran and maintain good relations with Iran? (2) How does Turkey's stance on American sanctions affect the Turkish economy and the relations with the United States? The potential impact of U.S. sanctions in the event of noncompliance with U.S. requirements are considered in view of the following parameters: (1) consequences for the Turkish economy; (2) changes in Turkish policy in the region; (3) Turkish–American interdependencies; and (4) tensions in Turkish–American relations in other fields. I will evaluate what compliance and noncompliance with current U.S. sanctions on Iran mean for Turkey. Ankara's decisions are explained by comparing the benefits and losses resulting from adjusting to American requirements, using a SWOT analysis.

Abstract
The author of The Armenians in Modern Turkey, historian Talin Suciyan, puts the Armenian genocide survivors at the center of her research to provide a new perspective on the history of the Turkish Republic. Suciyan analyzes the experiences and lives of its Armenian population several decades after the genocide. In this interview, Deniz Yonucu speaks with Suciyan on her research and innovative anthrohistorical approach to understanding the paths that led to the annihilation of Armenians, the effects of the genocide in modern Turkey, and the importance of focusing attention on the experiences of survivors after catastrophic experiences of genocides. The survivor as described in this interview is neither a wretched of the earth, who is forced to live a tortured life, nor a subaltern whose voice cannot acquire speech. The survivor instead is an existence whose past, present and future is constantly denied, and therefore robbed from her.

AbstractDespite the consensus that the power of finance constraints central banks under financial globalization, the variation in their autonomy from market forces at the micro level of monetary policymaking remains underexplored. This article demonstrates that credibility endows central banks with situational power to make monetary policy decisions that involve less sacrifice of economic growth to price stability. Based on the comparative analysis of the policy decisions of central banks in two emerging economies, South Africa and Turkey, during 2013–2014, I show that this policy space stems from central banks' capacity to successfully influence market expectations. The argument relies on public texts and over 130 interviews with central bankers in South Africa and Turkey and financiers in Johannesburg, Istanbul and London. The findings contribute to literature on central bank credibility and communication by exploring how credibility functions and creates room for central banks to maneuver through influencing contingent and performative expectations.

In biogeopolitics, the key state stakeholders develop and aim to accomplish their geopolitical goals by (mis)management and biopolitical governance of vulnerable population. In this paper, this population refers to asylum‐related migrants who use or aim to use an asylum request as their entry mechanism to the European Union. This paper explores the emergence of biogeopolitics at the EU borderland between Turkey and Greece during the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2020. Statistics about irregular migration from Turkey to Greece, field observations in Lesvos (Greece) as well as media and social media discussions about COVID‐19 in Lesvos are analysed. In the biogeopolitics of COVID‐19, the governance and (mis)management of asylum‐related migrants include policies and practices to let these migrants to live or die, including regulating illegal border‐crossings, everyday living conditions at the reception centres, and actions regarding the pandemic. The COVID‐19 pandemic was used as an additional tool to foster biogeopolitics.

This paper explains how the Olive Branch Operation exerted influence on Syria's national security stability throughout 2018 using the concept of security stability incurred by Barry Buzan in analyzing the influences exerted by Olive Branch Operation. The method used in this study was a qualitative research method with analytical descriptive writing techniques. This research shows that the Olive Branch Operation conducted by Turkey exerts a negative influence on the stability of Syria's national security in 2018. It is based on several indicators in the military, political, economic, social, and environmental sectors. In addition, the results of this study also show that Turkey's actions to protect its territory are in accordance with Islamic teachings that allow carrying out attacks if attacked first. However, Islamic teachings have not been fully implemented in the Olive Branch Operation because there are still many adverse impacts on civilians who do not participate in the war.Keywords: Afrin; National Security; Olive Branch Operation; PYD-YPG; Turkey

The sustainability of purchasing power parity (PPP) theory is examined within the quantile autoregression model for the monthly data of the euro and the US dollar-based real exchange rate (RER) in selected European economies (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Serbia and Turkey). Period from January 2000 to December 2014 is covered. The application of quantile autoregression model is motivated by the necessity of identifying asymmetric behavior of the RER due to the shocks of different size and sign. The empirical results support to some extent the PPP theory for the euro- and US dollar-based RER in Romania, Serbia, and Turkey. The euro-based RER in Hungary and Poland is also identified to confirm the PPP theory. The dynamics of the RER in the Czech Republic cannot be associated with the PPP validity. The persistence of the euro-based RER is estimated to be more prominent after the depreciation shocks of smaller size.

In the post 1999 era, although a number of minority issues have been resolved between Turkey and Greece, no progress has been made on the issue of the election of muftis in Greece. In spite of the presence of Protocol No. 3 that was annexed to the 1913 Treaty of Athens, which recognizes the right of Muslims to elect their muftis, Greece argues that the Treaty of Athens and Protocol No. 3 are invalid. The underlying reason for this argument is the fear stemming from the extensive secular and judicial authorities of the muftis and the possibility of politicization of their authority. This paper aims to discuss the validity of the 1913 Treaty of Athens and Protocol No. 3 and to examine relevant international treaties on the election of muftis. The paper further aims to explain the positions of Turkey and Greece and ongoing developments on this issue.

Since 2014, Turkey has been moving towards a heightened sense of nationalism and populism especially after Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the first popularly elected President of Turkey in 2017. His nationalist rhetoric went up compared to when he became Prime Minister over a decade ago when the country was touted as a model of liberalism among Muslim countries. Rather than putting a damper on the party, government, or Erdogan himself, his conservative rhetoric has helped consolidate the government's power, showcasing the shift in strategy by the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) during uncertain times. This article borrows from behavioural psychology the concept of the learning curve theory or the S-curve theory to examine this shift in AKP strategy. It is argued that after reaching a political peak with the Gezi Park protest in the summer of 2013, Erdogan is employing a different rhetorical approach—a populist one—to gain more political traction.

This paper charts the nature of political cleavage between major parties in post-Arab Spring elections in five Mediterranean region countries, with data from online opt-in surveys. We compare the Moroccan elections, held under a consolidated authoritarian regime, with the transitional cases of Tunisia and Egypt as well as the more mature democracies of Turkey and Israel. Voter opinions are obtained on 30 salient issues, and parties and voters are aligned along two dimensions. We trace country-specific cleavage patterns and reflections of party system maturity in these five countries. The cases of Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco reveal that in less settled cleavage structures there is little congruence between vote propensities for parties and agreement levels with policy positions compared to the more institutionalized democracies of Israel and Turkey where voters exhibit a higher likelihood to vote for a party as the distance between the voter and the party in the policy space gets smaller.