Suchergebnisse

The 2007 ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) Blueprint specified a roadmap for accelerating the establishment of the AEC by 2015. To model itself on the European Union integration, ASEAN leaders agreed to transform ASEAN into a single market and production base with a free flow of goods, services, investments, capital and skilled labour. Nonetheless, given the huge disparities in economic development across different Member States, it is predictable that ASEAN might take a considerably longer time towards full integration, including transforming the current legal initiatives into the underpinnings envisaged under the AEC Blueprint. This thesis aims to identify the intensity of ASEAN integration. This is addressed under three themes namely (a) the current stage of integration in ASEAN, (b) indicators of regional integration and (c) the transformation of ASEAN towards deep integration. Under the first theme, the extent to which ASEAN integration has proceeded is investigated to provide theoretical foundations for the transformation of ASEAN deep integration. In particular, the legal indicators of ASEAN integration, including the impact of regional trade arrangements in goods, services and investments on ASEAN economic and political integration and the institutional indicators for ASEAN deep integration are examined to help policy-makers to understand and measure the complexity of integration at national and regional levels. Lastly, an analysis of ASEAN's external trade arrangements with China, Japan and Korea aims to assess the feasibility of employing ASEAN+3 frameworks for a deeper integration. Literature reviews on integration theories, from political economy and legal perspectives to the morality of trade and regionalism, are utilized in this study. Case studies and statistical analyses are conducted to assess the likelihood of ASEAN following the EU integration model. Tables, pie charts, and line graphs are presented to emphasize the economic impact of existing export-oriented trade arrangements and consensus-based institutions on existing regional integration. The main results answering the three themes of ASEAN integration are established. Legalism in ASEAN has reached a medium level although its rulings are voluntary and are not binding. It is expected that ASEAN will achieve the middle stage of integration by 2015, which is similar to a European-style common market. The second result reveals that ASEAN, which is dominated by external and not intra-regional trade, might lose its economic independence in the long term. The third result indicates that ongoing co-operation in external free trade arrangements among the ASEAN and other countries in East Asia is an early indicator of integration at an advanced level. The author recommends the formation of an ASEAN customs union which, in the process of deep integration, can reduce trade-diverting effects and enhance the international representation of ASEAN. It is also recommended that after the completion of a single market in 2015, ASEAN acts as the pathfinder in building the East Asia Community to match the exact justice and human necessity of trade and to be independent from external influence. ; published_or_final_version ; Law ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

Why has the significant expansion of a certain social category's population and influences– largely resulting from the development of national economy and free market system – NOT frequently caused political instability and unrest to the authoritarian regime during the reform era? How has the regime upgraded its strategies of sociopolitical control by combining the market logics into the conventional approaches? And what strategies has the Party-state adopted so as to preempt and prevent this social category's potential challenges from occurring in this ever-changing period? This study undertakes the task of understanding these theoretical questions by looking at the Chinese Communist Party-state's sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectuals during the reform era. Particularly, it primarily seeks to tackle the following empirical issues: How has the state-intellectual relationship in 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century been shaped differently comparing with that in the previous period? Why has it been shaped in that particular pattern? In the face of what kinds of institutional and intellectual challenges has the CCP inherited and created a number of different forms of sociopolitical control mechanisms over intellectuals for the persistence of its authoritarian rule in China? And to what extent could this particular pattern of state-intellectual relationship drawn upon the case of China be extended to other transitional countries? The author seeks to solve these questions by developing a theoretical framework of Politicized Academic Capitalism. The core of such a framework is a kind of hybrid institutional arrangement designed by the Chinese Communist Party-state with the employment of the market logics as the important means of interest-sharing with and hence the sociopolitical control mechanism over intellectuals who serve in higher education institutions. By highlighting the scarcity and competition as the primary logics of the market, the author further holds that scarcity is the natural and logical prerequisite for the competition, and the competition is manipulated by the Party-state to keep intellectuals being in a constantly busy situation and working along the line drawn by the state. Moreover, shaping scarcity is an effective way to show the significance of key resources and the related interests that could be shared with the Party-state, and then manipulating competition becomes the only manifested way to enjoy this interest-sharing privilege. This study is conducted on a basis of a variety of data sources, including historical documents, media accounts and reports on currently related events, organizational charts and regulations, university archives, interviews with key persons, and a set of biographies and memoirs of renowned intellectuals. These intensive empirical probes into the complex relations among the Chinese Communist Party-state, institutions of higher learning, and the intellectual community have revealed that economic reforms have strengthened the state capacity and facilitated the state's means of social control. And the Politicized Academic Capitalism can be viewed as a hybrid institutional arrangement designed by the Party-state to employ the logic of the market to impose sociopolitical control over university intellectuals during the reform era. ; published_or_final_version ; Politics and Public Administration ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

The railway station areas of the 19th Century were a reflection of the Industrial revolution. Following a period of decay after the Second World War, the urban renewal of these areas is now one of the main concerns of local governments in European cities. In addition to a new railway station served by high speed trains, these urban projects are often based on functional diversity, including a business district.This thesis addresses the reversal of urban value in these specific urban areas, exploring how they have moved from repelling to attractive places. How do public and private actors interact, when the former cannot act alone in places constrained by physical barriers due to a lack of funding, and the latter are not inclined to invest in what they consider to be risky places?Our approach is both inductive and qualitative. The comparison of two projects in French and Belgian shrinking cities (Saint-Etienne, near Lyons, and Liège, near Brussels) allows us to understand what the levers for action are, and conversely what the bottlenecks are that slow down the implementation of the urban project around the station.As the result of our analysis, the railway station appears to be a positive and necessary factor for the reversal of urban value in these areas. It is a kind of insurance – in the same way as metropolitan areas create potentiality in the productive economy – both for public actors, as the railway station facilitates their mobilisation, and private ones, especially property developers, who are key elements in the relationship between public action and private investment. ; Construction socio-spatiale héritée du XIXe siècle ayant connu un déclin dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, les quartiers de gare centrale dans les villes occidentales sont un support récent et privilégié de l'action collective urbaine. Les projets urbains que ces gares cristallisent présentent des programmations récurrentes reposant sur la mixité fonctionnelle et une orientation tertiaire affirmée.Cette thèse interroge le retournement de valeur symbolique et économique de ces espaces autrefois dévalorisés et aujourd'hui prisés. Quelles sont les modalités de la fabrique urbaine, comment se noue l'interaction nécessaire entre des acteurs publics ne pouvant intervenir seuls sur ces secteurs fortement contraints (notamment techniquement), et des acteurs privés parfois réticents à s'engager sur des marchés qu'ils jugent risqués ?En adoptant une approche inductive et qualitative, ce travail de recherche analyse la conception et la mise en oeuvre de deux projets urbains aux avancements contrastés en raison de leviers d'action ou, au contraire, de points de blocages différents, dans deux anciennes villes minières devant négocier le tournant de la désindustrialisation (Saint-Étienne et Liège).Au terme de l'analyse, l'hypothèse d'une valeur assurantielle de la gare dans ces projets urbains est validée : en tant que ferment métropolitain vecteur de fortes potentialités, la gare centrale desservie par un train à grande vitesse est la condition de possibilité permettant d'enclencher non seulement la décision des acteurs publics mais aussi celle des acteurs privés, au premier rang desquels les promoteurs immobiliers, acteurs clés à l'interface entre l'action publique et l'investissement privé.

Aktuelle Umweltprobleme stellen zentrale Anwendungsfelder der Politik, Wirtschaft und dem sozialen Zusammenleben dar. Ein Ineinandergreifen dieser drei Bereiche ist essenziell für das Lösen und Aufarbeiten von regionalen und globalen Umweltkrisen. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Wirkung von politischen Maßnahmen. Unter Berücksichtigung von sozialen Normen und Einstellungen wird die gesellschaftliche Akzeptanz und Verbreitung von Elektromobilität analysiert. Es werden zwei theoretische Ansätze zur Regulierung des sozialen Einflusses berücksichtigt. Zum einen wird Mertons Bezugsgruppentheorie und zum anderen die Theorie des sozialen Einflusses von Latané als theoretische Fundierung herangezogen. Diese beiden Theorien werden im Rahmen eines interdisziplinären Theorienvergleichs behandelt.Bei dieser Masterarbeit handelt es sich um eine Folgestudie eines Projektes, welches vom Wegener Center Graz durchgeführt wurde. Im Dezember 2011 wurden ca. 1500 BesitzerInnen von E-Fahrzeugen zu den Auswirkungen des Erwerbs von einem E-Fahrzeug postalisch befragt. Bei der vorliegenden Arbeit handelt es sich um die zweite Erhebungswelle einer Teilstichprobe (n1=157) des ersten Samples sowie einer Befragung des sozialen Umfeldes (n2=42) dieser E-Fahrzeug-BesitzerInnen. Diese zweite Erhebung erfolgte in Form einer Online-Befragung, um das Weiterleiten der Umfrage im Bekanntenkreis zu erleichtern.Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie zeigen erstens, dass sich die sozialen wie persönlichen Normen der E-Fahrzeug-BesitzerInnen sehr stabil verhalten. Zweitens zeigt sich, dass die umweltrelevanten Normen der E-Fahrzeug-BesitzerInnen und die der Personen aus dem Bekanntenkreis nur sehr schwach korrelieren (r=0,119). In dieser kleinen Stichprobe konnte nur eine schwache Diffusion von ökologischen Normen festgestellt werden. Drittens liefert die Analyse nach relevanten Indikatoren für die soziale Beeinflussung, auf Basis der verwendeten Theorien, nur für einzelne Merkmale eindeutige Ergebnisse. ; Current environmental problems are core responsibilities of politics, economy and the social life. The combination of these three fields is essential for solving and refurbishing regional and global environmental crises. This thesis will study the outcomes of political measures for dealing with environmental issues. While taking into account social norms and pro-environmental attitudes, the social acceptance, application and diffusion of electric mobility is analyzed. The paper compares two theoretical approaches to the regulation of social influence. First, Mertons reference group theory and second, the social impact theory from Latané is discussed. These approaches form the background for the empirical survey and the data analyses. What follows is an interdisciplinary comparison of both theories.This master's thesis is a follow-up study of a project, which was conducted by the Wegener Center Graz. In December 2011, approximately 1.500 owners of e-vehicles were interviewed by means of a mailed questionnaire, on the impact of the purchase of an e-vehicle. For this study a second wave of data collection was carried out by means of a survey on a sub-sample (n1=157) of the first wave of data collection. Moreover, another survey was developed in order to interview friends (n2=42) of these e-vehicle owners. This second wave of data collection was conducted as an online survey to facilitate the dispersion of the survey by e-vehicle owners to their acquaintances.First, the results of this survey show that the social and personal norms of e-vehicle owners are very stable across the two points in time. Second, it turns out that pro-environmental norms of e-vehicle owners and their acquaintances correlate rather weak (r = 0.119). Furthermore, only a weak diffusion of pro-environmental norms and values could be determined in this sample. Finally, the analysis of relevant indicators of social influence based on the two theories provides clear results for only a few items. ; Eva Anna Kouba ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2013 ; (VLID)234037

Empirical studies regarding the determinants of private investment in developing countries, including Brazil, have demonstrated the high inflation's rates negative impact on investment. However, the recent Brazilian's experience clearly shows that stabilization is not capable of recovering investment's rates. Therefore, the objectives of this study are: a) to analyze the long term private investment's determinants in Bra zil; b) analyze if the Brazilian economy has been impacted by the crowding-in or crowding-out effetcs; and c) analyze the macronomic variables' behavior during the 2012 to 2017 period. In order to do this, we used a cross section econometric analysis and a Monte Carlo Simulation for the data analysis. The paper presents the main investment theories, and recent developments of these theories, as well as how they can be applied to the Brazilian data. The results show evidences of a public investment crowding-in effect in infrastructure over the private investment. All the analyzed variables' signs are consistent with the theory, with the exception of the real interest's rates, where the coefficient is positive and insignificant in the estimated equation. The reduction in the credit's volume and the existence of political and economic instabilities showed that they are harmful to private investment in the analyzed period. The implementation of public policies in order to guarantee economic stability and improve the government's credibility, along with the increase of credit offer, could boost private investment in Brazil. ; Los estudios empíricos dedicados a los determinantes de la inversión privada en los países en vías de desarrollo, incluido Brasil, han demostrado que la inflación elevada produce un efecto negativo en la inversión. Sin embargo, la experiencia reciente de Brasil muestra claramente que la estabilización no puede recuperar las tasas de inversión. Por lo tanto, los objetivos de este estudio son: a) analizar los determinantes de la inversión privada a largo plazo en Brasil; b) analizar si la economía brasileña se ha visto afectada por los efectos atracción o de exclusión; y c) analizar el comportamiento de las variables macroeconómicas en el período de 2012 a 2017. Para hacerlo, utilizamos un análisis econométrico transversal y una simulación de Montecarlo para analizar los datos. Este documento presenta las principales teorías de inversión y los desarrollos recientes de estas teorías, así como el modo en que pueden aplicarse a los datos de Brasil. Los resultados muestran la evidencia de un efecto de atracción de inversiones públicas en infraestructura por encima de la inversión privada. Todos los signos de variables analizados se corresponden con la teoría, excepto las tasas de interés real, en que el coeficiente es positivo e insignificante en la ecuación estimada. La reducción del volumen de crédito y la inestabilidad política y económica manifestaron que son dañinas para la inversión privada en el período analizado. La implementación de políticas públicas para garantizar la estabilidad económica y para mejorar la credibilidad del Gobierno, así como el aumento de la oferta de crédito, podrían incentivar la inversión privada en Brasil.

Статтю присвячено організації оцінювання якості шкільної освіти у Шотландії, її структурним та функціональним елементам. У статті детально розглянуто роботу Інспекторату її Величності в Шотландії, а також коротко схарактеризовано основні відмінності у роботі інспекторів шкіл Англії та Шотландії. Окрему увагу приділено процесу самооцінювання шкіл як ключовому елементу забезпечення якості шкільної освіти.Статья посвящена организации оценивания качества школьного образования в Шотландии, ее структурным и функциональным элементам. В статье подробно рассмотрена работа Инспектората ее Величества в Шотландии, а также кратко охарактеризованы основные отличия в работе инспекторов школ Англии и Шотландии. Отдельное внимание уделено процессу самооценки школ как ключевому элементу обеспечения качества школьного образования.The quality of education is positioned as a priority education policy of the European Union in the last decade. Significance of European cooperation in the development of high quality education is how to create a common platform for quality assurance in the Member-States and in the study and analysis of existing systems of evaluation of quality of school education to enrich the theory and practice in this area. European orientation of Ukraine determines the need for the study, synthesis, critical thinking and creative application of the achievements of European countries in this area. Scotland's experience in view of this is particularly important for Ukraine as a whole, and in particular British Scottish secondary education is positioned highly effective. The purpose of this article is to analyze the specifics of such a tool to ensure the quality of Scottish Education as Her Majesty's Inspectorate.Considering the problem of the quality of school education in Scotland, it should be noted the intensification of attention to this issue at all levels of Scottish society, due to socio- economic transformation. It is a fact that Scottish education decentralization in the context of intensified ideas of market economy provides greater autonomy to schools: schools are considered as one of the segments of «social benefits» as a company that is able to produce quality products without external assistance , educational institution are subjects in developing ways of education and impact on educational policy. Because schools receive more autonomy (which turns into a self- developing their curricula, selection of teaching materials, the possibility of innovation, independent distribution and use of budget funds, etc.) updated the institution responsible for compliance provided educational services established by government regulations , standards.So as we can see, in Scotland in the context of a process of ongoing improvement of the quality of educational services is a permanent improvement of the relevant authorities, while the main focus while born on enhancing the role of schools and the community – parents, community – in the process. Great attention is given to schools' self-assessment as a key element of quality assurance.Summarizing the Scottish experience emphasize that this organization evaluating the quality of school education would be very effective on the national educational plane, which would allow to significantly improve the quality of education provided by our schools, increase accountability of schools for their work, expand the autonomy of schools to develop their own curriculum to ensure the credibility of students and their parents to the national education system.

Резнікова Н. В., Відякіна М. М. Доларизація як фактор монетарної залежності.У статті представлено аналіз проблеми доларизації з наголосом на втраті монетарного суверенітету держави. доларизація де-факто відрізняється від доларизації де-юре (офіційної), яка стосується випадків, коли уряд запроваджує долар або іншу іноземну валюту в якості офіційної. Хоча офіційно доларизація має місце лише в кількох країнах, широке коло країн, що розвиваються, надають перевагу іноземній валюті в окремих секторах економіки. Розкрито концептуальні основи дослідження, з'ясовується економічний зміст та визначаються наслідки даного явища. Економічні агенти неохоче повертаються до використання місцевої валюти через те, що такий крок тягне за собою значні трансакційні витрати. Переваги доларизації не перетинають горизонт короткострокових переваг, тоді як витрати цементують боргову, валютну та монетарні політики держави, змушуючи відштовхуватися від умов співіснування з країною-емітентом валюти-прив'язки (у випадку адаптації політики валютної ради) та політики ФРС (у випадку виконання доларом функцій, покладених на національну валюту). Розвиток доларизації є результатом незадовільного виконання національною валютою покладених на неї основних функцій – засобу накопичення, обігу та платежу – порівняно з іншою іноземною валютою, що і продукує розвиток її різних форм.Резникова Н. В., Видякина М. Н. Долларизация как фактор монетарной зависимости.В статье представлен анализ проблем долларизации с акцентом на потере монетарного суверенитета государства. Долларизация де-факто отличается от долларизации де-юре (официальной), которая касается случаев, когда правительство вводит доллар или другую иностранную валюту в качестве официальной. Хотя официально долларизация имеет место лишь в нескольких странах, широкий круг стран, которые развиваются, предоставляют преимущество иностранной валюте в отдельных секторах экономики. Раскрыты концептуальные основы исследования, определяется экономическая сущность и последствия данного явления. Экономические агенты неохотно возвращаются к использованию местной валюты из-за того, что такой шаг тянет за собой значительные трансакцнные расходы. Преимущества долларизации не пересекают горизонт краткосрочных преимуществ, тогда как расходы цементируют долговую, валютную и монетарные политики государства, вынуждая отталкиваться от условий сосуществования со страной-эмитентом валюты-привязки (в случае адаптации политики валютного совета) и политики ФРС (в случае выполнения долларом функций, положенных на национальную валюту). Развитие долларизации является результатом неудовлетворительного выполнения национальной валютой положенных на нее основных функций - средству накопления, обращения и платежа - сравнительно с другой иностранной валютой, что и продуцирует развитие ее разных форм.Reznikova N., Vidiakina M. Dollarization as a factor of monetary dependence.The article contains the analysis of dollarization related issues focusing on a state sovereignty loss. Dollarization de facto differs from dollarization de jure (official), that touches cases, when a government enters a dollar or other foreign currency as official. Although officially dollarization takes place only in a few countries, wide circle of countries that develop, give advantage to foreign currency in the separate sectors of economy. It reveals conceptual fundamentals of dollarization research, examines economic nature and defines after-effects of the phenomenon. Economic agents reluctantly go back to the use of domestic currency because such step results considerable transaction charges. Development of dollarization is the result of unsatisfactory implementation by national currency of the basic functions fixed on her - to the means of accumulation, turnover and payment - comparatively with other foreign currency, that and products development of her different forms

The railway station areas of the 19th Century were a reflection of the Industrial revolution. Following a period of decay after the Second World War, the urban renewal of these areas is now one of the main concerns of local governments in European cities. In addition to a new railway station served by high speed trains, these urban projects are often based on functional diversity, including a business district.This thesis addresses the reversal of urban value in these specific urban areas, exploring how they have moved from repelling to attractive places. How do public and private actors interact, when the former cannot act alone in places constrained by physical barriers due to a lack of funding, and the latter are not inclined to invest in what they consider to be risky places?Our approach is both inductive and qualitative. The comparison of two projects in French and Belgian shrinking cities (Saint-Etienne, near Lyons, and Liège, near Brussels) allows us to understand what the levers for action are, and conversely what the bottlenecks are that slow down the implementation of the urban project around the station.As the result of our analysis, the railway station appears to be a positive and necessary factor for the reversal of urban value in these areas. It is a kind of insurance – in the same way as metropolitan areas create potentiality in the productive economy – both for public actors, as the railway station facilitates their mobilisation, and private ones, especially property developers, who are key elements in the relationship between public action and private investment. ; Construction socio-spatiale héritée du XIXe siècle ayant connu un déclin dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, les quartiers de gare centrale dans les villes occidentales sont un support récent et privilégié de l'action collective urbaine. Les projets urbains que ces gares cristallisent présentent des programmations récurrentes reposant sur la mixité fonctionnelle et une orientation tertiaire affirmée.Cette thèse interroge le retournement de valeur symbolique et économique de ces espaces autrefois dévalorisés et aujourd'hui prisés. Quelles sont les modalités de la fabrique urbaine, comment se noue l'interaction nécessaire entre des acteurs publics ne pouvant intervenir seuls sur ces secteurs fortement contraints (notamment techniquement), et des acteurs privés parfois réticents à s'engager sur des marchés qu'ils jugent risqués ?En adoptant une approche inductive et qualitative, ce travail de recherche analyse la conception et la mise en oeuvre de deux projets urbains aux avancements contrastés en raison de leviers d'action ou, au contraire, de points de blocages différents, dans deux anciennes villes minières devant négocier le tournant de la désindustrialisation (Saint-Étienne et Liège).Au terme de l'analyse, l'hypothèse d'une valeur assurantielle de la gare dans ces projets urbains est validée : en tant que ferment métropolitain vecteur de fortes potentialités, la gare centrale desservie par un train à grande vitesse est la condition de possibilité permettant d'enclencher non seulement la décision des acteurs publics mais aussi celle des acteurs privés, au premier rang desquels les promoteurs immobiliers, acteurs clés à l'interface entre l'action publique et l'investissement privé.

Рассматриваются общесоциальные и специально-криминологические меры предупреждения организации незаконной миграции. Среди мер общесоциального характера особое внимание уделено проблемам осуществления дифференцированной иммиграционной политики, вырабатываемой на основе учета показателей социально-демографического развития регионов. Показана необходимость разработки нормативного акта, регламентирующего вопросы предупреждения и пресечения незаконной миграции. Представлен перечень основных мер специально-криминологического характера по предупреждению преступлений, предусмотренных ст. 322.1 УК РФ. ; It has been possible to achieve some noticeable results in the sphere of counteraction against illegal migration lately due to the combined efforts of legislative and executive bodies of power in the Russian Federation. The development of migration legislation in the sphere of maximum possible simplification of the process of acquiring by foreign citizens the legal status of staying on the territory of the Russian Federation, simplification of the mechanism of job placement has become one of the main guidelines in the activity aimed at counteraction against illegal migration. At the same time the migration policy in the Russian Federation needs some serious amendments. To maintain the present population the country should receive 700000 immigrants annually. This work should be done taking into account the peculiarities of social demographic development of different regions. It is necessary to meet and place immigrants but to avoid the establishment of new territorial ethnic formations in the Russian Federation. To regulate the labor force stream in Russia effectively, it is necessary to introduce immigration quotas on professional, medical, language, educational qualifications and take only those who can exert a real beneficial influence on the economy of the country. There is a necessity nowadays to work out a legal act, determining the tasks and directions of activity in the sphere of prevention and restraint of illegal migration. This document should contain the mechanisms of prevention and restraint of illegal migration; enumerate the reasons for performing such an activity, means and measures of preventive influence, of revelation and prevention of violation of the above mentioned category; determine the competence of subjects in the sphere of prevention and restraint of illegal migration and control their activity. In connection with the fact that the organization of illegal migration is acquiring a transnational character, connected with the manifestation of terrorism, extremism, separatism that threaten the foundations of the constitutional system and security of the Russian Federation, we propose to refer this crime to the group of serious crimes. This circumstance will enable the officers of operational divisions to organize and carry out the whole complex of operational search actions to prove by documents the criminal activity of groups specializing in illegal migration. The effectiveness of preventive influence on criminality depends in many aspects on mutual, coordinated actions of the subjects of prevention. Solution of tasks in the field of migration stipulates the necessity of constructing an integrated system of interaction of a number of law enforcement agencies in this direction of activity. The organization of such an interaction can be one of the decisive factors of increasing the effectiveness of state regulation of migration processes.

Presentation made at Latinos in the Heartland (11th : 2013 : Columbia, Mo.) and published in the annual conference proceedings. ; This paper focuses on how Hispanic home ownership and population growth has evolved in the Southern United States. The theme discussed is one of change and adjustment, looking closely at the 2010 U.S. Census, along with other resources, and how Hispanics have been adjusting into the local economy. The data also shows how Latino home ownership has influenced this outcome. It has been seen throughout the U.S. that the Language Hispanic population is growing quickly, but the two geographical areas that have seen the most immigration in recent decades have been in the West and South. With so much of U.S. population growth connected to the rise in the Hispanic immigrant population, it has become even more important for Hispanics to successfully navigate this socioeconomic and cultural environment. One of the quickest ways of doing this is through home ownership. This gives people the opportunity to settle down and create a community. One of the major obstacles for Hispanic immigrants who are building their communities and families in the U.S. is that work is often connected to seasonal agriculture or construction. These factors both vary in terms of stability and quality of available work. It is important to look into how the Hispanic population uses housing tenure towards building a stronger future for their families in the U.S. and abroad. Immigrant Hispanic population growth throughout the South has been some of the largest in the country. Home ownership rates have only slightly raised throughout this population boom. In recent months there has been an outcry from several states that feel that the immigrant population boom is negatively affecting their lives and that those who are living in these areas illegally need to leave. Many states have created anti-immigrant legislation that have left the immigrant Hispanic population concerned with discrimination, eviction or legal persecution. Some states have witnessed an exodus of immigrants which has affected some of the major commodities in agriculture and other businesses that traditionally employ immigrant laborers. As a result, houses have been foreclosed and immigrant families have left their homes in the middle of the night. Hispanics showed significant purchasing power in the U.S. and have become an example of an ethnic group specifically targeted with sub-prime lending, also known as the Foreclosure Generation. With so many different variables affecting the Hispanics in the South, how can we prepare the next generation of Hispanics to attain home ownership? First, there must be stronger trust in the financial institutions in order for people to readily seek their help and advice on consumer borrowing. We can use both universities and nonprofit organizations in order to disseminate knowledge about strong financial decisions, and how one decision can set them on the right path towards a better financial future. Through closer ties and better financial knowledge, the next Hispanic generation can move towards the path of reaching higher rates of home ownership, stability and wealth.

Систематизированы проблемы развития сельского хозяйства в контексте вступления России в ВТО; проанализирована эволюция взглядов на проблемы продовольственной безопасности; представлены меры государственной поддержки сельского хозяйства в классификации ВТО и более подробно рассмотрены мероприятия государственной поддержки в рамках «зеленой корзины». ; The problems of agriculture in Russia worsened due to the entry of our country into the WTO. The main negative tendencies that impede the development of agriculture and threaten national food security are: 1) lack of strong output growth. The index of agricultural output Russia has not yet reached the level of 1990; 2) agriculture in Russia is still dependent on climatic conditions, which, in particular due to backward technology, are the prevalence of patriarchal production; 3) imbalances which are formed in the two main sectors of agriculture crop and livestock production; 4) agricultural wages remain among the lowest in the country; 5) Russia retains the traditional position of being a net importer of food products, meat supplies are still the main item of the agricultural food imports; 6) agriculture has the lowest proportion of workers with higher education, and so on. Thus, the extent of the threats and the real damage done to the food security of the country in recent years, especially in the 1990s, make this problem extremely important. The problem of food security in Russia has attracted increasing attention of politicians, scientists and ordinary people. The issues of food security are not unique to Russia or any other country. And, despite the fact that the problems and directions of agricultural complex development deteriorated due to Russia's entry into the WTO, agricultural development, food markets and food security is a global concern and the object of attention of the world community, global institutions. Russia's accession to the WTO is an objective and logical process, and the development of agriculture, agro-industrial complex as a whole, increasing its competitiveness is a paramount task, regardless of whether Russia becomes a member of this international organisation or not. Joining the WTO will lead to much more profound changes in the economy than the discovery of specific markets, so one needs a broader view of the need for and impact of the entry. In particular, these effects are linked to changes in concepts, forms and approaches to state support of agriculture and the agro-industrial complex (AIC) as a whole. In the interpretation of the WTO there are three types of state support (three boxes) of agriculture. Amber (yellow) box is direct and limited, blue box is linked to the objective of reducing production. Green box includes measures that are implemented through programs funded by taxpayers' money. Many types of support implemented in Russia refer to the ''amber box'', although they can be put in the ''green box'' by changing their methodology. This, of course, is a complex task that requires political will. Forms of government support should develop from direct support (''amber box'') towards the use of budget funds in the framework of the ''green box''.

This dissertation considers dance practices emerging out of post-1980s conditions in Taiwan to theorize how contemporary dance negotiates temporality as a political kinesthetic performance. The dissertation attends to the ways dance kinesthetically responds to and mediates the flows of time, cultural identity, and social and political forces in its transnational movement. Dances negotiate disjunctures in the temporality of modernization as locally experienced and their global geotemporal mapping. The movement of performers and works pushes this simultaneous negotiation to the surface, as the aesthetics of the performances registers the complexity of the forces they are grappling with and their strategies of response. By calling these strategies "political kinesthetic" performance, I wish to highlight how politics, aesthetics, and kinesthetics converge in dance, and to show how political and affective economies operate with and through fully sensate, efforted, laboring bodies. I begin my discussion with the Cursive series performed by the Cloud Gate Dance Theatre of Taiwan, whose intersection of dance and cursive-style Chinese calligraphy initiates consideration of the temporal implication of "contemporary" as "contemporaneity" that underlies the simultaneous negotiation of local and transnational concerns. Extending from the Cursive series, I depart momentarily from the milieu of Taiwan to engage with two contemporaneous transnational Chinese choreographers, Shen Wei and Yin Mei, whose works blend dance and Chinese calligraphy differently as a way to problematize further the performance of "Chineseness" and the economy of forces and power at work in the transnational. The dissertation then takes up another prime case of temporal reconfiguration, examining the Legend Lin Dance Theatre of Taiwan and its artistic director Lin Lee-Chen's early works whose kinesthetic shifting and continuity form a prism through which dance mediates, complicates, and alters Taiwan's developmentalist ethos, in a way that complicates readings of (self-)Orientalisms. Finally, the dissertation engages with the Yellow Butterfly Flying to the South Butoh Troupe led by Japanese butoh dancer Hata-Kanoko, who lived and worked in Taiwan for nearly a decade and whose works draw attention to the legacy of Japanese colonial modernity in Taiwan and East Asia. The troupe's leftist and self-marginalizing politics in the legacy of Japanese postwar avant-garde performance produce alternative inter-Asian engagements. Enacting different ways of negotiating temporalities of modernity across space, these performances are counterpoints to one another on various levels. They also articulate ways of thinking, performing, and "moving" Taiwan transnationally: transnational Chineseness, self-conscious formations of "Asian" culture in opposition to an idea of the "West," and inter-Asian relationships. Parsing out the complexity within the colossal designation of "transnationalism," this project also proposes a concept of "contemporary dance" that moves beyond simple periodization or labeling of dance genres and styles and instead unpacks the temporal negotiations of moving bodies implicated in transnational relationships from differing and sometimes contradictory perspectives. Although seeking to transcend the periodization paradigm, my historicized case studies addressing the post-1980s conditions of Taiwan and globalized Chinese culture also index shifts from the end of the Cold War to globalization that affect cultural forms and their conditions of production and circulation.

The social sciences have inherited a not so clear relationship with the social politics throughout the history. At the first moment the concept of social sciences came into use in the 19th century the first organizations that were promoting them were not located in the universities. They were located in the Public Sector. They brought into the scenery not only professional of the area, but also politicians, clerics and businessmen. The main objective was the promoting of the reforms that consider the social politics able to improve the so defined social problems. These associations thought that by collecting different kind of data regarding these problems they would reach a clear insight on the directions the state should follow in the framework of different politics and reforms. As a result, the national research capacity is of the highest importance to the ability of a state to invent and implement successfully its politics based on evidences that concern and come as a reaction to the concerns and issues of the social problems as a whole. In this article I will be presenting first of all an overview of the scientific research in Albania in the area of the social sciences by pointing out the main areas that deserve to be the prior ones in the contest of developing activities that aim the implementation of the research in Social Sciences. Also, a great number of Institutions has been contacted with the aim of receiving official information and data on the functioning and on the potential problems that can be faced during the research processes. These institutions have been selected based on their involvement at the area of the scientific research of the social sciences. At first this will involve the policy makers at the central level, like the Ministry of Education and Sciences and the main research actors in the public and in the private sector. The criteria of the geographical and the subjects coverage has been also used in order to be able to present a public institutions of the higher education and research but even the enterprises that act in the research area are mainly focusing to the integration of these two systems which have been working separately for a long period of time and that must become efficient in order to adapt to the conditions of a country that has limited financial resources. This article is intended to provide a comprehensive overview of the scientific research in Albania, focusing in defining the priority areas for the research in social sciences. The information about the higher education and the potential problems that it faces, is based on a big number of research institutions, selected based on their involvement in scientific research in social sciences. This article brings into evidence the fact that in order to establish a stable and effective infrastructure in scientific research in Albania, is important to work in different directions. A successful way to increase the efficasity through the elements of the "innovative system" is by working with organizations that work in specific sectors of the economy, aiming for a possible cooperation in scientific search, for an important social contribution.

The thesis revisits the debates on the socio-economic impacts of a carbon tax reform and the controversies over the choice of a scheme. A diagnosis is primarily based on a review of a French failure (the carbon tax of Nicolas Sarkozy, 2009-2010). It distinguishes between problems of political acceptability and limits of economic analysis to define the scheme. The importance of the discussion about the use made off the tax proceeds is stressed. This point is indeed behind the political problems and determines the economic and legal consistency of the project with regard to the objectives (environment, equity, competitiveness). It shows that existing analytical tools can be improved to enable social dialogue and support collective bargaining on this point. A numerical simulation tool is then proposed and built. It can be used i) to compare the impacts of different schemes on various indicators (CO2, activity, employment, inequality, poverty, public debt), ii) to describe several views about how the economy works and will work in the future, and iii) to link the design of a climate policy with the other challenges of a tax reform (deficits reduction, funding of pensions). This tool is then used to revisit the controversy, clarify the tradeoffs and identify the best ways to find a compromise. It appears that the carbon taxation can provide co-benefits from a socio-economic viewpoint (for activity and employment, inequalities and deficits reduction). But this is not automatic: Some sensitive political choices must be made with regard to, not only the objective of climate action, but also the other challenges of a public finance and fiscal policy reform. ; La thèse revisite les débats sur les conséquences socioéconomiques et le choix des modalités d'une fiscalité carbone. Un diagnostic est d'abord tiré de l'examen d'un échec français (la taxe carbone de N. Sarkozy, 2009-2010). Il distingue les problèmes d'acceptabilité politique, des limites de l'analyse économique pour définir les dispositifs. Il souligne l'importance de la discussion sur l'usage des recettes de la taxe, car ce point cristallise les difficultés politiques et conditionne la cohérence économique et juridique du projet au regard des objectifs recherchés (environnement, équité, compétitivité). Il montre que les outils d'analyse peuvent être améliorés pour accompagner cette discussion. Un outil de simulation numérique est ensuite proposé et construit. Il permet de comparer les performances de dispositifs sur divers indicateurs (émissions de CO2, activité, emploi, inégalités, pauvreté, endettement), de décrire plusieurs points de vue sur le fonctionnement de l'économie (actuelle et future), et de lier dans une démarche prospective le dossier climatique aux autres dossiers de réforme des prélèvements obligatoires (maîtrise des déficits, financement des retraites). L'outil est enfin utilisé pour revisiter les controverses, clarifier les arbitrages et identifier les meilleures pistes de compromis. Il apparaît qu'une fiscalité carbone peut offrir des co-bénéfices socioéconomiques (pour l'activité et l'emploi, la réduction des inégalités, la maîtrise des déficits). Mais cela n'est pas automatique, des choix politiques sensibles doivent être faits ; ces dernier portent, au-delà du seul dossier 'climat', sur la gestion d'une réforme générale des finances publiques.

В статье рассматриваются ценностные ориентации студенческой молодёжи, касающиеся основных либеральных ценностей свободы, равенства, индивидуализма, предприимчивости, космополитизма; степени тревожности молодёжи; представлений об идентичности; предпочтений относительно идейно-политического, социального и экономического устройства России. Эмпирической основой статьи является социологическое исследование, проведённое на базе Сибирского института управления филиала Российской академии народного хозяйства и государственной службы в период с марта по июнь 2013 года. В ходе исследования методом анкетирования были опрошены студенты 1-4 курсов очного отделения. В исследовании была использована гнездовая выборка. Генеральная совокупность составила 1200 человек. Выборочная совокупность 396 человек. Задачи исследования выявить: 1) социально-демографический портрет студентов Сибирского института управления; 2) готовность студентов как представителей российской молодёжи брать на себя ответственность за судьбу России; 3) оценку студентами результатов рыночных реформ; 4) видение студентами своего места в обществе; 5) проблем российского общества, которые больше всего тревожат студентов. Основным является вывод о том, что большая часть студенчества испытывает чувство тревоги, страха, стыда, собственную беспомощность перед тем, что происходит в России. Чувство уверенности ощущает меньшая часть респондентов, причём студенты черпают эту уверенность в поддержке со стороны семьи и близких и в собственных силах, на государство практически никто не рассчитывает, также мало студентов уверено в том, что всё идёт так как надо. Делается также вывод о несовпадении ценностных ориентаций и фактического поведения студентов. Всё это может говорить о том, что степень моральной готовности студентов брать на себя ответственность за судьбу России низка. ; The article considers the questions studying the value orientations of students and related to the fundamental liberal values such as freedom, equality, individualism, enterprise, cosmopolitanism; degree of anxiety; views about their identity as well as preferences regarding ideological and political, social and economic system of Russia. The empirical basis of the article is a sociological study conducted by the Siberian Institute of Management (Branch of the Russian Academy of National Economy and Public Administration) in March June 2013. First-year to four-year full-time students were interviewed using a questionnaire. Cluster sampling was used in the survey. A total of 1200 persons were interviewed; the sample was 396. The purposes of the study was as follows: 1) to make a socio-demographic portrait of students of the Siberian Institute of Management; 2) to reveal the willingness of students representing young Russians to take responsibility for the fate of Russia; 3) to identify how students assess the results of market reforms; 4) to identify how students view their place in society; 5) to identify the problems of Russian society which Russian students are most concerned about. The main conclusion of the study is that the majority of Russian students feel anxiety, fear, shame, their own helplessness in front of what is happening in Russia. The minor part of respondents feels confidence, and this confidence comes from their families and friends or their own abilities. But few respondents count on the state; few students believe that everything goes right. The study also reveals that there is a mismatch between value orientations and actual behavior of students. All this suggests that the degree of moral readiness of students to take responsibility for the fate of Russia is low.