Between the late Middle Ages and the French Revolution, the story of the Saintes Abbey is worth being known to help having a better knowledge about religious communities and of Saintonge itself. It was the second feminine community in France because of its incomes, and the second richest lord in its province. While archives of the monastery were destroyed, resorting to notary acts and all external and available sources, and this contributed to establish its global history.The Royal Power had been unable to impose the nomination of the abbesses until 1544 and then they left power to dynasties of abbesses. After the partial failures of two reforms imposed by civilian authorities in 1511 and 1530, Françoise II de Foix, highly succeeded in bringing an end to the abuses dating from the Middle Ages, after a long preparation begun in the 16th century. The extreme mystical episodes of the inhabitants of the monastery were in the news in "Nouvelles ecclésiastiques" a Jansenist paper (1777-1787). It revealed the isolated spirituality in this contemplative community during the Enlightenment: and this helped understand the existence of out-dated practices and the evolution of mentalities. The Bishop and the local noble class grasp the opportunity to replace the Abbey by a chapter of canonesses.The recruitment system changed with the passing of time. In the 17th Century, a great number of Bordeaux Members of Parliament's daughters became part of this community but those from the old west-centre region aristocracy always remained higher in number. Reading played an important part among these powerful abbesses and their dynasties, living in a relative comfort. The abbey underwent many different spiritual trends because of its religious fervour: In the Renaissance period, this abbey would protect Humanists. In the 17th century, the abbesses totally supported the Jansenist movement. They followed the rigid moral standards before choosing the Jesuit trend. The monastery kept its riches after many proceedings. It lead a sort of ...
Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung ist das konfliktreiche Landtagsgeschehen im Sommer des Jahres 1579 in Wien. Der kaiserliche Ratgeber Leonhard von Harrach verhandelte mit den Köpfen des opponierenden protestantischen Adels, der gegen Kaiser Rudolf II. die Glaubensfreiheit für die landesherrlichen Städte und Märkte in Niederösterreich durchsetzen wollte. Die Analyse der Beziehungen Harrachs zu den Opponenten, sowie seines Handlungsspielraums als Mitglied der Regierung, Ratgeber und Mentor eines jungen, spanisch-katholisch orientierten Kaisers, höfischer Berufspolitiker, landsässiger Adliger, Autorität einer erbländischen Machtelite, Chef des Hauses Harrach und um Ausgleich bemühter Katholik ermöglicht, die Spezifik des Konflikts zu entwickeln. Die historiografische Basis dieser Handlungsfelder musste teils von Grund auf erarbeitet werden, da bspw. in der Geschichtsschreibung eine Machtelite aus landsässigen Adligen in der Habsburgermonarchie des 16. Jahrhunderts nicht existiert. Deren Existenz verändert das Verständnis von ständestaatlichem "Dualismus" hin zu einem komplexen dualistischen System, in dem eine "staatliche", gewinnorientierte Funktionselite aus dem landsässigen Niederadel der niederösterreichischen Länder im Herrschaftsapparat und in den Landständen dominiert. Adelsgeschlechter wie die Roggendorf, Jörger, Hoffmann, Windischgrätz oder Khevenhüller, die alle über ein verwandtschaftliches Netzwerk mit Harrach verbunden waren, gehörten zu den herausragenden Profiteuren der Staatsbildung und brachten gleichzeitig die bedeutendsten Führer der protestantischen Opposition in Wien und Graz hervor. Obwohl die Konfliktkultur des dualistischen Systems der Konfessionalisierung nicht gewachsen war, erwies sich die Kooperation der Dynastie mit den hoforientierten Landleuten der Erbländer im 16. Jahrhundert als staatsgeschichtliches Erfolgsmodell, das in der österreichisch-böhmischen Aristokratie der Dyarchie in größerem Stil fortgesetzt wurde. Die Stärken dieser Machtelite ermöglichten Harrach und dem Oppositionsführer Jörger nach 1580 eine Art Krisenmanagement. Allerdings litt unter der zunehmenden Polarisierung die Irenik des Kaiserberaters Harrach. Die Aufnahme in den spanisch-katholischen habsburgischen Hausorden vom Goldenen Vlies gab den entscheidenden Impuls, um zusammen mit Statthalter Erzherzog Ernst die Federführung in einer moderaten, aber zwangsweisen Rekatholisierung der niederösterreichischen Städte und Märkte, die vom Passauer Offizial Melchior Khlesl organisiert wurde, zu übernehmen. ; This study takes as its point of departure the diet in the summer of the year 1579 in Vienna. Leonhard von Harrach, Privy Councellor of Emperor Rudolf II, negotiated with leaders of the oppositional protestant nobility, who wanted to push through freedom of religious confession in the landesherrlichen cities and market towns in Lower Austria. Analysis of Harrachs's connections to opposition, his scope of action as a member of the government, councellor and mentor of the young, Spanish-catholic oriented Kaiser, professional court politician, nobleman, leader of an Austrian power elite, head of the 'House of Harrach' and a Catholic interested in reaching reconciliation with the protestants, can show the special structures of this conflict. The historiographic basis had largely to be assembled from scratch since, e.g., in recorded histories and chronics very little mention is made of an Austrian power elite within the Habsburg monarchy of the 16th century, which consisted of land-owning noblemen. The existence of this power elite has considerable consequences in gaining a proper understanding of the 'dualism' of Ständestaat as a complex dualistic system of political cooperation in the Habsburg monarchy. This power elite of functionaries from the lower nobility had a strong position in court and administration and also in estates in the Eastern hereditary lands of the Habsburgs. Noble families such as the Roggendorf, Jörger, Hoffmann, Windischgrätz or Khevenhüller, all in the same social network as Harrach, were among the most prominent families to profit from the more central organization of the state and at the same time they produced the most important leaders of the protestant opposition in Vienna and Graz. Although the conflict culture of the dualistic system wasn't strong enough against confessional polarization, the cooperation of the Habsburg dynasty with the court-oriented nobility from the provinces of the hereditary lands proved to be such a successful model of governmental organization that in the Austrian-Bohemian 'Dyarchy' it was continued on a larger scale. Skills of power elite made it possible to Harrach and his friend and relative Jörger, leader of the opposition, to employ a form of crisis management to moderate the oppositions after 1580. But the polarization of religious confessions had destroyed the Irenic of Harrach. His initiation into the Spanish-catholic Habsburg Order of the Golden Fleece gave the decisive impulse, to take on, along with the Archduke Ernst, the overall direction of moderate, but compulsory re-Catholization of the Lower-Austrian cities and market towns, organized by Melchior Khlesl, official of the Bishopric Passau in Vienna.
Intro -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Prologue: Lives of Quiet Desperation -- 1. Going Bust in the Age of Go-Ahead -- 2. A Reason in the Man -- 3. We Are All Speculators -- 4. Central Intelligence Agency, since 1841 -- 5. The Big Red Book of Third-Rate Men -- 6. Misinformation and Its Discontents -- 7. The War for Ambition -- 8. Big Business and Little Men -- Epilogue: Attention Must Be Paid -- Notes -- Acknowledgments -- Index.
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In: The economic history review, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 182-228
ISSN: 1468-0289
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Bis heute wird der Tod Karls VI. und der Regierungsantritt Maria Theresias 1740 als eine einschneidende Zäsur in der österreichischen Geschichte gesehen. Doch nun stellt sich vor dem Hintergrund eines weitergefassten Schnittstellenbegriffes (Reinhart Koselleck) die Frage, ob der zweifellos grundlegende Wandel zwischen 1720 und 1780 nicht differenzierter gesehen werden muss. Ausgehend vom Raum des Wiener Hofes, an dem der Herrscherwechsel in seinen Auswirkungen am ehesten dokumentiert werden kann, wird aus der Sicht sogenannten Hofkünste versucht, Kontinuitäten und Diskontinuitäten aufzuzeigen. ; Until today, the death of Charles VI and Maria Theresia's ascending the throne 1740 is seen as a major turning point in Austrian history. But now is the question of whether in different "layers" and "rooms" without doubt fundamental change between 1720 and 1780 not differentiated must be seen against the background of the concept of interface ("Sattelzeit"/Reinhart Koselleck). On the basis of the space "Viennese court", where the change of rulers in its effects most likely can be documented, attempts from the perspective of different disciplines (the so called "Hofkünste" – literature/poetry, arts, theatre/dance, music) point out continuities and discontinuities.
Michel Foucault suchte bereits 1983 nach den Rationalitäten, die unseren gesundheitlichen Wahlentscheidungen zu Grunde liegen. Diese Frage stellt sich heute noch dringender, bedenkt man den neoliberalen Wandel von Gesundheitsdiskursen in den letzten Jahrzehnten. Diese Diskurse finden ihre Vorfahren in der religiösen und bürgerlichen Selbstpraxis sowie in der ärztlichen Praxis der Beratung und Überzeugung. Irene Poczka betrachtet diese als Regierungsweisen, die schließlich auch die politischen Techniken beeinflussten, mit denen die Gesundheit der Bevölkerungen reguliert werden sollte. Sie stellt fest: Im Europa des 19. Jahrhunderts lassen sich überall diskursive Fragmente einer Genealogie liberalen Regierens von Gesundheit ausmachen.
Long live liberty, equality, fraternity and dynamite So went the traditional slogan of the radical liberals in Greater Swabia, the south-western part of modern Germany. This book investigates the development of what the author terms popular liberalism in this region, in order to present a more nuanced understanding of political and cultural patterns in Germany up to the early 1930s. In particular, the author offers an explanation for the success of National Socialism before 1933 in certain regions of South Germany, arguing that the radical liberal sub-culture was not subsumed by the Nazi Party, but instead changed its form of representation. Together with the famous vÃlkish fraction and the leftist fraction within the chapters of the Nazi Party, there were radical-liberal associations, ex-members of radical-liberal parties, sympathizers with these parties, and notables with a radical orientation derived from family and regional traditions. These people and associations believed that the Nazi Party could fulfil their radical - liberal vision, rooted in the local democratic and liberal traditions which stretched from 1848 to the early 20th century. By looking afresh at the relationship between local-regional identities and national politics, this book makes a major contribution to the study of the roots of Nazism
Tracing the history of female crime and execution from 1726 to 1955, Women and the Noose presents the cases of over fifty women who met their end on the hangman's gallows. From the criminal act to the execution day itself, the women's stories illustrate the range of crimes punishable by execution such as petty theft and murder, as well as reactions to the death sentence, including 'pleading the belly' as a defence. Richard Clark also discusses the developments in execution methods, from burning at the stake to the short-and long-drop; and the move from the very public hangings to the more dignified private events. Clark's frank treatment of the executions combined with sympathetic revelations about the women's private lives makes Women and the Noose a chilling and surprisingly moving read
In the early years of the 1730s two major building projects were taking place in Dublin city, one in the public sphere, the other in the domestic arena. Both stood as very visible manifestations of the wealth and ambition of Ireland?s governing elite. Both looked to the latest imported architectural models and fashionable tastes of London?s beau monde and both involved the same close knit group of architects, builders, developers and occupants. The first of these was Edward Lovett Pearce?s Parliament House at College Green, a pioneering and virtuoso exercise in neo-Palladian design, the other, Luke Gardiner?s similarly pioneering domestic development at Henrietta Street ? palatial scale pieds-?-terre built to house the most influential power brokers from church, military and state. These lofty dwelling houses were more than bricks and mortar, more than the judicious disposition of rooms, a finely finished facade or an elegant interior: they served as symbols of success and social status, as spaces for living in and the settings for life. Looking behind the red-brick facades of these once grand Georgian town houses at the people who populated these spaces we can still catch a glimpse of life when Henrietta Street was the best address in town.
Introduction -- Introduction to Arthur H. Smith's Village life in China -- Being Chinese : the peripheralization of traditional identity -- Cultural and political inventions in modern China : the case of the Chinese "peasant" -- North China rural families : changes during the communist era -- Lineage development and the family in China -- Lineage organization in north China -- Lineage organization in east China -- Commodity creation in late imperial China -- Writs of passage in late imperial China : contracts and the documentation of practical understandings in Minong, Taiwan
